Sur l'homme et le développement de ses facultés, ou Essai de physique sociale

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Sur l'homme et le développement de ses facultés, ou Essai de physique sociale is a book by Adolphe Quetelet, published in 1835 (In English translation, it is titled Treatise on Man, but a literal translation would be "On Man and the Development of his Faculties, or Essays on Social Physics"). In it, he outlines the project of a social physics and describes his concept of the "average man" (l'homme moyen) who is characterized by the mean values of measured variables that follow a normal distribution. He collected data about many such variables.

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Full text of English translation

Full text of "A treatise on man and the development of his faculties"

A TREATISE ON MAN

AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS FACULTIES.

By M. a. QUETELET,

rERI'lCTL AL SECRKIARY OK THE UOVAL ACADEMY OE BRfSSEL.-;, CORKK^rO.NDlXO MEMBER OF THE l.NSTITUIE OF FRANCE, ETC

NOW FinST TRANSLATKU INTO ENGLISIL

EDINBURGH: PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS.

1842.

EDINBURGH : W. AND E. CHAMBERS.

-HS5'

PUBLISHERS' NOTICE,

The present work was first printed and issued in Paris in 1835, with the title, " Sur L'Homme, et le Developpement de ses Facultes, par M. A. Quetelet, Secretaire Perpetuel de TAcademie Eoyale de Bnixelles," &c. &c. (2 volumes 8vo.) Previous to its appearance, the author had attained a high reputa- tion among men of science, being distinguished peculiarly by the cautious, accurate, and comprehensive character of all his researches, and by his skill and acumen in applying the important science of numbers to every subject which he investigated. The treatise " Sur L'Homnic" brought him a large accession of well-merited fame. It was the first attempt made to apply the art of calculation to the social movements of the liuman being, and to examine by it his moral anatomy, with the view of detecting the real sources and amount of the evils under which he labours, and, ulteriorly, of remedying them when known. Of the nature of the remarkable truths developed by M. Quetelet, it would not be proper here to speak ; nor is it necessary, as the work itself will sufficiently indicate and explain them. Suffice it to state, that the impres- sion made by the treatise over the whole of continental Europe, through criticisms, republications, and translations, has been very great. Fully convinced of its value, Messrs Chambers gladly embraced a proposal which was made to them to publish an English translation, and to present it in such a form and at such a price as might be most calculated to promote its diffusion throughout all sections of the community.

On learning that a British edition was in progress, M. Quetelet came forward in the most handsome manner, and proffered a new preface, which accordingly is presented here in a translated form. In this composition, the object of the author has been, at once to defend his treatise from objections brought against it subsequently to the issue of the original Parisian edition, and also to point out in what manner he intended, in his projected continuations of the work, to follow up and elucidate the principles already laid down by him. It will probably be admitted by the majority of readers, that he has most ably defended his views and estimate of the physical, moral, and intellectual qualities of man, with their results upon his position in society. He has refuted the objections brought against his mode of reasoning ; and has cleared himself of the charge of being either a materialist or a fatalist. He shows, also, that he is no theorist or system- maker, but simply wishes to arrive at truth by the only legitimate way, namely, the examination of facts — the incontrovertible facts fuxnished by statistical data. Lastly, he conveys the important information, that the experiencer of every additional year, since the first publication of his treatise, proves, in the most remarkable manner, the accuracy both of his statistical tables and the inferences founded upon them. His section on crime, in particular, however startling it may have appeared to the world, has been shown, by fresh statistical information, to merit credit in every particular. On these accounts, the pub- lishers are confident that the prefatory matter with which they have been favoured by the distinguished Belgian philosopher, will be felt by the public greatly to enhance the value of the present edition.

It seems only necessary to add, that the present translatioA has been effected under the able superin- tendence of Dr R. Knox, F.R.S.E., Corresponding Member of the French Academy of Medicine, and Lecturer on Anatomy in Edinburgh ; and that the work, in its passage through the press, has been indebted to the editorial care of Mr Thojias Smibert, who has also translated the manuscript preface of M. Que- telet. Considering its native value, and these acquired advantages, the publishers present it with the confident hope that it wiU form a valuable addition to the philosophical literature of their country.

Edinburgh, Aoye/H^er 5, 18-11.

786697

CONTENTS.

Page

PREFACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION, BY JI. QUETELET, -- - - - - -V

INTRODUCTORY, -.---..-. 5

BOOK FIRST. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PHYSICAL QUALITIES OF WAN, - - « - 9

CHAPTER I. — OF BIRTHS IN GENERAL, AND OF FECUNDITY, ----- IQ

CHAPTER II. OF THE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON THE NUMBER OF BIRTHS, - - 11

CHAPTER III. OF THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON THE NUMBER OF BIRTHS, - 21

CHAPTER IV. OF STILL-BORN CHILDREN, - - - - -- -24

CHAPTER V. OF THE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON MORTALITY, - . . 26

CHAPTER VI. OF THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON MORTALITY, - - - 37

CHAPTER VIL — RELATIONS OF POPULATION TO SOCIAL PROSPERITY, - . . 48

BOOK SECOND. — DEVELOPMENT OF STATURE, VTEIGHT, STRENGTH, &C., - - - - 57

CHAPTER L OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT, - . . . . 53

CHAPTER II. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AVEIGHT, AND OF ITS RELATIONS TO THE DEVELOP- MENT OF THE HEIGHT OF THE BODY, - - - - - --63

CHAPTER HI. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF STRENGTH OR POWER, - . . _ 67

CHAPTER IV. — INSPIRATION, PULSATION, SWIFTNESS, &C., - - - - - 70

BOOK THIRD. DEVELOPiMENT OF THE MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL QUALITIES OF MAN, . - 72

CHAPTER I. DEVELOPMENT OF THE INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES, - - - - 74

CHAPTER IT. DEVELOPMENT OF MORAL QUALITIES, - - . . . 78

CHAPTER III. OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROPENSITY TO CRIJIE, - - - - 82

BOOK FOURTH. OF THE PROPERTIES OF .THE AVERAGE MA^N, OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM, AND OF THE

FINAL ADVANCEMENT OF THIS STUDY, ------- 96

CHAPTER I. PROPERTIES OF THE AVERAGE MAN, ------ 96

CHAPTER II. — OF THE ULTIMATE PROGRESS OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE 1.AW OF HUMAN DEVE- LOPMENT, ---------- 103

author's APPENDIX, .......... 109

translator's APPENDIX, - - - - - - - -- 119

PREFACE OF M. QUETELET,

DUA^^^s- up expressly por the people's! edition op his avork on man.

TuE plan which has been pursued by me in the com- position of this work, is a vast and comprehensive one. It was tlierefore natural, that, before drawing up a sequel to it, I should endeavour to learn the opinions of competent persons respecting the charac- ter of my researclies, and the mode of execution whidi had been adopted in my treatise.* ]5ut in presenting?, as it were, only the vestibule of the edifice, I might justly entertain fears lesi sufficient light had not been cast on the matter, and lest I should not have been able to make it clear how all the portions of tlie vast whole were to arrive at agreement and consistency among tliemselves. In this state of things, it struck me tliat I could not do better tiian show, by particu- lar examples, in wliat manner it is expedient in gene- ral to proceed in tliis line of inquiry, and in what light I viewed tlie analysis of man, under tlie triple relations of his pbysicid, moral, and intellectual quali- ties.

Tlie development of the tlirce examples which I have chosen, will themselves give birth to as many works, the materials of which 1 am collecting with all tlie activity and speed that otlier engagements inci- dent;d to my position will permit. Whilst waiting till I can terminate these hibours, I have deemed it right to give here an indication of them, and this will afford me, at the same time, an opportunity of clearing up some points in my published treatise, which may liave been imperfectly understood.

As regards the plii/sujue of man, subjects of research are not wanting ; but, besides that many of these sub- jects — as, for example, that of population — have fre- quently been discussed, and l)y men of great ability, tliej' do not appear to me to be all equally suited to the end which I propose to attain ; some are even complicated by their intimate dependence on moral phenomen;u and these I wish to steer clear of as far as possible. The interest excited b}' the first researches into the growth of the human being, and the happy applications made of them in England, determined my choice of a subject, leading me to direct attention to the proportions of the human frame at different ages, and the causes which modify them. The subject ap- pertains at once to science and the fine arts ; and my relations in society permitted me to count upon the assistance of men of enlightenment, who promised to co-operate with me in my inquiries.

The study of the proportions of the human frame was carried very far by the Grecian artists, but they have left us no other monuments of their knowledge than those admirable works of sculpture, which the moderns regard to this day as models, and to which they resort for their finest inspirations. The principal artists of the era of the revival of letters, such as Leon Baptista Albert!, ilichael Angelo, Leonai'do da Vinci, Albert Durer, with many others who comprehended what art ought to borrow from science, felt the neces-

The work upon M.in was published at Paris in 18;15. In tlie

year following, a copy of it was printed at Brussels ; and, in 1SJ8, Ur Uiccke gave a German translation of the work, enriched with notes. The Brussels copy was published without my participa- tion, and indeed ai;ainst my will ; such was not the case witli the Gerniiui version, conoji-ning which I had commurucations with Dr Riocke.

sity of resorting to observation, in order to rebuild in some sort the ruined monument of ancient artistical skill. They studied nature in a philosophical manner ; sought to strike out the limits withm which they ought to confine themselves in order to be truthlike, without taking away from each age, and one ma}- say from any passion, its individual character ; and from those profound studies which kept them ever before the foce of nature, they deduced original views and new models, destined to distinguish for ever that celebrated age. The proportions of the human body did not alone attract their attention : anatomj', perspectiAT, and chemistry, formed parts of their studies ; nothing was neglected ; and some of these great artists even gained for tliemselves a first place among the geometers of their day. Their successors have not devoted themselves to such serious studies, and hence it so frequently happens that they are re- duced to content themselves, either with copying front those who went before them, or with working after individual models, whose proportions they modify according to mere caprice, without having any just or iiroper ideas of the beautiful.

It would bo an error, doubtless, to suppose that science mti/ws the artist ; yet it lends to him the most l)0werful assistance. In general, it is difficult to keep it within due limits ; and I shall even freely admit, that Albert Durer, in his work upon tlie proportions of the human frame, has imparted to it a certain scien- tific dryness, which lessens its utility. One finds there more of the geometer than the artist, and the geometer, moreover, such as he was at a time when it had not yet been discovered how much the rules of style enhance the value of scientific works, and, above all, of those which appertain at the same time to the domain of the fine arts.

After the example of Leon Baptista Albert!, whom he followed closely in the order of time, Alljurt Durer commences by stating the divisions of tlie body, in parts or proportions of the total height taken by him as unit]/. Changing afterwards his measure of pro- portions, he takes as unity the size of the head, and assigns successively the proportions of several in- dividuals, giving them seven, eight, nine, and even ten heads of height [or, in other words, a body cor- responding to the measurement of so many heads]. The scale thus formed by him has been received into all studios ; and, without reverting very often to the measurements which their predecessors had taken from nature or from the works of the Greeks, artists have, for the most part, bound themselves down to follow a blind routine. Xoble exceptions, however, have presented themselves. Nicholas Poussin, one of the most profound thinkers whom the arts have pro- duced, took care to correct and regulate by the antique the proportions which Leon Baptista Alberti and Albert Durer had given from the living model. At a later period, also, some labours have been under- taken on this subject; and I may mention, in particu- lar, those of the sculptor. Shadow of Berlin.

Jly aim has been, not only to go once more through the task of Albert Durer, but to execute it also on an extended scale. The German artist had Ids art ex- clusively in view, and confined himself to the obser-

PREFACE.

vation and exhibition of man when fully developed, and at an age Avhen he presents himself under the most advantageous forms. In order to keep faithfully by the plan which I had chalked out, I have viewed the individual from the hour of his birth ; I have sought to determine, for that epoch, the different rela- tions of bulk, subsisting between the various parts of his frame ; and to ascertain how far these relations become modified during his development, what they are in the flower of his age, and in what position they remain up to the instant of decay. It is only by long and laborious stud}', and by the comparison of a vast number of individuals, that it will be possible to suc- ceed in establishing correct average proportions for each age, and in settling the limits betwixt whicli they can be made to vary, without ceasing to be accurate and faithful to nature — our first and great guide in this diflScult study.

If the inquiry into the average bodily proportions be of high importance, in order to attain to the type of beauty in the arts, not less great is the interest attached to the subject of the limits within Avhich variations of them must be kei)t, in order not to shock the taste, and in order to retain the means of giving character to individual forms, of shadowing forth strength, grace, and dignity of figure, and of preserv- ing to art that variety which constitutes its principal charm. Although artistical limits A^'ill always be less extended than the natural limits, yet it is to be ob- served that, by the term natural limits, I understand those within which the human proportions may vary, not only without constituting deformities and mon- strous aberrations from nature, but also without wounding the eye by a Avant of harmony.

In order that the taste may be satisfied, it is necessary to present to it a Avhole of which it can seize readily all the parts, and mark their relations of bulk. But what are the natural limits spoken of? They are doubtless difficult to establish ; nevertheless, every one has an idea of them, more or Ifess exact, which he carries with him in his decisions. It is to determine these in a more precise manner that our endeavours ought to be directed. " This statue is beautiful," people will sa}' ; but they will agree in finding that the arms are too long. Without such a defect, it would have possessed more grace. The defect, at the same time, does not constitute a monstrosity, not even an anomaly ; it may be conceived to exist in nature, and even without dis- pleasing the taste ; but it wounds the eye in a work of art, open to more severe rules of judgment.

In order to discover to what extent tastes and forms might vary in different countries, I have endeavoured to compare the proportions of the models, which, in the opinion of the artists of Paris, Rome, Belgium, and other places, united the most perfect graces of form ; and I have been surprised to find how little variety of opinion exists, in different places, regarding what they concurred in terming the beautiful. Changes of bodily proportions characterise nations to a much smaller degree than differences in physiognomical expression, in delicacy and suppleness of members, and in ease, greater or lesser, of gait — all of them qualities modified singularly by education, climate, and habitudes.

Nor am I to confine myself, in my extended inquiry, to the comparison of actual models, estimated as types of the beautiful ; I propose also to unite my results to those which artists left to us at the revival of the arts, and, above all, to Avhat we can gather of the knowledge of the ancients on this jioint, from a study of their works. These comparisons, I conceive, will present hints interesting to liistory and art ; they will prove of not less importance to the natural history of man. Analogous Labours, undertaken in different quarters of the globe, woiUd enable us to appreciate all that distinguishes race from race, and to discover the rela- tive points of bulk most liable to variation ; they would also furnish for the future valuable elements of comparison, not yet possessed by science.

All the sciences tend necessarily to the acquirement of greater precision in their appreciations. The study of diseases, and of the deformities to which they give place, has shown the benefit derivable from corporeal measurements, effected under enlightened views ; but in order to recognise whatever is an anomaly, it is essentially necessary to have established the type con- stituting the normal or healthy condition. In order to be of use to science, I have deemed it necessary to direct my researches in a particular manner to the dimensions of the chest, which seem most fre- quently to merit consideration in the state of illness ; and the same region is the one where the greatest malformations are most often to be observed.

The relative proportions of the human head merit equally oiu" serious attention, serving, as they do at this da}^ for a basis, so to speak, of a new science. One of the individuals whose writings have spread the greatest interest respecting the study of phreno- logy, Mr George Combe, addressed to me, on the sub- ject of the work on Man, the following words, which I shall beg leave to transcribe here, on account of the ingenious hints Avhich they convey on the subject under consideration : — " Allow me to observe, that I desire much to see the ph}^siology of the brain made the basis of such investigations, because I am con- vinced that the size, quantity, and proportions of the brain in individuals, have an influence over the de- velopment of their fticulties, which is fundamental — that is to say, the brain determines the strength and the bent of the natural dispositions, and also the kind and degree of the intellectual capacity ; and all exter- nal influences merely direct these to certain objects in preference to others, excite them to action, or im- pede their manifestations, but without changing the primitive character. Criminals, for instance, have the animal organs largely developed, and those of the moral and intellectual faculties, or at least the moral, deficient; and the causes of the regularity in the number of crimes will be found in the causes which produce a given number of defective brains annually ; and crimes must be diminished by lessening the pro- duction of imperfect brains, or by treating those who have them as moral patients, and preventing them from abusing their propensities. Your researches are exceedingly interesting and useful, and all that I mean to say is, that this elempnt is Avanting to render them complete."

Nothing, doubtless, could be more interesting, above all in studying the moral development of man, than to be able to follow simultaneoiisly the development of the organs Avhich seem most directly connected with our actions, and to estimate to what extent the instrument is in concord Avith the effects produced by it. But for that purpose, it Avould be necessary that the science should be farther advanced than it really is ; and that Ave should knoAv the modifications which tlie head and brain of man undergo, from birth to the period of complete development, as avcU as the epochs at Avhich the diA^ers organs, regarded as the seats of such and such passions and propensities, manifest themselves, and Avhat are their degrees of increase, actual and proportionate. This science, it seems to me, leaves as yet much to desire, and for the mere reason that it is yet in its infancy. I conceive that, in its actual condition, time Avould be more profitably expended in separating two kinds of studies Avhich, in their results, might respectively control each other, than in seeking to amalgamate them, by Avhich miglit be incurred the risk of falling into theoretic ideas, and quitting the path to truth. I shall explain myself by an example. Observation shows, that, in our state of society, it is about the age of twenty-five Avhen the propensity to crime is at the maximum, especially as far as murder is concerned ; this is a fact fidly esta- blished, and of Avhich ncAv evidence is given every year by the statistical records of France. Now, sup- posing that phrenology had made sufficient inquiries

PREFACE.

into the development of the organs, it might be pos- sible to determine whether or not the age of twenty- five is really that at which the destructive organs have reached their greatest development, and if they sustain a progressive diminution afterwards, or are repressed by other and more powerful organs.

In considering matters under this point of view, it would be necessary first to study the progressive and proportionate growth of the brain and its several parts, and the development also of our moral and intellec- tual qualities. Compai'isons might then be established to determine if the development of the faculties, and of the cerebral organs regarded as specially connected with them, takes place in a simultaneous manner. But to explain the actions by the organs, to render the one subordinate to the exercise of the other, would be to ramble widely from the course I have followed ; for I am less desirous to explain phenomena than to establish their existence.

^ I have always comprehended with difficulty, more- over, how persons, pre-occupied doubtless by other ideas, have seen any tendency to materialism in the exposition of a series ot facts deduced from statistical documents. In giving to my work the title of Social Pliysics, I have had no other aim than to collect, in a uniform order, the phenomena affecting man, nearly as physical science brings together the phenomena apper- taining to the material world. If certain deplorable facts present themselves Avith an alarming regularity, to whom is blame to be ascribed ? Ought charges of materialism to be brought against him who points out that regularity ? What I have read and heard on the subject of my work, proves to me that I have not carried conviction to every mind, and that I have frequently been judged with prejudice. Judgments upon books are formed with even more haste and levity than judgments upon men. Writin gs are tjil ked of without Jbeing known; and people take up an opi- nion for or against, in consequence of decisions of which it would cost them some trouble to determine the source. These are evils which must be borne with patience, and the more so because they are common. " There are few works on i)olitical econoni}'," said Malthus to me, "which have been more spoken of and less read than mine." All the absurdities which have been spoken and written respecting the illus- trious English author, are well known. Certainly, by an appeal against such decisions, he would have all to gain, and nothing to lose, before a less prejudiced tribunal.

One of the facts which appears to have excited the greatest alarm, out of all pointed to in my work, is naturally that relating to the constancy with which crime is committed. From the examination of num- bers, I behoved myself justified in inferring, as anatural consequence, that, in given circumstances, and under the influence of the same causes, we may reckon upon witnessing the repetition of the same effects, the reproduction of the same crimes, and the same convic- tions. What has resulted from this exposition ? Timo- rous persons have raised the cry of fatalism. If, how- ever, some one said, " Man is born free ; nothing can force his free-will; he underlies the influence of no external causes ; cease to assimilate him to a machme, or to pretend to modify his actions. Therefore, ye legislators, repeal your laws ; overturn your prisons ; break j'our chains in pieces ; your convictions and penalties are of no avail ; they are so many acts of barbarous revenge. Ye philosophers and priests, speak no more of ameliorations, social or rehgioiis ; you are materialists, because you assume to mould society like a piece of gross clay ; j'ou are fatalists, because you believe yourselves predestined to influ- ence man in the exercise of his free-will, and to direct the course of his actions." If, I say, any one held such language to us, we should be disgusted with its excessive folly. And wherefore? Because we are thoroughly convinced that laws, education, and reli-

gion, exercise a salutary influence on society, and that moral causes have their certain eiMfcts. Am I a fata- list, then, when I declare that you have greater reason for so thinking than you had imagined ? That is the real state of the question ; we differ only about de- grees. Which of us is in error ? To determine this, it is necessary to examine our motives for conviction. Mine, like yours, rest first of all on observation. We both caU in experience to the support of our opinions ; but, in your case, the experience is based on vague uncertainties, whilst I, more circumspect, strive never to lose sight of those scientific principles which ought to guide the obsei'ver in all his investigations. My aim is not to defend systems, or bolster up theories ; I confine myself to the citation of facts, such as society presents to our view. If these facts be legitimately established, it follows that we must accept of and acpommodate our reason to them.."

SNow, what do these facts teach us ? I repeat, that in a given state of society, resting under the influence of certain causes, regular effects are produced, which oscillate, as it were, around a fixed mean point, with- out undergoing any sensible alterations. Observe, that I have said under the influence of the same causes; if the causes were changed, the effects also would necessarily be modified. As laws and the principles of religion and morality are influencing causes, I have then not only the hope, but, what you have not, the positive conviction, that society may be ameliorated and reformed. Expect not, however, that efforts for the moral regeneration of man can be immediately crowned with success ; operations upon masses are ever slow in progress, and their effects necessarily distant.

But, it may be again asked, what becomes of human free-will and agency ? In the face of facts, I have not to occupy myself with that question, so often debated. I cannot altogether pass it by, nevertheless, in silence, because it .seems to me to involve one of the most admirable laws of conservation in nature — a law M'hich presents a new proof of the wisdom of the Creator, and of M'hich you have not caught even a glimpse in your narrow views of the moral organisation of man. It is necessary, then, to admit that free-will exer- cises itself within indefinite limits, if one wishes not to incur the reproach of denying it altogether. But, with all the follies which have passed through the head of man, with all the perverse inclinations which have desolated society, what would have become of our race during so many past ages ? All these scourges have passed by, and neither man nor his faculties have undergone sensible alterations, as far at least as our observations can determine. This is because the same finger which has fixed limits to the sea, has set similar bounds to the passions of men — because the same voice has said to both, " Hitherto shalt thou come, and no farther ! "

What! when it is necessary to take the most simple resolve, we are under the domination of our habitudes, our wants, our social relations, and a host of causes which, all of them, draw us about in a hnndred diffe- rent ways. These infiuences are so powerful, that we have no difficulty in telling, even when referring to persons whom we are scarcely acquainted with, or even know not at all, what is the resolution to which they will lead such parties. Whence, then, this cer- tainty of foresight, exemplified by you daily, if you were not convinced, at the outset, that it is ex- tremely probable the empire of causes will carry it over free-will. In considering the moral world a priori, you give to this free-will the most entire latitude ; and when you come to practice, when you speak of what passes around you, you constantly fall into contradic- tion with yourselves. You foretell the conduct of individuals, in whose case oscillations may take place within limits so large, that it woidd be contrary to all the principles of the theory of probabilities to take them for the types of calculations, or to foimd upon

PREFACE.

lliem the most petty iiifereuces. Be uiorc consistent witli yourselves.

Coiild you possibly be afraid of applying the calcu- lation of cliances to moral phenomena, and of the afflicting consequences which may be inferred from that inquiry, when it is extended to crimes and to quarters the most disgraceful to society ? " I should guard myself," said a scientific friend, whose philan- thropic views I otherwise respect — " I shoidd guard myself, had I arrived at the afflicting results of which you speak, against grieving others with the relation of thein. Draw a veil over the hideous spectacle ; and if you believe that you jjossess the truth, imitate with resj^ect to it the sage circumspection of Fonte- )U!lle." But is the anatomy of man not a more pain- ful science still? — that science wliich leads us to dip our hands into the blood of our fellow-beings, to pry ^vith impassible curiosity into parts and organs which once palpitated with life? And yet who dreams at this day of raising liis voice against the study ? Who does not applaud, on the contrary, the numerous ad- vantages which it lias conferred on humanity? Tlie time is come for studying the moral anatomy of man also, and for uncovering its most afflicting aspects, with the view of jiroviding remedies. CThis study is a difficult one. Speculative philoso- phy has long been occupied with it ; but there are questions not to be resolved by such means ; specula- tion has its limits, as observation also has. Every propensity and every passion, develops itself in a man- ner more or less rapid, attains a degree of maximum intensity, and declines in general by shades not yet fully recognised. It is with the intellectual as with the moral faculties of man ; they both have their laws of development. With regard to some of them, these laws march in a parallel relation ; others are interwoven in their growth, or stand in manifest opposition. ISTow, these ai-e the laws which it is necessary to ascertain and comprehend, not in a vague manner, but with such precision as to enable us to establish numerically tlie degree of intensity for each age. There lay, if I do not deceive myself, the novel feature of my labours ; thence sprung, at least, the chief meed of praise, and the criticisms which I have received ; and it is this principle which I muat strive to justify by my ulterior labours, because I was compelled to limit myself, in a first essay, to simple indications^

^The analysis of the moral man through his actions, and of the intellectual man through his productions, seems to me calculated to form one of the most inte- resting parts of the sciences of observation, applied to anthropology. It may be seen, in my v.ork, tliat the course Mdiich I have adopted is that followed by the natural philosopher, in order to grasp the laws that regulate tl»e material world. By the seizure of focts, I seek to rise to an appreciation of the causes Mhence they spring.* As I could only indicate this course summai'ilj^ and the difficulties embarrassing it, I have been desirous to show, by two examples, selected and

\* This appreciation is in general vci-j' difficult, and has given rise to grave errors. One of the chief causes of these errors seems to me to spring from the incomplete enumerntioiu, made when it ij sought to give an iiccount of the causes which have led to any result. Thus, it is recognised that in some locality crimes are very numerous, .ind an attempt is made to explain that un- favourable state of tilings. IIow do most writers and even sta- tisticians proceed in such a case ? In ph)ce of passing in review all the cau.<;es which can lead to crime, of weighing their in- fluences, .and of inquiring into those, above all, which have there acted with the greatest energy, they only attend, in the prejudiced state of their minds, to one alone, often the Iciii-t influential of all, to v^hich they ascribe the cfVects produced by the wliole. They have been led in this manner to conclude that popular instruction produces crime, because, in such and such a liingdoui, the provinces wliere it chieny aboiuids send the greatest numberof children to schools ; as if the degree of instruc- tion, and the Icind of instruction, and other elements, did not ail enter equally into the question. The true talent of the ob- server, it seems to me, whatever be the phenomen.i of wliich he

treated in a searching manner, liow the course in question should be followed. The one has for its ob- ject the examination of works of literature, philosophy, science, the fine arts, &c., and of the ages at which they have been produced, with the results to be de- duced from the whole. The other example concerns the development of the propensity to crime, upon a scale more extended than I had yet had an opportunity of forming. After these last new researches, I con- ceive I may now confidently say, that the tables of criminality for different ages, given in my published treatise, merit at least as much faith as the tables of mortality, and verify themselves within perhaps even narrower limits ; so that crime pursues its path with even more constancy than death. Twelve 3'ears have elapsed since the data furnished by the tri- bunals of justice in France were collected with great care and exactitude, and since the ages of criminals Avere first marked ; and, in each succeeding year, they have reckoned from about 7000 to 8000 indivi- duals accused before the courts of assize ; and it is still betwixt the ages of twenty-one and twenty-five, that, all things being equal, the greatest number of per- sons are to be found in that position. I have taken, for the same years, and for the city of Paris, the morta- lity of a period of ten years, and have found, that, thougli my observations included a much larger num- ber of persons, and these pertaining to a much more homogeneous population, the mortality of the capital proceeded with less regularity than the crimes of tlie kingdom, and that each age paid a more uniform and constant tribute to the jail than to the tomb.'^

An objection has been made to my views, whic-h appears somewhat valid at a first glance. It has been forcibly reproduced by a writer of merit, who, while treating my work with liberality, has drawn together all the gravest objections brought forward against it. I shall take leave to cite his words. " We now reach the most delicate portion of M. Quetelet's work — tlie development of the intellectual and moral qualities, the social system. Here the field is not the same ; we have no longer to do ^^'ith phenomena vital and regidar, or witli those laws to which man is sub- jected along with the brutes, and -which operate con- tinually without his intervention, or constitute in- stincts in him too powerful to be resisted. We have to consider things which he is at liberty to do or not to do — acts which he may consummate or not consum- mate at choice. We enter into the domain of the human will — free, bold, and independent. Can science follow man in this new route ? Will it be able to ap- preciate, in a manner at once comiarehensive and exact, the results of the physiological and moral constitution of the mind and soul which distinguish him from other animals ? Contented to follow, up to this point, the material phenomena revealed by evident facts, can science sound the heart of man, dive into the mysteries of spiritual being, and tear away for the human race the veil which the morahst can with

sccUs to estimate the causes, consists in a complete enumeration of these, and in distinguishing between such as arc entitled to weight, and such as may be overlooked without inconvenience. It is tliis fine insight, this delicate tact, principal attributes of superior intelli.ficuces, which constitute the great observer, the true philosopher. To wander from this course is to step into error, and to become entangled in those interminable disputes which afflict the sciences, and, above .ill, those whose phenomena are most complex. The medical sciences offer sad examples of tliis evil. Blaladics are in general the result of an infinity of causes ; and wherefore attribute them, llien, to one of these more than to another? It may be conceived that two physicians, in citing each a diflerent cause as the origin of one disease, may be both in the right, since each may have found the cause stated by him to h.ave predominated in the cise under his notice; they only err in neglecting the other influential causes which they have not had the chance of observing, because the number of their observations w.as too limited. This is the history of many of the tl\eorie3 and systems, alternately adopted and rejected in mcd

le tl\er icinev

PREFACE.

difficulty raise in order to judge one iiulividaal? Kisks she not being stranded in the conllict Avitli these supreme mysteries of intelligence ? Upon what constant facts, upon what fundamental points, can she lean for support? The facts of birth, growth, and decay, are the same for all men ; but what are held by one people to be intelligence, genius, morality, and ci'ime, will these not be deemed by another people error, poverty of intellect, immorality, and lawful actions ? Finally, will not the free-will and agency of man disconcert all calculations ? Or, at least, will not the errors in such calculations be too considerable in number and extent to leave them any real value ? "* I have already spoken of free-will, and have shown how little it influences the number of crimes, and the ages of criminals ; I shall not retm-n, therefore, to that subject. The next most serious objection M-hich seems to present itself here is, that the facts upon Avhich one is compelled to rest have not the same identical value, as in the case of birth, death, and marriage, when the population is treated of; but that these facts may vary through many different shades, and may even be qualified amongst different nations, in conse- quence of what is crime with one being viewed as something lawful with another.

MVe must here understand ourselves fidh'. I can admit that a certain act, whicli is punislied before the French tribunals, may not be so in other places, or have been so in other times. This is, then, an error of denomination which should be corrected, and which would but prove at most that virtues and crimes, esti- mated in relation to different times, have a contingent value merely, not an absolute one. The essential point here is, that the fact, qualified in one manner or another, should be the same. But it will be said, that it is not identically the same, and that even where the laws take care to specify and define different crimes, those which are ranged under the same head may still vary within pretty extensive limits, tfhis is equivalent to saying, that the observations have not all the precision neces- sary, and that tlie estimate cannot be perfect. Xow, this is a fact which I myself readily admit and regret ; for, if the observations were precise, I should march on, in the new path which I have sought to open up, Avith as much assurance as in other quarters of the vast field of the sciences of observation. In every instance, it is not my method tlmt is defective ; projjer observations alone fail me. But will it be ever impos- sible to have theni perfectly i^rccise .•" I believe tliat even at present we have them sufficiently so to enter, at least, on the great problem under consideration. Name them as you will, tlie actions which society stamps as crimes, and of Avhich it punishes the authors, are reproduced every year, in almost exactly the same numbers ; examined more closely, they are found to divide themselves into almost exactly the same categories ; and, if their number were sufficiently large, we might carry farther our distinctions and subdivisions, and should always fiud there the same regularity. It will then remain correct to say, that a given species of actions is more common at one given age than at any other given age.^;

Is it really true, moreover, that the designation of crime may be so very arbitrary, and that that which lias been set down as poisoning or assassination, for example, may testify to no evil inclination ? Although we are here in a new field, where facts cannot be estimated mechanically, as in the physical sciences, tlie difference, nevertheless, is not to be held so great as it may appear at first sight. Even the physical sciences sometimes rest on facts which are not iden- tically the same, as deaths and births should be ; and which may lead to appreciations and conclusions more or less great. "With the use even of an instru- ment, when one wishes to discover a temperatm'e, a magnetic declination, or the force and direction of a

Bibliotheque Univcr-ellc de Genfevc, -Tuly IPA"), p. .3in. Ar-

ticle of M. E. Mallet.

wind, does one really find the quantities wliich are sought? When one measures an individual, is the real height positively discovered ? Errors, greater or lesser, may be committed ; and observation alone can recognise the limits within which they range. Has the consideration of the average life of man been re- jected, because that average rests upon numbers which vary, without doubt, within Umits as extended as can be conceived ?

But, to reply by the same argument brought against myself, if, in place of reckoning diseases, one wished to specify their nature, andtoindicate, as statisticians do, the number of voluntary, violent, and accidental deaths, as well as those produced by natm'al maladies, without entering at all into the classifications which might be formed of these, woidd not one lie open to the same objections? » Must we refrain from making up a list of suicides, because death may there have been caused by unknown hands, or by accidents of which no one is cognisant, or by some natural means which have operated instantaneousljs and left no visible traces behind? And how often does it happen that the author of a suicide only lends his hands involuntarily to a crime of which another has guiltily reduced him to become the victim ? One Avould require to re- nounce entirely the sciences of observation, if every such difficulty in the waj' were to be admitted as a let and barrier ; and tliese are only more apparent in my researches, becaiise we are less ftimiliarised with their characterr!

The same writer whom I have cited, combats me on another point. I have attempted to give an ex- ample of tlie analysis of the development of the passions, ■which tends to show that their maximum energy is reached about the age of twenty-five years. " So that," said I, " if there existed an art which, in its exercise, developed itself in a ratio with the pas- sions, and without requiring preliminary studies, its maximum of development would occur about the age of twenty -five." * " To this reasoning let us oppose an example," says the Genevese philosopher. " If there has been a writer who has shone brilliantly, and deeply impressed the public, by reason, not of his works and learning, but of the impidses of the passions, certainly Jean Jacques Eousseau is that man. Now, it was not before the age of forty, fifteen A-ears later than the period signalised as the maximum one of his passions, that Rousseau commenced to Avrite." What would be the reply of the autlior now quoted, whose writings on population arc justly esteemed, if I were to say to him in my turn, that the death of J. J. Rousseau did not take place till after the age of G.5 j-ears ; tliat is to sny, a long period after the epoch signalised by the law of mortality calculated for Geneva, and after he had long passed the average life of man. Must Ave then conclude that the tables of mortality for Geneva sliould be rejected? What does one individual ex- ample prove in such matters ?

I Avould remark, besides, that the words cited from my work, when viewed isolatedly, are far from ex- pressing the idea Avhich I wished to attach to them. The works of genius upon which our judgments bear are in general complex ; for there is no work, con- structed by genius, which does not suppose the exer- cise of various of its faculties. A skilful analysis could alone make out the part of each of them ; I would suggest for this purpose the idea of a work Avhich should have for its object the analytic exami- nation of the development of our intellectual faculties for each age. Now, I have aimed to present, in the work here reproduced, only an essaj% only a particu- lar example, of such an anah^sis, " which tends to show that the maximum of energy of the passions occurs about the age of twenty-five." The minimum is not then determined ; and even when it shall be, by a suffi- cient number of observations, one will no more be able to apply it to anj' given individual in particular, than

'• On ^r.in," vol. ii. pnrre 110, r.nissels ofliti"ii.

PREFACE.

one could make iise of a table of mortality to determine the period of his decease. It shoidd he well understood that social physics never can pretend to discover laws which will verify themselves in every particular, in the case of isolated individuals. The science will have rendered a service sufficiently vast, in giving more precise views upon a host of points, of which vague ghmpses only were before possessed.'^ Thus, men speak generally of the age of the passions ; they admit, then, that there is an epoch of the life at which the passions act with greater energy? How knoAv they this? Doubtless, by the observation of man. "Well, it is observation which the science of social physics wiU employ, but observation conducted in a more certain manner, after scientific principles, and not resting on fugitive glances of wliich one can pre- serve no durable traces.

I trust I may be permitted to notice here another objection which has been made, on the subject of the value which I believed it proper to attribute to ave- rage qualities. " You believe, then," it lias been said to me, " that the type of health would be a mean be- twixt all the constitutions existing— all the states of health ? But then you must grant at least that your type would be more perfect if the aA^erage were struck upon those alone who were in health." This argu- ment may appear at first sight an embarrassing one ; but, when examined more closely, it may easily be shown to rest upon no solid foundations. I believe I might even say, retorting in some measure the argu- ment, that, if the average were taken upon all men, the healthy excepted, it would remain still the same. This only would result, that, in order to obtain that average with an equal degi-ee of precision, it Avould be necessary to draw it from an infinitely greater num- ber of individuals. We may consider maladies like deviations from the normal state, be it more or be it less ; and it is betwixt these contrary conditions that the state of health would be found.

We aim at a target — an end — marked by a point. The arrows go to right and left, high or low, accord- ing to the address of the shooters. In the mean time, after a considerable number of trials, the butt, which has not yet been touched, perhaps, a single time, be- comes so well pointed out by the marks around it, that they would aid at once in rediscovering it, if it should chance to be lost sight of Nay, more than this ; even aims the most unfortunate may be made to conduce to this end ; commencing with those marks which are farthest away, if they be sufficiently nume- rous, one may learn from them the real position of the point they surround.

This figurative reasoning is applicable, it may easih' be conceived, to all inqiiiries into the physical sciences, and even the moral also, Avhere the point in view is

to arrive at means or averages. As stated in the con- siderations presented at the close of my work, every quality, taken -vvithin suitable limits, is essentially good ; it is only in its extreme deviations from the mean that it becomes bad. The study of these devia- tions or anomalies may serve to aid in the determi- nation of the normal state, if it cannot be established in a direct manner. This presimies, it is true, that human nature, in its aberrations, has not a tendency to deviate from the mean in one sense in preference to another, as those who aim at a mark might have a tendency to shoot always too high or too low, Now, nothing proves the existence of any such tendency, i It may be imagined, after the preceding remarks, how much importance I attach to the consideration of limits, which seem to me of two kinds, ordinary or natural, and extraordinary or beyond the natural. The first limits comprise within them the qualities which deviate more or less from the mean, without attract- ing attention by excess on one side or the other. When the deviations become greater, they constitute the extraordinarj' class, having itself its limits, on the outer verge of which are things preternatural, or monstrosities. Thus, the men who fall, in respect of height, outside of the ordinary limits, are giants or dwarfs ; and if the excess or the deficiency of height surpasses the extraordinary limits, they may be re- garded as monstrosities. From the view of the human constitution, also, we may find the state of health and of sickness, and also a condition to be called exti-aor- dinary or preternatural. We must conceive the same distinctions in the moral world."'

Narrow as may be the natural limits, they are yet too extended, as I have pointed out, Avhen we wish to approach the beautiful in the arts. Artistical limits do not tolerate certain proportions, which nevertheless constitute neither physical defects nor infirmities.

The consideration of limits, upon Avhich I insist, has convinced me more an*& more of the important part which they play in the social order. One of the most interesting observations which I have had occasion to make, is, that thej'- narrow themselves through the infiuence of civilisation, which affords, in my eyes, the most convincing proof of human perfec- tibility. On the one side Ave approach more closely to Avhat is good and beautiful ; on the other, vice and suffering are shut up within narrower limits ; and Ave have to dread less the monstrosities, physical and moral, Avhich have the power to throAV perturbation into the social fraiucAvork. The distinctions Avhich I had already established Avitli care in my Avork, ought to have proA'cd, metliinks, to some less prejudiced judges, hoAv far I am from a blind fatalism, Avhich Avould regard man as unfit to exercise free-Avill, or meliorate the future condition of his race.

ON MAN.

INTRODUCTORY.

Man is born, grows up, and dies, according to certain laws wliich have never been properly investigated, either as a whole or in the mode of their mutual reactions. Hitherto, the science of Man has been limited to researches, more or less complete, respect- ing some of its laws, to results deduced from single or insulated observations, and to theories often based on mere glimpses ; and these constitute pretty nearly all tlie materials it possesses. It must be admitted, how- ever, that for nearly two centuries various distinguished men have studiously inquired into the rate of repro- duction and mortality of mankind ; the differences which age, sex, profession, climate, and seasons, pro- duce in regard of births and deaths, have been assidu- ously studied. But they have neglected to put forward, with sufficient prominence, tlie study of his physical development (bodily gmvtii), <and thej' haA'e neglected to mark by numbers how individual man increases with respect to weight and height — how, in short, his forces are developed, the sensibility of his organs, and his other physical facidties. They have not determined the age at which his faculties reach then* maximum or highest energy, nor the time when they commence to decline. Neither have they determined the relative value of his faculties at different epochs or periods of his life, nor the mode according to which they mu- tually influence each other, nor the modifying causes. In like manner, the progressive development of moral and intellectual man has scarcely occupied their at- tention ; nor have they noted how the faculties of his mind are at every age influenced by those of the body, nor hoAv his facilities mutually react.

It will be evident that I do not speak here of the speculatiA^e sciences, which, for a long time, have unravelled with great acuteness the greater part of the questions within theu* scope, and which they could attempt directly, avoiding, however, all numerical appreciation of the facts. The void resulting from this neglect must be filled up by the sciences of observation ; for, either from a distrust in their own strength, or a repugnance in supposing it possible to reduce to fixed laws what seemed to flow from the most capricious of causes, it has liitherto been deemed expedient by learned men to abandon the line of inquiry employed in the investigation of the other laws of nature, so soon as the moral phenomena of mankind became the object of research. It must also be admitted, in explanation, that observations having for their object the Sciejice of Man, present difficulties exceedingly great, and, to merit confidence, must be collected upon a scale far too extended to be attempted by an individual philosopher. Thus, Are need not be at all surprised if facts respect- ing the increase of human weight and height from birth, be not readily found — if even the development of man's bodily strength be not exactly known ; and it ought to excite no surprise, if, on these interesting points, the results be confined to mere sketches. The study of the development of the intellectual

qualities present, perhaps, still greater difficulties ; but the result wiU show that these difficulties are more apparent than real.

With respect to the physical or animal forces, it is readily enough admitted that their development depends on the action of nature, and is thus regulated by laws which in certain cases admit of being deter- mined by numbers ; but it is asserted, that in respect of the moral or intellectual faculties, over which our volition exercises an influence, it would seem to ap- proach an absurdity, to inquire into laws influenced by a cause at once so capricious and so anomalous as the human will. Hence it has happened that, in the study of man, a difficulty, seemingly insurmountable, was encountered at the very first step ; but this diffi- culty is connected principally with the solution of a question which we shall now examine.

Are Human Actions regulated by Fixed Laws ?

Experience alone can with certainty solve a jiro- blem which no a priori reasoning could determine. It is of primary importance to keep out of view man as he exists m an insulated, separate, or in an indi- vidual state, and to regard him only as a fraction of the species. In thus setting aside his individual nature, Ave get quit of all Avhich is accidental, and the indi- vidual peculiarities, Avhich exercise scarcely any influ- ence oA'er the mass, become effaced of their own accord, aUoAving tlie observer to seize the general results.

Thus, to explain our meaning by an example — Ave may instance the case of a person examining too nearly a small portion of a very large circle, and who, consequentl}^ would see in this detached portion merely a certain quantity of ph3'sical points, grouped in a more or less irregular manner, and so, indeed, as to seem as if they had been arranged by cliance, not- withstanding the care Avith Avhicli the original figure may have been traced. But, placing himself at a greater distance, the eye embraces of necessity a gi'eater number of points, and ah'cady a degree of regularity is obserA'able over a certain extent of the segment of the ckcle ; and, by removing still farther from the object, the observer loses sight of tlie indi- vidual points, no longer observes any accidental or odd arrangements amongst them, but discovers at once the law presiding OA'cr their general arrange- ments, and the precise nature of the circle so traced. But let us suppose, as might happen, that the different points of the arch, mstead of being material points, Avere small animated beings, free to act according to their will, in a A'ery circumscribed sphere, yet these spontaneous motions Avould not be perceived by the eve j»laced at a suitable distance.

•It is in this Avay that we propose studying the laAvs which relate to the human species ; for, by examining them too closely, it becomes impossible to apprehend them correctly, and the observer sees only individual peculiarities, Avhich are infinite. Even in those cases Avhere the individuals exactly resemble each other, it might still happen that, by examining them separately, some of the most singular laAvs to Avhich thev are

ON MAN.

subject, iiiuIlt certain influences, might escape for ever the notice of the observer. To liini, for example, who had examined the laAvs of light merely in a single drop of Avater, the brilliant phenomenon of the rain- bow would be totally unintelhgible — it might even happen that the idea of the possible existence of such an appearance would never have occurred to him unless accidentally placed in favourable circumstances to observe it*^

^YhB.t idea should we have of the mortality of man- kind by observing only individuals ? Instead of the admirable laws to which it is subject, our knowledge would be limited to a series of incoherent facts, lead- ing to a total misapprehension of the laws of nature.

The remarks we make respecting human mortality, may be equally extended to man's physical and moral faculties, i To attain a knowledge of the general laws regulating these latter (moral) faculties, a sufficient number of observations must be collected, in order to bring out what is constant, and to set aside wliat is purely accidental. If, in order to focilitate this study, all human actions could be registered, it might be supposed that their numbers would vary from year to year as widely as human caprice. But this is not what we in reality observe, at least for that class of actions of which we have succeeded in obtaining a registry.^ I shall qiiote but a single example ; but it merits the attention of all philosophic minds. In every thing which relates to crimes, the same num- bers are reproduced so constantly, that it becomes impossible to misapprehend it — even in respect to those crimes which seem perfectly beyond human foresight, such as murders committed in general at the close of quarrels, arising Avithout a motive, and under other circumstances to all appearance the most fortuitous or accidental: nevertheless, experi- ence proves that murders are committed annuall,y, not only pretty nearly to the same extent, but even that the instruments emploj^ed are in the same pro- portions. Now, if this occurs in the case of crimes whose origin seems to be purely accidental, what shall Ave say of those admitted to be the result of reflection ? *

This remarkable constancy Avith Avhich the same crimes appear annuaUy in tlie same order, draAving doAvn on their perpetrators the same punishments, in the same proportions, is a singular fact, which AA^e owe to the statistics of the tribunals. In various Avritings, I liaA'e done ray utmost to put this evidence clearly before the public rf I have never t;iiled annually to re-

The following is the result of the reports of criminal justice

ill France, &c. : —

1826.

1827.

1828.

1829.

1830.

1031.

Murders in general, -

241

2.34

227

231

20.1

266

Gun and pistol, - -

r.0

Sabre, sword, stiletto,

poniard, dagger, &c.,

Knife,

4(1

Cudgels, cane, &c., -

Stones, ----- -

21)

Cutting, stabbing, and

bruising instruments,

4.)

4!)

Strangulations, - - -

By precipitating and

drowning, - - - -

Kicks and blows with

the fist,

Fire,

Unknown, - - - -

t t Seepage 43 of the Reelierches SlaiMiqiie, &c., 1809; page 178 of tlie fifth volume of the Corrcsp. Mathenwtiqiu ; p.age 214 of the .same collection, in the observations on the constancy observed in the number of crimes committed ; page 80 of the Jiechoxhes siir le PcHchanl au Crime, &c. [Inquiries into the Propensity to Crime, &c.] After having repented positively the same state- ment so many times, 1 read the following words 1 confess with surprise, in 1&38, in an Kssiiy on the Moral Statistics of France iSlatistique Morale dc la France), the author of which honours me with his correspondence, and i-^ acquainted with my writings :—

IJeat, that there is a Ludycl which avc pay with frightful regularity — it is that of prisons, dungeons, and scaf- folds. NoAv, it is this budget which, above all, Ave ought to endeavour to reduce ; and every year, the numbers haA'e confirmed my previous statements to such a de- gree, that I might haA'e said, perhaps Avith more pre- cision, " there is a tribute Avhich man pays Avith more regularity than that Avhich he OAves to nature, or to the treasure of the state, namely, that Avliich he pays to crime." Sad condition of humanity ! We might even predict annuaUy hoAv many individuals Avill stain their hands Avith the blood of their felloA\'-men, hoAV many Avill be forgers, hoAv many will deal in poison, pretty nearly in the same Avay as Ave may foretell the iumual births and deaths.

V Society includes Avithin itself the germs of all the crimes committed, and at the same time the necessary facihties for their development. It is the social state, in some measure, Avhich prepares these crimes, and the criminal is merely the instritment to execute them.

g3rgry^sociaJ^state supposes, then, a. certain. aiuuilK-r

and a certain order of crimes, these bein^ nierej.v_thc! yecessin-y consequences of its organi,sation,Tliis obser- A'atioii, so discouraging at first sight, becomes, on the contrarj', consolatory, Avhen examined more nearly, by shoAving the possibility of ameliorating the human race, by modifying their institutions, their habits, the amomit of their information, and, generally, all which influences their mode of existence. In fact, this ob- servation is merely the extension of a laAv ;dready AveU knoAvn to all Avho have studied the physical condition of society in a philosophic manner : it is, that so long as the same causes exist, we must expect a repetition of the same effects. What has induced some to beUeve that moral phenomena did not obey this law, has been the too great influence ascribed at all times to man himself over liis actions : it is a re- markable fact in the history of science, that the more extended human knowledge has become, the more limited huiuan poAver, in that respect, has constantly' appeared. This globe, of Avhich man imagines himself the haughty possessor, becomes, in the ca'CS of the astronomer, merely a grain of dost floating in the immensity of space : an earthquake, a tempest, an inundation, may destroy in an instant an entire people, or ruin the labours of twenty ages. On the other hand, Avhen man appears most influenced by his oaa'u actions, Ave see paid an annual tribute to nature of births and deaths, as regular as may be. In the regular repro- duction of crime, Ave see again reproduced another proof of the narrow field in AA'hich he exercises his individual activity. But if each step in the career of science thus gradually chminishas his imjjortance, his pride has a compensation in the greater idea of his intellectual power, by Avhich he has been enaWed to perceive those laAvs Avhich seem to be, by their na- ture, placed for ever beyond his grasp.

v'ltwoidd appear, then, that moral phenomena, Avhen observed on a great scale, are found to resemble phy- sical phenomena ; and Ave thus arrive, in inquiries of this kind, at the fundamental principle, that the (greater the mnnher of individuals observed, the more do individual pecidiarities, ivhether ph/sical or moral, become effaced, and leave in a prominent point of vieiv the gene- ral facts, by virtue of which society exists and is pre- served.y^lt belongs only to a fcA^ men, gifted Avith superior genius, to alter sensibly the social state ; and

" Each j-ear reproduces the same number of crimes, in the same order, in the same regions. Each class of crimes has its peculiar and invariable distribution, according to the sex, age, season ; all are accompanied, in equal proportions, Avith accessoi'y facts, imim- portant in appearance, and, but for their return, inexplicable. It becomes necessary to give examples of this fixity in this con- stancy in the reproduction of facts hitherto consiih'red as inexpli- r,ib!e (insaisissables dans leur ensemble), ami as bei»p .'subject to no laic." I shall make only one observation, which is, that I never considered the number of crimes invariable. I bdievc, on the contrary, in the perfc.-tibility of the human speci-.^s.'

ON MAN.

even this alteration, or action, rcajMres a consiJerable time to transmit fully its eflfects. Tlf the poAver which man possesses of modifying his actions, was commu- nicated immediately to the social system, every kind of prevision or prejudgment would become impossible, and we shoidd expect in vain to find in the past les- sons for the future.*/ Eut it is not so : Avhen active causes have once established themselves, they display an evident action, even for a long time after efforts have been made to oppose and destroy them ; and too much care, therefore, cannot be bestowed in pointing them out, and in suggesting the most efficacious means to modify them in a useful manner. This reaction of man upon himself, is one of his noblest attributes ; it offers, indeed, the finest field for the display of his activity. As a member of the social body, he is sub- jected every instant to the necessity of these causes, and pays them a regular tribute ; but as a man, em- ploying all the energy of his intellectual tixculties, he in some measure masters these causes, and modifies their effects, thus constantly endeavouring to improve his condition.

How the Laws relative to Jran otiglit to be Studied and Interpreted.

Wc have just seen that man is placed under the influence of regular and periodic causes, affecting not merely his physical qualities, but likewise his actions ; and that these lead to effects equallj^ regular and periodic. Now, these causes, and their mode of action, or the laws to which they give rise, may be determined by a close inquiry ; but, as has been already said, in order to succeed, we must study the masses, with the view of separating from our observations all that is fortuitous or individual. Every thing being equid, the calculation of probabilities shows, that in the direct ratio to the mmiber of individuals observed, we ap- proach the nearer to the truth.

By the manner, then, in which these laws have been determined, they present no longer any thing indi- vidual ; and, consequently, can be applied to indivi- duals only within certain limits. Every apiilication which one might attempt to make to a man in par- ticular, must be essentially false, in the same way as if we were to pretend to determine the precise period of a person's death by looking into the tables of mor- tality.

Such tables, in respect to particular cases, can give only approximations ; and the doctrine of probabilities shows here also that the results deduced from them, and the results observed, agree always the better the greater the number of the individuals to whom they refer. Thus, although the tables of mortality teach us no direct apiilication to an individual, 3'et they offer very certain results when applied to a great number of per- sons ; and upon these general results, assurance socie- ties calcidate their annual profits. We endeavour here to be well miderstood respecting the natiire and value of the laws we propose inquiring into. It is the social body which fonns the object of om* researches, and not the peculiarities distinguishing the individuals composing it. This study interests, in an especial manner, the philosopher and the legislator : the lite- rary man and the artist, on the contrary, will endea- vour to miderstand, in preference, those pecuharities which we endeavour to separate from our resvdts, and which constitute, as it were, the physiognomical and pictorial aspect of society.

jMoreover, the laws which relate to the social body are not essentially invariable ; they change Avith the nature of the causes producing them. The progress of civiUsation, for examjjle, has changed the laws respect- ing mortality, and must have exercised an influence over the physical and moral condition of man. Tables constructed to show the intensity of the disposition

[The supposed civilisation of Russia by Peter the Great, and

of Prussia by Frederick II., fonn no real exceptions to the state- ments of M. Quetelet.]

to crime at different ages, althoilgh fv.i' several years they may have offered pi-etty nearly the same result:?; may yet become gradually modified : it is to efiect this modification that the friends of humanity ought to turn their attention. The study of the social body, Avhich Ave haA'c in vicAv, has for its object to leave this important subject no longer to a kind of empi- ricism, but to offer the means of recognising directly the causes Avhicli influence society, and to measure even that influence itself.

These causes, once knoAvn, present no sudden changes, but are modified graduallj*. Future events may be foreseen by a knoAvledge of the past, or con- jectures may even comprise a period of scA'eral years, Avithout fear of experience producing results uncon- fined by the limits previously assigned them. Now, these limits are proportionally widened as our conjec- tures embrace a Avider series of years.

Of the Causes which Influence JIan-

The laws presiding over the development of man, and modifj^ing his actions, are hi general the result of his organisation, of his education or knoAvledge, means or Avealth, institutions, local influences, and an endless variety of other causes, ahvays very difficult to dis- cover, and some of Avhich may probably never be made out.

Of all these influencing causes, some arc purely physical, others iiilierent in our natiu-e. Man, in fact, possesses in himself a moral force scciuring to him the empire over all living beings on this globe ; but their destination forms a mysterious problem, Avhose solution Avill probably escape us for ever. By means of those moral forces, man is distinguished from other animals. By means of tliem, also, he pos- sesses the poAver of modifying, at least to appearance, the laAvs of nature affecting him, and perhaps by causing a i>rogressiA'e movement, tends to approach a happier physical condition.*

^he forces Avhich characterise man, are living forces in their nature ; but do they act iu a constant man- ner, and has man, at all epochs, possessed the same quantity — in a Avord, does there exist any thing ana- logous to the active or living forces in nature ? What, moreoA'er, is their destination? Can they influence the progress of the svstem . or compromise its exist- ence? or, perhaps, like the internal forces of a system, may they not modifj' in something its progress, or the conditions of its stability ? Analogy leads us to believe, that in the social state avc may expect to find in general all the principles of conservation observed in the natural phenomena??

Plants and animals appear to obej', like the planets, the eternal laAvs of nature, and Avere it not for the intervention of man, these laAvs could be verified just as easUy in the one case as in the other ; but man exercises, both on himself and on aU around, a dis- turbing action, the intensity of which takes a develop- ment in in-oportion to his intellect, and the effects of which are such, that society does not resemble itself at any tAvo different epochs.

It Avould be important to detennine, in all the laAvs affecting the human species, Avhat belongs to nature and Avhat belongs to the distmrbing force of man ; it appears at least certain, that the effects of this force are sIoav, and might almost be called sectilai- pertur- bations. HoAvever this may be, if they really Avere

Buflfon explains verj' well the power possessed by man in

modifying nature's Avorks :—" All these modern and recent ex- amples prove, that man has but recently known the extent of his power, and that even yet he does not Icnow it sufficiently ; it de- pends entirely on the exercise of his intellect : thus, the more he observes, the more he will cultivate nature, and the more extensive will be his means to subject nature's works to himself. And what might he not eft'ect upon himself — I mean on his own species — if the will were ahvays governed by the judgment ? A\lic> could predict limits to the moral and physical perfectibility of human nature?" liC.—Epoques ilc la Nature.

ON MAN.

developed with inucli rapidity, we coiild not, with the few elements Ave possess in respect to the past, draw important conclusions in regard to the future.

Wc must then do as astronomers have done in the theory of arbitrary constants — and as the early statis- ticians did in calcidating the laws of human mortality —make an abstraction at first of the effects of the dis- turbing force, and return to it afterwards when a long series of documents permits us to do so.

Thus, to bring out my meaning, in calculating the different tables of mortaUty, the medium duration of human hfe has been shown to vary for different coun- tries, and even for difierent provinces, though these may be quite contiguous. But these differences might depend as much on the natiu:e of the cUmate as on man himself ; and hence the necessity of determining what belonged to the one, what to the other. Tor this pur- pose, one might select an assemblage of circumstances proving that the forces of nature remam the same ; and if the results obtained at different epochs were also identical, then foUows the natural conclusion that the disturbmg force of man amounted to nothing. Now, this attempt has been made, and at Geneva, for ex- ample, it has been found that the average duration of life, or the medium life, has successively become longer. Now, Ave are at least entitled to conclude from this the existence of the disturbing force of man, and to form the first idea of the energy of its effects on this point of the globe, so long as it is not proved that causes foreign to man may have altered the fertility of the soil, the state of the atmosphere, temperature, or given rise to some other alteration in the chmate. But hitherto Ave know only the result of different forces, which it Avould be impossible to estimate indi- vidually, and of Avhich Ave cannot even furnish a com- plete list. Thus Avc are disposed to beUeve that the forces Avhich haA^e prolonged at Geneva the duration of the average life of man, have arisen from the cir- cumstances of his having improved his habitations, rendering them more healthy and more commodious ; of his having ameliorated his pecuniary circumstances, his food, and institutions ; of his liaAdng been able to Avithdraw himself from the influence of certain dis- eases, &c. ; and it might even have happened that the disturbing force of man may have altered for the bet- ter the nature of the climate, by drainage, clearing the forests, or by other changes.

Of the Object of this Work. The purpose of this Avork is to study in their effects the causes, Avhether natural or disturbing, Avhich in- fluence human development ; to endeavour to measure the influence of these causes, and the mode according tawhich they mutually modify each other. \ \ It is not at aU my intention to propose a Theory of Jlan, but merely to ascertain by proof the facts and .^ the phenomena which affect him, and to endeavoiu-, by observation, to discover the laAvs forming the con- nectmg links of these phenomena. The social man, Avhom I here consider, resembles the centre of gravity in bodies : he is the centre around which oscillate the social elements — in fact, so to speak, he is a fictitious being, for whom every thing proceeds con- formably to the medium results obtained for society in general. It is this being whom avc must consider in estabhshing the basis of social physics, throAving out of vicAv peculiar or anomalous cases, and disre- garding any inquiry tending to show that such or such an individual may attain a greater or less de- velopment in one of Ids facultiesT? •^

Let us suppose, for example, that Ave endeavoured to discover the chstiu'bing influence of man in modify- ing his physical strength. By means of the dynamo- meter (measurer of strength), we may first estimate the strength of the hands, or of the loins, in a great number of persons of different ages, from infancy to extreme old age, and the results obtained in this way for a country Avill give tAvo scales of forces deserving

of our confidence in the direct proportion of the num- ber of observations made, and in the care Avitli which they have been made. By comparing at a later period these scales, obtained by the same means and under the same influences, but at different periods of time, Ave shall discover Avhether the disturbing action or influence of man has diminished or augmented the quantity of this strength. Now, it is this variation Avhich the whole system undergoes, that it is impor- tant to point out in social physics. We may even m this way determine changes happening m the different classes of societj, but Avithout descending to indivi- duals. A man, in consequence of gigantic height, or by herculean strength, may attract the attention of the naturaUst or the i^hysiologist ; but in social phy- sics his importance would disappear before that of another individual, who, after having ascertained ex- perimentally the means of developing advantageously the height and strength, may succeed in putting them in practice, thus producing results either affecting the Avhole system or one of its parts. After having considered man at different epochs, and as belonging to different nations — after having successively ascer- tained the several elements of his physical and moral condition, and pointed out, at the same time, the varia- tions in the quantity of materials which he produces and which he consumes, in the. increase or decrease of his wealth, and the changes occurring in lus position with respect toother nations — we must next determine the laws to which man has been subject in the differ- ent races, fi'om their origin ; that is to say, we must follow the progress of the centres of gravity in each part of the system, just as Ave determined the laAvs relating to man in each nation, by the entire mass of the observations made upon the individuals composing that nation. Under this point of vicAV, nations Avould be, in respect to the social system, what individuals are in respect to nations ; each woidd have their laAvs of increase and decrease, and have a sliare, more or less important, in the pertui-bations of the system. NoAV, it is only fi'om the whole of the laws which relate to different races, that we can afterwards decide on what belongs, whether to the equUibriura or to the movement of the system; for we do not know at ijresent which of these tAvo states actually exists. What we see daily proves to us sufficiently the effects of internal actions and forces reacting on each other ; but the centre of gravity of the system, if avc may so say, and the direction of the movement, are un- knoAvn ; it may even happen, that Avhilst the motion of all the parts of the sj^stem is progressive or retro- grade, the centre may remain unvaryingly in equili- brio.

Perhaps we may be asked, how it can be possible to determine absolutely the value of the disturbing power of man — that is to say, the differences, more or less great, which the social system produces, from that state or condition in Avhich he would be jilaced if left to the forces of nature alone ? Such a problem, if it could be solved, Avould unquestionably bo interesting, but scarcely useful, since such a condition does not exist in nature, seeing that man has at all times been in possession of an intellectual force, and has ncA'er been reduced to live merely as animals do. It is of more consequence, indeed, to determine if the effects of his disturbing power vaiy in a manner more or less ad- vantageous.

Fi-oni Avhat we have said, the object of scientific research, then, should be to inquire — M, What ar^! the hiAvs of human reproduction, growth, and physical force — growth of his intellec- tual poAvers, and of his disposition, more or less great, to good or evil ; the laAvs regulating the development of his passions and tastes ; the mode of succession of tlie materials he produces or consumes ; the laAvs of human mortality, &c.

2. AVhat uifluence has nature over man ; Avliat is the measure of its influence, and of its disturbing

ON MAN.

forces ; what have been theu* eflects for such and such a period ; and what the social elements cliiefly affected by them.

3. Finally, can hmnan forces compromise the sta- bihty of the jocial system ? I am not siure if these questions may ever be answered ; but to me it seems that their solution would form some of the noblest and most interesting results of human research. Con- vinced of tliis truth, I have already made some efforts to reply to the first series of these questions ; and still more, to make my ideas understood, and to point out the route which ought to be followed, I have endeavoured also to demonstrate how to detect the influencmg causes, and to determine the degree of their respective actions. Whatever idea may be formed of these researclies, I trust it will still be ad- mitted, that in respect to the development of the human faculties, a great number of observations and results have been accumulated wliich science did not previously possess^

I wish it also to be understood, that I consider this work as but a sketch of a vast plan, to be completed only by infinite care and immense researches. I have room, therefore, for hope that the leading idea, as to the composition of the work, may be alone criticised ; and that, in respect to the filUng up of the details, necessarily very incomplete in some parts, from want of materials, a lenient criticism may also be vouch- safed. I have thought it my duty, however, in the suitable place, to point out these deficiencies.

On the Importance or Dignity of the Inquiries Relative to Man.

The nature of the researches in this work, and the view which I have taken of the social system, have in them a something i^ositive, which at first sight may startle some minds. Some may be disposed to see in it a tendency to materialism ; others, misunderstanding my ideas, may view them as an attempt to exagge- rate the field of the exact sciences, and to place the geometrician upon ground which does not belong to hira ; they may reproach me for engaging in absurd speculations, and with inquiring into measures where things do not admit of being measured.

In respect to the charge of materialism, it has been reproduced so often and so regailarly on every occasion when science attempted to make a new step, and -when the spirit of philosophy, breaking through its ancient barriers, attempted a new road, that it seems almost superfluous at the present day to reply to it, the more especially that the fanatical sphit is no longer backed with chains and tortures. It can scarcely now be esteemed an insult to the Divinity, that man exercises ^he noblest of his faculties by directing his medita- tions towards the sublimest laws of the universe, by endeaA'^ouring to explain the admu-able economy and the infinite wisdom which presided at its formation. Who would ventine to accuse of dryness those philo- sophic minds, which have substituted for the narrow and paltry world, as known to the ancients, the knoAv- ledge of our magnificent solar system, and have so vastly removed the limits of our starry heaven, that genius can no longer guess its extent but with reli- gious awe? Certainly, the knowledge of the won- derful laws which regulate the system of the world, gives us a nmch nobler idea of the power of the Divi- nity, than that of the world which sublime supersti- tion wished to impose upon us. If the animal pride of man be lowered, on observing how small the spot is which he occupies upon the grain of dust of which he at one time made his universe, how much, on the other hand, ought his intelligence to be pleased at the extent of its power, shown in investigating so deeply the secrets of the heavens !

Having thus observed the progress made by astro- nomical science in regard to worlds, why should not we endeavour to follow the same course in respect to man ? Would it not be an absurdity to suppose, that, |

whilst all is regulated by such admirable laws, man's existence alone should be capricious, and possessed of no conservative principle ? We need not hesitate in asserting, that such a supposition, and not the re- searches we propose making, would be injustice to the Creative Power.

In respect to the second objection, I shall endeavour to answer it when estimating the moral and intellec- tual faculties of man.

BOOK "FIRST.

DEVELOPMENT OP THE PHYSICAL QUALITIES OP MAN.

1. The Determination of the Average Sliin in General.

Wk have said that, in the course of our researches, the first step to be made would be to determine the average man, amongst different nations, both physical and moral. Perhaps the possibility of such an appre- ciation of physical quaUties, which admit of direct measurement, will be granted us : but Avhat is the course to be pursued in regard of the moral qualities ? How can we ever maintain, without absurdity, that the courage of one man is to that of another as five is to six, for example, almost as we shoidd speak of their stature ? Should we not laugh at the pretension of a geometrician, who seriously maintained that he had calculated that the genius of Homer is to that of Virgil as three to two ? Certainlj^ such pretensions would be absurd and ridiculous. It is proper, then, first of all, to agree upon the meaning of words, and to examine if that wliich Ave aim at is i^ossible, not in the actual state of science, but in such a state as science Avill some day arrive at. We cannot, indeed, demand from those Avho employ themselves Avith social physics, more than Ave should haA'e done from those who foresaAV the possibihty of forming an astronomical theory, at a i}eriod Avhen defective astronomical obser- vations and false theories, or their total absence, Avith insufficient means of calculation, only existed. It Avas especially necessary to be certain of the means of performing such a task ; it Avas afterAvards necessary to collect i^recise observations Avith zeal and perseve- rance, to create and render pei-fect the methods for using them, and thus to prepare all the necessary ele- ments of the edifice to be erected. Now, this is the course Avhich I think it proper to pm'sue in forming a system of social physics. I hold that Ave should ex- amine if it is possible to obtain the means of per- forming the desired task, and, firstly, if it is possible to determine the average man.

This determination will be the subject of the three first books of this Avork. We shall, first of all, con- sider man in a phj'sical relation ; then Ave shall con- sider him with respect to his moral and mtellectual quahties.

2. Of the Determination of the Physical Qualities of the Average Man.

Amongst the elements pertaining to man, some are susceptible of a direct appreciation, and the numbers Avhich represent them are true mathematical quan- tities : such are, in general, the physical qualities. Thus the Aveight and stature of a man may be mea- sm-ed directly, and we may aft^rAvards compare them with the Aveight and stature of another man. In com- paring the different men of a nation in this manner, we arrive at average values, Avhich are the weight and stature proper to be assigned to the average man of this nation : as a sequel to such an inquiry, we might then say that the Englishman is of greater height and larger size than the Frenchman or Italian. This mode of proceeding is analogous to that pursued

ON MAN.

in physics,* in tletermining the temperature of dif- ferent countries, and comparing them with each other : tlius, we say justly, that at Paris, the mean temperature of the summer is 18 degrees cent., al- though the thermometer has almost always been either higher or lower than tliis point. We conceive, raoi'cover, that the ratio which exists between the A\-eight or stature of the average man peculiar to one of the three mentioned countries, may vary in course of time.

In certain cases, we employ non-material measures, as when we attempt to appreciate the average dura- tion of life for any particular nation, or to estimate at what age the average man of that nation ceases to exist. Life is measured by duration, and this mea- surement admits of quite as much precision as we employ in physics.

Lastly, we may employ conventional measurements, as Avhen Ave estimate the riches, productions, and con- sumption of one country, and compare them with those of another. All these calculations have already been made by economists, with greater or less accu- racy ; therefore they cannot appear strange to us.

There are elements iDcrtaining to man, Avhich can- not be measured directly, and which are only appre- ciable hy their effects : of this number is the ;?trength of man. "We are of opinion that it is not absurd to say that such a man is twice as strong as another when pressing with his hands, if this pressure, ap- plied against an obstacle, produces efiects which are as two to one. Only, it then becomes necessary to admit that causes arc pi'oportionate to effects ; and it is necessary to take great care, in estimating the effects, to place the individuals in similar circum- stances. Thus, for example, we might make serious errors in employing the dynamometer of Rcgnier in- discriminately for all persons, because the size of tlie hands, or the height of the stature, may have some influence, so that one handles the instrument with a greater or less degree of facility.

It results from what has preceded, that, in the determination of the average man, considered with respect to physical qualities, the greatest difficulty consists in collecting exact observations in sufficient number to arrive at results Avhich deserve some de- gree of confidence.

In the first book, avc shall examine all Avhich relates to the life of man, liis reproduction, and mortality ; in the second, we shall be occupied with the development of ills stature, weight, strength, and his physical qua- lities in general.

CHAPTER I.

OF ISIRTHS IN GENERAL, AND OF FECUNDITY.

1. Of Births.

The act of birth is connected with conception, in the same manner as the effect is connected with the cause which prodvices it: to the first we attach tlic idea of necessity, and to the second tliat of free will.f As in other subjects, Ave generally lose sight of causes Avhicli have acted long anterior to the effects Ave observe ; our attention is not attracted to the regularity Avith winch births are produced — Ave arc accustomed to regard them as natural phenomena, Avith Avhich the Avill of man is but feebly concerned. If Ave observe the influ- ence of seasons, places, years of abundance or scarcity, &c., it is rather as acting on our physical than on our moral qualities — it is as modifying the facility and not the volition Avhich avc have in reproduction.

[The term physics, as here used, is synonynious vvitli the terms

nntural or experimental philohophy, as used in tiiis country.]

f We generally consider tlic duration of pregnane}' to be nine months. 1 do not know whetlier researches liave been made to ascertain if any causes exist influencing this duration, and if their influence luas been calculated.

IMoreover, Ave have a very natural dislike to consider our Avill as influenced by physical causes.

Whatever be the nature <^f the causes Avhich produce births in greater or less number, Avith more or less regularity, the thing most important to be knoAvn is the result Avhich folloAvs ; Ave shall afterwards be able to inquire Avhat nature performs, and Avhat belongs to the disturbing action of man. In order to facilitate this inquiry, Ave shall first examine successively hoAV births are produced, taking into consideration the times, places, sexes, seasons, hours of the day, and other causes Avhich are external to the man ; and thereby Ave shall be more able to compare the influ- ence of these causes Avith those Avhich man exercises, in virtue of his mode of existence and of his political and religious institutions.

2. Of Fecundity.

Taken in an absolute sense, the annual number of births of a country has only an indifferent degree of importanc'c, but it acquires a very great value when Ave compare it Avith the other elements of population of this country. We may first employ it to measure the fecundity, by comparing it Avitli the actual number of the population or Avith the annual number of mar- riages. In the first case, Ave obtain a measure of the fecundity of the population, and in the second case of that of the fecundity of marriages. Statisticians avail themselves of both these measures or data, Avhich nevertheless require to be used Avith great care.

When Ave compare two countries Avith respect to the fecunditj' of marriages, Ave must be veiy cautious only to compare the numl^er of legitimate births with the nimiber of marriages. We conceive, indeed, that in a country Avhere all the births Avere indiscriminately reported, Avith the number of registered marriages, the fecundity would appear too great, and the error Avould be more considerable, according as there Avere more illegitimate births and fewer marriages regularly con- firmed. The opposite error Avould take place in a country Avhere more importance Avas giA'en to esta- blishing the annual number of marriages than tliat of births. In general, it is necessary to distrust the num- ber expressing the fecundity of the marriages of a country, Avhen the civil records are cai-elessly kept, or Avhen the registrations are not made imiformly. I think England may be especially pointed out as pre- senting luimbers Avhich have often led those inquirers into error Avho have availed themselves of them.*

JMalthus observes, that the ratio of births to mar- riages, taken as a measure of fecundity, supposes a stationary population : if the popidation Avere increas- ing, for example, its increase would be more rapid, and the real fecundity of marriages Avould the more exceed the proportion of births to marriages.f This able economist points out several otlier circinnstances wliich it is proper to consider in estimating fecundity', such as marriages for the second or third time, late marriages sanctioned by local customs, and frequent emigrations or immigrations. J

As it respects political economy, the number Avhicli expresses the fecundity of a population is perhaps more important than that Avhich expresses the fecun- chty of marriages. Indeed, the economist is generally more concerned Avith the increase which the popula- tion receiA'cs tlian Avith tlic manner in Avhich this increase takes i)]ace. The fecundity of marriages miglit be exactly the same in t\\ o diflerent countries, Avitiiout the popttlation being tlie same. In countries, for example, Avhere prudent foresight renders mar- riages less numerous, there AviU be fcAver births ; ou

Jlaltlnis— Essjii sur le Trincipc dc Population, tome ii. p. 212.

(Jeneva Edition : ll).'iO.

•! The words of Mr Malthus arc (Md cd., vol. ii. p. G)— " The more rapid is the increase of population, the more will the real prolificncss of marriiiges exceed the proportion of births to mar- riages in the registers."

% Ibid., tome ii. p. 219. English Kditicm, book ii. cU. 9.

ON MAN.

the contrary, in countries wliose inhabitants are im- provident and careless, and in new countries, where the immigrations are numerous and wliere tlie settlements are formed by persons generally at a reproductive age, we find a great fecundity in the population. These are important distinctions to be made, to avoid all kinds of error, either in making estimates or in the approximating of numbers.

Another very common error in statistical Avorks proceeds from an erroneous estimate of the population : scarcely sufficient attention has been hitherto paid to this subject. Wlien census are not accurately made, we generally obtain too small a number as the amount of the populjition, and the fecundity, calculated from it, must appear too great. This is an error which I point out here, because I have committed it myself in my first essays on statistics and in speaking of the fecundity of the ancient kingdom of tlie Netherlands : it resulted from this circumstance that certain pro- vinces were found in a very unfiivourable state com- pared with others ; but a deeper examination has shown me what caused my mistakes, and has led me to solicit the government, with active entreaty, for a census, henceforth become necessary ; which was effectually accomplished in 1829.

There is one particular case in M-hich the ratio be- tween the fecundity of one country and that of another remains exactly the same, whether we estimate it ac- cording to the population or according to the annual number of marriages ; this is Avhen the populations of the countries which we compare are homogeneous or composed of the same elements — when, on both sides, we annually count the same number of marriages to the same number of inhabitants.*

I thought I ought to present the prcceiling obser- vations on the calculation of fecundity, before examin- ing all wliich relates to births. We shall now proceed more safely in endeavouring successively to appreciate the influence which natural and dialurbiiig cnus<:s exer- cise over births.

CHAPTER 11.

OF TUE LM'LUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON THE NUJIBER OF BIRTHS.

1. Influence of the Sexes.

TuERE is a very remarkable fact, which has been long ago observed, although we do not yet know the true causes of it. It is this — that more boys are born annually than girls. Now, since the proportion of male to female births does not differ much from unity, or is almost the same for the different comitries for which it has been calculated, it has been necessary to have recourse to numerous obsei'vations to deter- mine it •with some precision. After more than four- teen and a half millions of observations made in

Some calculations which I shall advance will make tliis easily

understood. Let / be the fecundity of a coimtry, )i the annual number of births, m that of marriages, c the remainder of the population, and./, «', m', and c', respectively, the same numbers for another country ; we shall have for the feemidity of marriages the proportion

/:/'::^:4. m III

Xow, if the populations be homogeneous, as in the case which wo are supposing, wc shall also have

111 m'

c + in C + 111 Now, if we multiply both terms of the latter ratio of the propor- tion by this equality, we shall have

■^ •' c + m c' + m" — a result agreeable to what is advanced in the text, since the tci-ms of the latter ratio represent the fecimdity of the popula- tion.

France, from 1817 to 1831, the value of this ratio If as- been as 106-38 to 100 ; and its average value has varied but little, taking one year with another.*

To know whether climate influences the ratio in question, thirty of the most southern departments of France have been considered separately. The births in these departments, from 1817 to 1831, have been 2,119,162 males, and 1,990,720 females ; the ratio of the first number to the second is as 105-95 to 100 — nearly the same as for the Avhole of France. This result would lead us to conclude, that the superior number of male to female births does not depend, in any sensible degree, on climate.f

However, in order to ascertain more decidedly the influence exercised by climate, it will be proper to extend our researches beyond the limits of France. Taking our data from the principal European states, we find the following results, according to M. Bickes, who has collected more than seventy millions of observations : % —

Males to States and Provinces. lOO

Females.

Itussia, ...... 108-91

The province of Milan, .... 107-61

Mecklenburg, - - . . . 107-07

France, -.-... l06-55

Belgium and Holland, .... 106-44

IJrandenburgand Pomerania, ... 106-27

Kingdom of tlie Two Sicilies, - - - , 106-18

Austrian Monarchy, ..... 106-10

Silesia and Saxony, .... 10605

Prussian States («i »?!(?.«<;), .... 105'94

Westphalia and Grand Dutcliy of the Rhine, - 105-86

Kingdom of Wurteniburg, .... 105-60

Fastern Prussia and Dutchy of Posen, - - 105-66

Kingdom of Bohemia, .... 105-38

Great Britain, ..... 104-75

Sweden, - - - - - - 104-62

-\verage for Em'ope, - 106.

Some travellers have thought that hot climates are more favourable to feniale births ; but numbers have not confirmed this opinion, at least from what we have just seen in Europe. However, more observa- tions than we possess are necessary, and especially observations collected near the efiuator, Ijefore we can affirnr that the influence of climates is absolutely in- sensible. The following are the observations made at the Cape of Good Hope, on the white population § residing there, and also on the slave population : || —

Free

Births.

Slave

Births.

1 ears.

Males.

Females.

Males.

Females.

1813,

686

70(j

1118

234

1814, - " -

802

025

230

183

1815,

888

894

221

193

1810, -

8(15

892

325

294

1817,

918

927

487

467

,1818, -

814

H-!2

516

482

1819,

810

815

506

509

18:20, -

881

898

463

464

Total,

66(14

6789

2936

2826

Thus, among the free births, the females numeri- cally exceed those of the males ; and this result is reproduced every year.^

Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes, 1034. f Ibid.

t Jlemorial Encycl. Mai 1832.

§ Journal Asiatiquc, Juillet 1826 ; and Sadler, tome ii. p. 371.

II Elements of Medical Statistics, by Hawkins, p. 51.

^ [It appears to the translator, that the predominance of female over male births, amongst the white race of the Cape of Good Hope, is not so much owing to climate as to the peculiarity of race : the free white population of the Cape are, as near as may be, purely Saxon, descended from the old Dutch families, who originally settled there about two hundred and seventy years ago. They have preserved the purity of their blood with great care.

ON MAN.

It appears that residence in town or country is not without its influence on the ratio of births of tlie two sexes, as we may judge fi'om the Belgic documents: —

Years.

Births in the Towns.

Births in the Country.

Boys.

Girls.

Ratio.

Boys.

Girls.

Ratio.

1815 to 1824, 1825 to 1829,

164,376 87,516

164,110 83,122

106-66 105-29

472,221 256,751

441,502 241,989

106-96 106-10

The number of boys, compared with that of girls, has then been smaller in town than in the country : it is to be observed, that both ratios have sensibly diminished during the latter period.

This influence of town residence, tending to diminish the proportional number of births, is also observed in other countries. This is seen in the following table, in which M. Bickes has found another kind of in- fluence, namely, legitimacy of birth : * —

States and Provinces.

Boj'S to 100 Girls. Legitimate. Illegitimate.

France,

106-69

104-78

Austrian monarchy, -

- 106-15

104-32

Prussian monarchy.

106-17

102-89

Sweden,

- 104-73

103-12

"VVurtembxu-g,

105-97

103-54

Bohemia, - - .

- 105-65

100-44

Province of Milan,

107-79

102-30

Eastern Prussia and Posen , -

- 105-81

103-60

Brandenburg and Pomerania,

106-65

102-42

Silesia and Saxony, -

- 106-30

103-27

Westphalia .and the Dutchy of the

Lower Rhine,

106-07

101-55

Cities.

Paris,

10.'i-82

103-42

Amsterdam, ...

105-00

108-83

Xeghorn,

104-68

93-21

Frankfort-on-the Maine,

102-83

107-84

leipsic, . . . .

106-16

105-94

Thus all the documents relative to states agree in giving a larger proportional number of boys for legi- timate than for illegitimate births. This difference is much less conspicuous for towns. M. Bickes has extended his researches concerning legitimate births to a great number of cities ; and the average of the ratios, which I have calculated, gives 104'74, a value which is very sensibly inferior to that which all the European states give.

M. Poisson, some years ago, made researches into this singular circumstance, that the ratio of male to female births, for natural children, differs sensibly from the general ratio of Prance taken altogether ; and he has obtained, from the documents of 1817 to 1826 inclusively, 21-20ths instead of 16-15ths. M. Mathieu also had arrived at a similar result.f

With the view of throwing more light on this interesting subject, Mr Babbage has also carefully collected the numbers of several different countries, and presented them, with all the desirable details, in^ a letter, which is inserted in Brewster's Journal of Sciences, new series. No. I. I have extracted the principal results.

intermingling as little as possible with the dark races, whether CafTre or Hottentot. Generally speaking, they hold the mulatto in great dislike and contempt ; so that, amongst the pure Dutch of the Cape, a mulatto, however slightly tinged, has hitherto had little chance of acquiring a proper status in society. AVith respect to M. Quetelet's table of births, it seems prob.ablo that an excess of boys over girls is a law chiefly with the Celtic and Sarmatian races, and that in respect to the pure S.axon race, there exists cither an opposite law, namely, the excess of females over males, or, perhaps, as near as may be, an equality; but the translator inclines to the opinion that the excess will be in the females with respect to the S.axon race.]

Zeitung fur das Gesammte Medicinal wesen. Also, An. dc

Hygiene, Oct. 1832.

t Annuaire et lo tome ix. dcs M(!moirc3 dc I'Acadcmie des Sciences, p. 239.

Legitimate Births.

Number of Births observed.

Illegitimate Births.

Number of Births

Female.

Male.

Female.

Male.

observed.

France,

Naples,

Prussia,

Westphalia,

Montpellier,

10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000

10,657 10,452 10,609 10,471 10,707

9,656,135

1,059,055

3,672,251

151,169

25,064

10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000

10,484 10,367 10,278 10,039 10,081

673,047 51,.-i09

212,804 19,950 2,735

Averages,

10,000

10,575

10,000

10,250

In quoting these numbers, M. Prevost observes, that, independently of the physiological cause which gives a greater facility to male births, there exists an accessory cause in legitimate births especially, which stni further increases this facility, and which he at- tributes to a sort of preference generally given to children of the male sex. "Is not the end of this preference," says he, " to prevent, after male births, the increase of the family, and consequently to in- crease the proportional ratio of the latter ? Parents have one son : if different causes impede the increase of their family, they will perhaps be less uneasy at this privation, when their first wish is accomplished, than they would liaA^e been if they had not had male children. Would not this diminution of births, after one or two sons, tend to increase the ratio of male births ?" * Without denying the influence which this moral restraint may exercise in certain cases, I think it altogether insufiicent to explain the results which I shall soon advance.

M. Giron dc Buzareignes has also commmiicated to the Parisian Academy of Sciences some researches made in Prance, on the births of children of both sexes.f He divides society into three classes : the first is composed of persons whose occupations tend to develop the physical qualities ; the second, of persons Avhose occupations tend to weaken tliese powers ; and, lastly, the third, of persons whose occupations are of a mixed kind. According to this observer, the pro- portional number of male births in the first class will 1)0 greater than that which Prance furnishes in gene- ral ; in the second class, it will be the contrary ; and in the third, both numbers will be equal. Thus, agri- cultural occupations are favourable to the develop- ment of male births, whilst commerce and manufac- tiu'cs produce an opposite effect. This observation agi'ees very well with the results which have been previously pointed out for town and country, but it does not sustain an equal examination when applied to the different states of Europe.

M. Bickes, who is much inclined to question the opinion advanced by M. Giron de Buzareignes, has presented a new explanation of the causes which occasion the ratio of tlie sexes to vary. According to him, " It is in the blood (the constitution, the race) of people or nations, who differ more or less from each other in this respect, that the powers or causes reside, whatever they may be, Avhich determine the produc- tion of many boys. Political and civil institutions, customs, habitual occupations, mode of life, wealtli, indigence, &c. — all these things liavc no influence on the respective ratio according to which the two sexes come into the world." We should liave much difli- culty to explain by this means hoAv, in tlie same people, the ratio of births of the two sexes presents such sensible differences in town and country. As to the effect of legitimacy on tlie preponderance of female births, M. Bickes thinks that the first cause of it cannot be demonstrated.^ We shall soon find other obstacles to his hyiiothesis. Professor Hofiicker has made some researches in Germany, on the influ- ence of the age of parents on male and female births, whence it results, that in general, when the mother is older than the father, fewer boys than girls are

Bibliothfeque ITniverscUe de Genfcve. Oct. 1829, p. 140, eiseq.

■\ Bulletin de M. Fc^-rassac, tomexii. p. 3.

]: Annales de Hygiene, Oct. 1832, p. 4.59.

ON MAN.

born ; the same is the case when the parents are of equal ages ; but the more the father's age exceeds that of the mother, so is the ratio of boys greater.

The different results of M. Hofacker are brought together in the following table : —

observe any difference of facility in producing infants ^of one sex rather than of another. This facility, accord- ing to liim, only depends on the relative ages of the parents : tliis he deduces from the following numbers, extracted from registers of marriages : —

Ages of the Man and Woman'.

The man being younger than the woniEin,

as old as the woman, ... older from 3 to 6 years, ... • • from 6 to 9 years, -

from 9 to 18 years,

by 18 years and upwards.

The man from 24 to 36 — the woman from 16 to £6 years,

36to46 ••

• ■ 30 to 48 years,

48 to CO years.

young,

middle-aged, - older, -

Boys to

100

Girls.

90-6

- 900 103-4

- 124-7 143-7

- 200'0 116-6

- 95-4 176-9

- 114-3 109-2

- 190-0 164-3

If these results were deduced from sufficiently numerous observations, and so accurate as to deserve enth-e confidence, and if they were verified iia other countries, they would present a very powerful argu- ment in favour of the hypothesis, that the births of one or the other sex can be made to predominate at will. We must regret that there are still so few proper documents to elucidate this delicate question ; the only ones which I have succeeded in procuring are found in the work of IMr Sadler on the " Law of Population." I shaU first present a table extracted from the registers of the peers of England, and let it be observed that it only includes first marriages :—

Difference of Ages : the

Number

of MaiTiages.

Eirths.

Ratio of Births.

being —

Male.

Female.

Male.

Female.

Younger, As old, - Older from

I to 6 years, 6 to 11,- -

II to 16, - 16 and iip-

wai-ds, -

54 18

126 107 43

122 64

.166 327 143

141 57

353

258

865 948

1037 1267 1474

1632

lOO 100

100 100 100

100

Total,

381

1105

963

Children by each Marriage.

4-87 617

5-71 5-47 5-58

These results agree perfectly with those of M. Hofacker. I have calculated in the latter column the fecundity of the marriages, which has likewise a value depending on the respective ages of the espoused.

Li examining the influence of the age of the parents on births, Mr Sadler has been led to the following conclusions : — The ratio in which the sexes are born is regulated by the difference of age of the parents, in such a manner that the sex of the father or the mother will preponderate beyond the average of the total number of births, according to the party which has the excess of age. On the other hand, the sex which is in excess Avill have a mortality depending on the period which separates tlie age of the parents, so that the sexes will be balanced in numbers, towards the ordinary period of marriage.

It is thus that jNIr Sadler explains how the propor- tional nmnber of male births is not so great in the manufacturing towns of England as in the country, where men marry later, and present a greater diffe- rence of age to the women whom they espouse.* He also extends his exiilanation to the difference which is observed between legitimate and illegitimate births.

Mr Sadler, moreover, finds, that m considering the age of the father or the mother separately, we do not

It is a fact which appcai-s well established by several statis-

ticians, and by Mr Jlilne in particular (Traitd des Annuit<;s, vol ii. p. 493), that precocious marriages generally produce a greater munbcr of daughters.

Age of the Couples at

Number

of Marriages.

Births.

Ratio of Births.

the time of

Marriage.*

Male.

Female.

Male.

Female.

Under 21,

143

124

1153

1000

21 to 26,

307

668

712

938

1000

26 to 31,

284

696

609

1143

1000

31 to 3G,

137

298

263

1133

1000

36 to 41,

149

151

987

1000

41 to 46,

1120

1000

46 to 51,

952

1000

51 to 61,

1588

1000

61 and up-

wards.

625

ICOO

Total,

1027

2158

2050

1052

1000

Fecundity.

4-94 4-50 4-59 4-10 3-33 3-04 317 1.47

0-81

Ages of

the Wives

of the

Couples.

Under 16, 16 to 21, 21 to 26, 26 to 31, 31 to 36, 36 and up- wards.

Total,

Number

of Marriages.

13 177 191 60 21

471

Male. Female

37 502 512 115

387

485

Ratio of Births.

Male. Female.

1121 1299 1055 1250 1110

1000

lOOO 1000 1000 1000 1000

1000

Fecvmdity.

5-38 5-02 5-22 3-43 3-62

2-89

Since these numbers aire generally small, it would perhaps have been better had they been arranged imder fewer heads. It appears to me that we might reduce them to the three following: under 26 years, from 26 to 36 years, and upAvards of 36 years. We then obtain respectively 970, 1140, 1032 male births for 1000 female ones, when taking the couples ; and 1161, 1211, 1000, Avhen taking the wives. We see that the period between 26 and 36 years gives a few more male births.

Lastly, in extending his researches to widows and widowers, Mr Sadler further finds, from the registers of English couples, that the widowers tend to produce more female children.

Age of the Widowers or Widows at the time of Slarriage.

Number of 2d & 3d Wedlocks.

22 to 27, - 27 to 32, - 32 to 37, - 37 to 42, - 42 to 47, - 47 to 52, - 52 and up- wards, -

Total,

Births.

Ratio of the Births.

107

Male. Female.

33 39 66 32 38 43

Male. Female.

91-3 84-6 77-3 90-6 790 69-9

66-7

79-7

100 100 100 100 100 100

Children

by Marriage.

4-00 4-87 3-58 4-25 4-87

2-08

The ratio is so marked, that we find it almost corre- sponds to the different ages.

It results from the examination of the probable causes which may produce the inequality between the births of male and female children which has just been pointed out, that the most influential, if we may trust to the few documents Avhicli science at present possesses, is evidently that which the difference of age of the parents produces: Ave might even think that the other causes which have been pomted out, are in some manner the effects of it. Lideed, it ge-

All the numbers of this and the following tabic have been

t.ilien from fruitful first marriages.

ON MAN.

nerally liappeus tlirougliout Europe, tliat men, ■when they marry, are five or six years older than Avoraen, f!d that tiie preponderance of male births Avill be almost the same, as is established by the researches of Hofacker and Sadler, Avho give, as the ratio of births of both sexes, the number 103-5 nearly, when the father is from 1 to 6 years older than the mother. Now, Ave think that this ratio Avill be larger or smaller, according as the difference of age of the parents is greater or less in the different nations, in town or country, among the persons whose connexions are legitimate or illegitimate ; and, lastly, according to all the circumstances which may cause the ages to vary at which production takes i^lace ; so that the age of the parents Avill be the principal regulator which determines the magnitude of the ratio between tiie births of the two sexes. Hence we see how impor- tant it is to direct our researches to the age at Avhich marriage takes place, especially since the greater or less mortality of childi-en depends on these ages.*

2. Influence of Age on the Fecundity of Jlarriages.

"VVe have .iust seen that the relative age of the parties exercises a sensible influence on tlie ratio of male births : it is natural to suppose, that it will have still more influence with regard to the number of births, or the fecundity. I am not acquainted with much on this subject besides the researches of Mr Sadler, which were undertaken Avith tlie design of shoAving that the age of parents, considered apart, has no influence on the ratio of male to female births. I liaA^e introduced them above, taking care to calcu- late the number expressing the fecundity in the last column. HoAvever, since the numbers of Mr Sadler are generaUy small, I have thought proper to receive fcAver divisions of ages, which will give a greater pro- bability to my particular results : Ave may sum up all these results in the following table : —

According to tlie Registers of English

Number of Children

procreated by one Individual ; being at

tlie time of Marriage — ■

Couples.

Under 26 years.

Between 20 and SO.

Jlore than .3G years.

Husbands,

Wives,

Widowers & Widows.

511

r,\3

8 no t

4-4.3 3-49 4 -.50

2-84 2-8;) 3(i()

We see that the fecmidity of marriages, all things being equal, diminishes in proportion to the increas-

[Assuming as a, fact, an assertion Avhich has been often made,

that thoughtless and premature marriages, that is, Avhcn both sexes are very joung, take place to a much greater extent in Ireland than in most otlier countries, records of such marriages Avould go far to solve the difficult question proposed above by J\I. Quotelet : such records, if they exist, might be compared Avith tliose of Holland, where it is presmned that a moral condition of the people exists, which is the antithesis to the Irish character. A comparison of these records Avitli eacli other avouM go far to solve the question. Sliould it bo found that the male sex still predominates in births in Ireland, it would then be clear tliat the theory of age proposed by M. Buzarcigiios, and supported by I\I. Quetelet, would be at fault, whilst that of Bickes, or the theory of race, Avhich is the view supported by tlic translator, Avould be the true one.

It is quite possible, however, that both causes may have their influence ; but a glance at the table, page 12, proves indisputably, as far as such records go, that, commencing in Eastern Europe Avith the Sclavonic race, amongst whom we find the dispropor- tion of boys to girls greatest, and passing through the mixed Sclavonic and Saxon races of Prussia, and through the Celtic nations of France and the north of Italy, to Westphalia, Great Britain, and Sweden, where the Saxon rilce exists in its greatest purity, Ave find the disproportion between boys and girls constantly decreasing, and are entitled, therefore, to conclude, that whatever other causes may be in operation, blood or race comes in for at least a considerable share in the efl'ccts.]

t This number being founded on five mari'iages only, which pvoduced 44 children, cannot be entitled to much conftdoncc.

ing age of the parties. To observe the influence of age itself on the fecundity of individuals, it woifld be necessary to compute the probability of life in mar- rying; for it is very evident that he who has yet twice as long to live as another person, may hope, all things being equal, to procreate more children. It is very true, on the other hand, that tliose Avho marry young have some fear lest they should have too numerous a ttimily ; Avhich is not the case Avhen per- sons marry at a more advanced age. In supposing, as a kind of limit, that, all things being equal, the fecundity depends on the probability of life, it Avould be necessary for each age to divide each of the ratios previously found by the corresponding number Avliich expresses the length of the probable life. Now, in admitting approximatively 36, 32, and 21 years, as the probability of life of the individuals of the first class ; afterwards, for the women, 40, 34, and 23 years ; and, lastly, for the widows, 38, 33, and 22 years, Ave shall have, as the relative values of fecundity —

According to the Registers of English

Number of Children

procreated by one Individual ; being at

the time of IMarriage —

Couples.

Under 26 years.

Between 26 and 36.

More than 36 years.

Husbands,

Wives,

AVidowers & Widows,

0-142 0-128 0-131

0-130 0103 0-136

0-1.35 0-125 0-166

These numbers, Avhich only express the relative fecundity, serve, moreover, to shoAv that the greatest aptitude for reproduction is evidently, among the in- dividuals whom Ave are considering, before the age of 26 years ; moreover, Ave see tliat it is not sensibly diminished in men until the 36th year. The data for females are too fcAv to be relied on, since they only include nine Avonien more than 36 years of age.

When Ave consider the respective ages of the hus- bands, Ave find, stUl availing ourselves of the numbers furnished by Mr Sadler, and which we have quoted above, that the fecundity of marriages reaches its greatest value Avhen the ages of the married persons are the same, or Avhen the man is from 1 to 6 years older than the woman : it does laot sensibly diminish, if the difference of age does not exceed 16 years; but Avhen it is greater, or Avhcn the man is younger than the woman, the fecundity seems to be at its minimum. These are resiflts Avhich it is in some measirre easy to foresee. Moreover, I only proposed to point out these researches, Avithout pretending to go deeply into them, since adequate data are stUl Avanting.

]\Ir Sadler, in another part of his work, has ascer- tained the nmnber of children produced by the Avives of those couples in England Avhose ages at the time of marriage he has been able to determine : putting down all the marriages this time, Avhether they Avere fruitful or not, or were born during the first or second time of Avedlock ; and these are his results : —

Age at the time of Marriage.

Number

of Marriages.

Number

of Children.

Mortality of Children be- fore the Mar- riageable Age.

Births by Mai-riagc.

Deaths for one Birth.

12 to 15, 16 to 19, 20 to 23, 24 to 27,

32 172 198

141

797

10.3.3 467

40 166 195 180

4-40 4-63 5-21 S-43

0-283 0-208 0-188 0-171

We see here that, from 12 to 27 j'ears, the fecun- dity of Avomen continues to increase. At first view, this result appears contrary to those Avhich have been previously obtained ; but it is proper to observe, that he is considering marriages in general, and not, as Ave have previously supposed, fruitful marriages in par- ticular. We have seen that, on this latter hypothesis, the fecundity of women does not perceptibly vary under the age of 26 years. We can then only attri-

ON MAN.

liute the diflcronce to this, that many women, married hite in Hfe, continue barren. Moreover, it results from the calculations of i\Ir Sadler, that the children procreated by too premature marriages are more sub- ject to mortality than others. It is, besides, very odd, that the statistician, who has calculated the preceding tables witli a definite object, has not extended their application beyond the age of 27 years. It is also nuich to be desired that he had ascertained the ratio of fruitful to barren women, for the different ages at which marriages have taken place.

Not to choose the individuals Avliom he examines from a privileged class, Mr Sadler has also given a table from 2860 cases of child-birth, attended by Dr Granville in several of the principal benevolent esta- blishments in London : we shall quote it here.

o tc

o C h

O a5

£ t^ o.

lire

S ■■ 3

3 "^ o

3 "

O o

i«

l.-JtolC,

376

209

lfi7

0-44

0-46

508

17 to 20,

354

1307

751

55G

0-43

0-.W

3.70

21 to 24,

2ai

823

474

.•wg

0-42

0-52

2-91

25 to 28,

J 10

2»7

170

117

0-41

2-61

29 to 32,*

0-31

0-59

2-03

This table deserves to be carefully examined. We first observe that the mortality of children is some- what less, in proportion as the marriages are less precocious ; afterwards, the numbers of the seventh column, which Islr Sadler gives as having been cal- culated by 'Mr Finlayson from accounts taken of the ages of the delivei'cd women, whom he does not know or of whom he takes no account, would tend to show that fecundity is greater as the woman is younger, and on this side of the term of ."52 years. Never- theless, from the last column, which I have added, and which I have made from the numbers of the table, it is easy to see that, if the annual fecundity be less, the fruitful women Avho \\n\c married early, all tilings being equal, have produced more children; wliich brings us l3ack to the observation already made on the wives of peers. It is singular that ^Ir Sadler should not have examined the fecundity in both these cases : it seems to me, that he would have found less solid arguments in favour of the law of population which he endeavours to establish.

"We certainly sec, from the numbers of ^Mr Finlay- son, that there is a somewhat greater annual fecun- dity for women married late ; but it does not compen- sate for the excess of absolute fecundity of those who have married early. Generally, when a man marries a woman verj' young, he endeavours to take care of her, and her family may become numerous without his object being to make it so : on the contrarj', if he marry a person groM-n up, he no longer thinks care so necessary ; and, on the other hand, if he wishes to have a family, the time becomes more precious to him, as the age of his wife is advanced.f

It seems to me that the following consequences naturally follow from what has been said : —

1. Too premature marriages bring on sterility, and I)roduce children who have less likelihood of living.

2. A marriage, if it be not barren, produces the same number of births, at whatever period it takes place, provided that the man's age does not exceed .■J3, or that of the woman 26 years. After these ages, the number of children produced diminishes.

3. From the preceding result, and from a conside- ration of the probability of life, we may infer that it

It is evident that there are errors in this line, wliieh we

thought necessarj' to copy exactly.

t The table of Jlr Finlayson, wliieh is more extended than that of Mr Sadler, gives 0-78 as the annual fecundity of a woman from 33 to 30 years of age, and M2 for one from 37 to 39 years of nge.

is before the age of 3.1 years of the man, and 26 of the woman, that we observe the greatest fecundity.

4. If we may reckon the respective ages of married persons, we find that, all things being equal, the mar- riages most productive are those in which the man is at least as old as the woman, or older, yet not much exceeding her time of life.

After these observations, it becomes interesting to examine if man, in our climate, conforms to the laws which natm-e appears to have attached to fecundity, and if he reproduces at the most appropriate period of life. To establish this period, it would be necessary to know the age of parents at the time of the birth of their children. From the want of these documents, we may recur to the ages at which marriages take place, and admit, with sufficient probability, as an average term, that the birth of the first-born takes place within the first year which follows marriage.

In this lu'pothesis, it will be necessary to recm' to tables of population ; and some calculations, foimded on the probability of life, will assist us in determining the marriage ages. The following table will explain the course which we have followed. The second and the fourth columns, from the Belgic population table, inform us of the number of men and women who are married, and who are of the age stated in the first column ; moreover, also, whether they are yet mar- ried, or in the state of widoM'hood. The third and fifth columns point out what becomes of the same individuals in the period which follows, taking their mortality into account. The calculations have not been extended beyond 56 j'ears, since the results after that period could only be very doubtful.

Slarried Jlen or

INIarried Women

Widowers.

or AVidows.

Age.

Number

when

tlie Tables.

Reduced.

the Tables.

Reduced.

From 14 to 16, -

. • 10 to 20, -

403

987

• • 20 to 25, -

3,278

3,029

5,981

5,594

• . 25 to 30, -

14,025

13,175

16,256

15,204

• • 30 to 35, -

20,879

19,628

21,928

20,552

• • .35 to 40, -

19,374

18,140

22,660

21,143

• • 40 to 45, -

18,951

17,512

22,138

20,566

• • 45 to SO, -

18,a50

10,583

19,950

18,312

• • 50 to 53, -

11,708

10,804

12,453

11,607

• • 53 to 56, -

9,925

9,087

10,130

9,432

Now, to arrive at the number of marriages which have taken place between 20 and 25 years among the men, it will be sufficient to take from the number of married individuals of this age the number of those who -were so before arriving at the age of 20 xexrs : it will be necessary, moreover, to take into conside- ration the mortality of the latter ; so that from 3278 we take away 91: the remainder, 3187, gives the number of marriages which have been made. In the same manner, the nmnber of marriages which have been made between 25 and 30 j-ears, will be calculated by taking 3029 from 14,025. We proceed in the same manner with the succeeding numbers ; for the two classes which exceed fifty years, we must remember that they only include three years. To avoid any con- fusion in the calculation, we have, in the following results, employed the numbers of an average year of each period.

Age.

From 14 to 16 years,

.. 16 to 20 •• -

• . 20 to 25 • •

.. 25 to 30 •• -

• • 30 to 35 ■ •

. . 35 to 40 ■ ■ -

• • 40 to 45 • •

. • 45 to 50 • • -

. . 50 to 53 . .

.. 53 to 56 •• -

Marriages which have

taken place.

Men.

Women.

- 24

6.17

1118

- 2190

2132

1541

l.-HS

- 51

422

102

209

- 169

123

586

489

- 313

522

ON MAN.

Some negative quantities are presented among tliese numbers, which may arise from a greater mortality than that which we have supposed ; or from this ck- cumstance, that at certain times there are lacuna, or voids, in the population ; or stUl more from the decla- rations of married persons having heen made falsely, to conceal their age, or from other motives. We observe, indeed, that of the four negative numbers, three of them fall near the period of 50 years, which is overrated. Several persons, to give a round num- ber, as is observed in other population-tables, will pro- bably have declared themselves to be 50 years old, when they had not attained that term by some months, or even A^hen they had already passed it by some years. As to the negative number between 35 and 40 years for the men, it corresponds to tlie du'eful period of the French wars, in which the Belgians took part : the men of this age entered on their 19th year some time between 1808 and 1813.

Considering what has just been said, we see that men in Belgium do not marry before 16, and probably not before 18 years of age : some Avomen have mar- ried between 14 and 16 years of age. The greatest number of marriages, both of men and loomen, take place between their 2Qth and 30th years : women, however, reach the adult period earlier tlian men ; the maximum would seem to fall about the 29th year for men, and after the 27th for women.

The number of marriages diminishes very sensibly after the 35th year ; and it may be considered as almost nothing, for females at least, after the 40th j-ear. Indeed, the total, between 40 and 56 years, is only 53. The number 53 is only relative to tlie numbers of the table, and not to what really takes place. Of the men, there is a certain number who marry at even more advanced ages : thus, the preceding table gives 162 from 40 to 45 years, 169 from 45 to 50, and 273 from 50 to 53 years.

From this research, it would result that a man's first child Avould be born to him when he was about 30 years of age, and the woman bemg about the age of 28 : this Avoiild give the duration of a generation in Belgium; it is also the average duration of life nearly. We shall especially insist on this coinci- dence.

It is also very remarkable, that marriages only be- come frequent when men have passed the stormy period of the passions, and of the greatest tendency to crime, which happens aboiit the 24th j^ear : this is also the time when the development of the physical qualities has terminated, and the intellectual ones attain a greater energy.

According to M. Friedlauder, to Avliom we are in- debted for the article MortuUtd in the Dictionnaire des Scioiccs Medicales, it would be about the 30th year that the greatest number of accouchements take place in Sweden and Finland. The following are the results Avhich he has presented, from sixteen years' observation, made prior to 1795 : —

Age of the

Average

Annual

Number of

Ratio of

Women

Number of

Number

Women to

AVomen to

Delivered.

Women alive.

of Births.

10 Births.

1000 Births.

]S to 20 years,

134,548

3,298

408

33-

20 to 25 ••

129,748

10,507

165-

2.'-. to 30 ••

121,707

20,329

263-

30 to 35 • •

111,373

25,618

250-

35 to 40 ••

97,543

18,093

181-

40 to 45 . .

90,852

8,618

05-

45 to 50 . .

78,897

1,694

405

17-

TTpwards of

50 years,

G9,2G8

17,760

0-4

1000-4

It is to be desired that such observations as these, which may be obtained Avith sufficient accuracy from the registers of the civil state, were more numerous ; and that all which relates to the age of the parents,

and to the period of the conception or bu'th of their children, might be stated more carefully for the futm'e.

3. Influence of Places.

One of the first subjects of investigation presented to the mind, when studying the circumstances con- nected with births, is the determination of the influ- ence of cUmate on fecundity. Unfortunately, the data which Ave possess on this important subject are so incomplete, and modified by so many accessory causes, that it is almost impossible to separate them from matter foreign to the question, and lay hold of results deserA'ing of confidence. Opinions, also, vary much on tills subject; and we are still ignorant whether, all things being equal, the north or the south is most faA^ourable to fecundity.

If it be the fecundity of the population Avhich we compare, Ave find, CA^en in neighbouring countries, the most striking discordances ; because, errors of numbers being taken away, the accessory causes are almost ahvays more active than the influence of climate. To give an exami)le of this, I shall quote the ratio of the births to the population of different countries, from the medical statistics of Mr Hawkins.*

States and Colonies.

Iceland, 1819, -

England, - - -

Cape of Good Hope, 1820,

France, . - -

Sweden,

Isle of Bourbon, -

The Two Sicilies,

Prussia, ...

Venice,

United States,

Number of Inhabitants to one Birth. 37-0 350 33-7 31-6 270 24 5 240 23-3 22-0 20-0

It would be impossible to find any agreement be- tween these numbers and the degrees of latitude to which they refer, which might indicate the influence of climate. Even without going beyond France, Ave find very great discordances for some selected depart- ments. Thus, the ratio for that kingdom is one birth to 32 inhabitants ; whilst the ratio for the departments of Orne and Finisterre has been one to 44'83, and 25'97 respectively, for the five years 1826-30. On the other hand, taking the most southern departments of France indiscriminately, we do not find any sensible difference from those of the north. There is a pro- A'ince in America, called Guanaxuato, Avhich in 1825 had one birth to 16'08 inhabitants : f this ratio, and that of the department of Orne, may almost be con- sidered as forming the limit of the known ratios of different countries.

Since the examination of the influence of climate on the fecundity of the population is rendered per- plexing by the existence of powerful influences of other kinds, Ave ouglit first to endeavour to ascertain the latter, in order to be able to judge what Avould be the fecundity of the same population, placed in tAvo different climates. Moreover, the difiiculty of obtain- ing an exact enumeration of the population, adds to the singular complexity of this research.

By taking the fecundity of marriages into account in considering the hypotliesis of a homogeneous popu- lation, and only making use of the ascertained num- ber of marriages and legitimate births, Ave may hope to arrive at more conclusive results on the influence of climate. ]M. Benoiston de Chateauneuf considered this interesting question in a notice " On the Intensity of the Fecundity of Europe at the Commencement of

Elements of Medical Statistics, by E. Bisset Hawkins. Lon-

don : 1029.

t Bibliothdqne UniverseUe, 1833, On the Proportional Morta- lity of Norman Populations, by Sir F. PTvernnis.

ON MAN.

the Nineteenth Century." * We shall take this phi- losopher as oxti guide iu our remarks on the fecundity of marriages.

" If we divide Europe into two climates only — one of which, commencing at Portugal and terminating at the Low Countries, will tlius extend from the 40th to the 50th degree of north latitude, and represent the southern di^dsion ; whilst the other, going from Brussels to Stockholm, or from the .50th to the 67th degree, will represent the northern division — we shall find that, in the former, 100 marriages give 457 births ; and in the latter, the same number of unions only produces 430.

The difference becomes still greater, if we merely compare the two extreme temperatures with each other. In Portugal, 5' 10 children are born to each marriage ; in Sweden, 3-62 only

Finally, ^vithout going out of France, we may find new proofs of tliis observation. ' The fecundity,' says Moheau, 'increases from the north to the south of France. There, the average number of births by marriage is annually 5"03, and in the provinces of the north it is only 4"64/

What was true in our case, fifty years ago, is also true now. The average of births, taken for five years (1821-25), is 4'34 by marriage in our provinces in the south (Dauphiny, Languedoc, Provence), and in Flan- ders and Picardy it is only 4'OO.f

These facts sufiice to show that we ought not to accuse those writers of inaccuracy who first affirmed that fecundity was greater in warm than in cold cli- mates : they were in the right.

But if we extend these researches — and if, in extend- ing them to many coimtries, we generalise still more — then the differences of climate, temperature, and position disappear, their influence ceases to be mani- fested, and nature obeys other laws."

According to M. Benoiston, there are born, each j'car, by marriage —

States an'd Provinces.

Children to one

Marriage.

In Portugal, ....

- 5-14

• • the provinco of Bergiutiasco (Italy),

C-24

• • the government of Venice,

- 5-45

• ■ Savoy, ....

5-65

• • Roussillon (Eastern Pyrenees),

- 5-17

■ • a part of Dauphiny,

5-39

Lyonnais,

- 5-68

Anjou,

509

Poitou,

5-4G

Brittany,

5-52

Franche-Comti.',

- 501

Alsace, -

6-03

• • the canton of Friboiirg,

- 5-35

• • a part of Scotland,

513

• • Bohemia, . - . -

- 5-27

• • Muscovy, - - - -

5-25

• • Eastern and Western Flanders,

- 5-27

" These dilit^rcnt countries present a vei'y great fecundity, and we may observe that eight of them are mountainous (Brittany, Franche-Comte, Roussillon, Comte de Nice, Savoy, Fribom-g, Bohemia, Berga- masco) : we also see that these are in general fertile comitries, where the produce of the ground is adequate to the necessities of the people.

It appears that in maritime countries the births are also more numerous than in inland states ; and the same is successively the case for wine, pasturage, corn, and forest countries."

The following table for Belgium presents some in- teresting details : —

Annalcs des Sciences Naturelles, Dec. 1826.

t M. Benoiston de Chateauneuf informs us that he has de- ducted a cei-tain number for natui-al children, hut he does not say whether the same Las been done for the rest of Europe,

Provinces.

■3" §•■3

Births: 1825-29.

Inhabitants

III

To one

1 To one

33S

Birth.

Mar.

O g

Antwerp, -

354,974

11,018

2,392

149

4-48*

Brabant, -

556,146

18,803

4,035

137

4-68

Flanders, East

733,938

24,148

4,246

173

519

. . West,

601,678

20,315

4,145

169

4-90

Liege, - -

369,937

11,837

2,382

155

4-72

Hainan, -

604,957

20,016

4,323

140

4-51

Limbourg, -

337,703

10,589

2,422

139

4-37

Namur, -

212,725

11,018

1,378

154

4-57

Luxembourg.t

292,151

10,477

2,278

128

4-67

Kingdom, -

4,064,209

135,140

28,076

144

4-72

We see at first that the fecundity, estimated either in the ratio of the population or of the marriages, presents little difference, which is an evidence that the population is so far homogeneous ; and we shaU truly find this to be the case a little farther on. Luxembourg and Brabant, which have produced the greatest number of births in proportion to the popu- lation, are also the two provinces which, all things being equal, present the greatest number of mar- riages. The Flemings have fewer marriages, but the marriages are more fruitful there than in the rest of the kingdom, which explains why the ratio of births is exactly equal to that of the whole of Belgium. Moreover, it becomes difl[icult, from the small extent of this country, to recognise the effects of some of the influential causes which have been pointed out above, and especially difference of climate.

It is here necessary to make an essential remark, which is, that generally, in estimating the fecundity of marriages iu Belgium, the total number of births has been compared with the total number of marriages, without making any deduction for illegitimate chil- dren ; and I myself confess that, owing to the want of documents, I have not made this deduction in my works. I have reason to think, from some partial data, that the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births would differ very little from that of France, where 100 marriages produce 408 births, taking them indiscriminately, and of these only 379 are legitimate births, that is to say, 29 less. In supposing, then, that legitimate and illegitimate children are in the same ratio to each other in Belgium as in France, the figure expressing the fecvmdity of marriages woiild not be more than about 4*4, which still gives it a very high value compared with other countries.

The distinction of first, second, and third times of wedlock, becomes equally important to enable us to work out the share of each of the influential causes Avith precision. In countries, indeed, Avhere successive marriages are easily accomphshed, the figure express- ing the fecundity of marriages should be very small, for the fecundity of -woman is not without limits ; and the ratio of births to marriages should neces- sarily change, if the marriages become more nu- merous, while the number of bu-ths yet remains the same.

Among the causes influencing the number which expresses the fecundity, we ought to rank the cir- cumstance of a town or coimtry residence. During the decennial period of 1803 to 1813, the only one for which Ave may form calculations in Belgium, Ave find that 100 marriages have produced 484 births in the town, and 450 in the country ;$ but we might still reasonably object, that, legitimate not liaA'iug been

The fecundity of marriages has been calculated for the years

between 1803 and 1829 : the numbers of this province are not very accurate, since the population is not exactly knoAvn.

t The population of Luxembourg is that of 1825 : the average of the marriages for this province and for Limbourg has only been taken for three instead of five years ; the same also for the king- dom.

t Recherches sur la Reproduction et la Mertalitc.

ON MAN.

distinguished from illegitimate births, this difference can only be deceptive.

If we seek to establish the ratio of the energy of fecundation to the population, Are generally find, taking only the figure of the fecundity of the great cities of Europe, that it lias a superior value to that of the adjacent country districts. We may see, in the JBuUetin des Sciences Geographiques for April 1831, a table of the changes of the population of the princi- pal cities of Europe, which, if the elements of it are exact, gives one birth for 22-4 inhabitants, as the average of 78 cities there noted. Tlie cities which present the extremes of the series are — Utrecht, 19"0 ; Liverpool, 18-0; Oporto, 19-6; London, 40-8 ; St Pe- tersburg, 467.*

'Wlien we make the distinction between city and country for Belgium, we also find that the number of births, compared to the population, is greater in the cities: it has been 1 to 29"1 between the years 1825 and 1829. In the country, its value has been 1 to 30"4 : and hence it Avould really appear, that there is a more active cause of fecundity in cities than in the country.

M. Villerme, in his work on Monthly Births,f has shown that unhealthy periods, principally those of epidemics produced by marsh miasmata, are unfa- voiirable to fecundity. This philosopher has found a direct proof of it in the number of conceptions, which diminishes at those periods of the year when marshy emanations are most intense.

Mr Sadler, in his Avork on the Law of Population, has examined the relation which exists between the number of marriages, of births, and of deaths : in ex- tending his comparisons to the numbers of different countries, and especially to those of England, Prance, and the old kingdom of the Low Countries, he has generally found, that places ivhich annually produce the greatest number of marriages are those ivhere the fecun- dity of marriages is the smallest, being, as it were, a sort of compensation which prevents the population of a country making too rapid an advance. The same author finds, tliat the countries where marriages are i^ery numerous, are also those which have a greater mor- taliti/. We may form some idea of his results from the following table, which is a summary of the values obtained for France : —

Table showing that the rreventive Obstacle diminislies the Fecundity of Marriages, and that the Fecundity is regulated by the amount of Blortalitj'.

Proportion of Marriages.

1 to no to 120 Inha- bitants,

• • 120 to 130

■ • 130 to 140 • •

• • 140 to LW

• • 150 to 1«0

• • 16f) to 170

■ • 170 and more.

,, , , Legitimate > umber of Births to one Departments, j^i^rriage.

3-70 ,-!-7!> 4-17 4-30 4-43 4-48 4-84

Inhabitants to one Death.

3.r4 3IJ-2 3;)-0 400 40-3 42-7 4G-4

These facts, established by Mr Sadler, are verified by the numbers which the difft-rent parts of England furnish. Mr Sadler lias also availed himself of the documents which I had given for the ancient king- dom of the Low Countries, and found a new confir- mation of his results. I shall also present this table, which is instructive on many points.

In comparing countries with each othei% after hav- ing compared the parts of which they are composeil, and in making use of the data whicli would seem to deserve most confidence, we find : —

The sniallness of this ratio for St Petersburg, is owing to the

peculiar state of the population, wliich contains a much greater number of men than of women.

t Annalcs de Hygiene, Janvier 1831.

Inhabitants

Kingdoms.

For one JIarriage.

For one Birth.

For one Death.

Fecundity.

Prussia,* England, t - France, f Belgium, § ■.

102- 128- 131-4 144-

231 34-0 32-2 30-0

.36-2 49-0 39-7 430

4-23 3-77 3-79 472

These results do not so well agree with the prin- ciples which Mr Sadler has deduced from his parti- cidar observations.

Limbourg,

One marriage for less than 100 inhabitants

Holland, Northern, Southern, Zealand, Utrecht, -

One marriage for 100 to 120 inhabitants,

Overyssel, - Friesland, Dreut,

Guelderliind, - Hainan , Flanders, 'VA'estern,

One mairiage for 120 to 140 inhabitants.

104-4 113-3 113-7 118-2

121-9 128-7 130-3 131-1 136-5

137-7

Brabant, Southoni, Antwerp, Groningen, Luxembourg, - Brabant, Northern, Liege,

One marriage for 140 to IGO inhaljitants,

Flanders, Eastern, -

One marriage for IGO or more inhabitants,

142-2 142-9 149-3 149-9 150-0 1541

2 o •-

4-50 4-74 5-49 4-8G

4 -CO 5-75 4-69 4-75 4-98 501

29-78

5-45 4-65 .517 5-37 514 5-33

Average

4-75

34-5 35-5 31-4 36-3

137-

48-5 4(i-l 55-0 53-7 51-1 40-7

38-2 48-8 493 53-8 51-4 46-2

287-7

.\verage.

47-9

After considering all the documents produced by ]\Ir Sadler in support of his observation, it seems to me that we might truly admit as very probable, that a great mortality induces many marriages, and that marriages are less productive in proportion as they are more numerous. But I think that the author is too eager to draw arguments from them against the anti-popula- tionist, whom he strives to defeat when attempting to make particular theories prevail. It seems to me that the facts which he cites, in order to acquire all the im- portance which he is desirous of giving them, should be supported by another statistical document, namely, the number of marriages of the first, second, and third wedlocks. It is said that deaths make way for mar- riages; this is what the researches of Mr Sadler prove : it is also said that mortality increases fecundity ; and Mr Sadler opposes the i-esults at which lie has arrived to this assertion. It is here, I think, that the error

Babbage in Brewster's .Toum.al of Sciences, No. I., new series,

t Bickman — Preface to the Abstract of the Population, 1821, % Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes de Paris. § Annuaire de I'Observatoire dc Bruxelles.

ON MAN.

Avill be found. Firstly, it is necessary not to confound the fecundity of the marriages with the feciuidity of the population : then, on the other hand, in a coun- try where the mortality would be very great, espe- cially among adult persons, the marriages of second and thu'd wedlocks would be more numerous, and each marriage would thus produce, diu'ing its conti- nuance, a fewer number of children ; although, in point of fact, the fecundity of the population were very great. For example, in the provinces of France which have the least mortality, and, as Mr Sadler observes, the fewest marriages, we find the greatest mmiber of children to each marriage. This latter observation appears to me to be a necessary conse- quence of the former : a woman, who has five children by one marriage, might, the mortality being greater, have these five children by two successive marriages, or even by a greater number. It would be very na- tural, then, that the fecundity of marriages should appear to have diminished. It is even evident, ac- cording to the mode of reasoning I have just employed, that it would be necessary to admit that, all things being equal, in a country where mortality becomes greater, marriages should become more numerous, and the fecun- dity of marriages, on the contrary, decrease. This result, which I deduce from purely rational considerations, is found to be supported by the facts brought forward by Mr Sadler ; but it does not follow that the absolute fecundity of this country should decrease, or that the country shoiild have a smaller annual number of births. I think the contrary, and believe that I can prove it a-little farther on.

I What so often renders statistical results difficult of \ interpretation is, that facts are assumed as simple |which in their nature are complex. Thus, it appears to me impossible to determine any thing concerning tlie fecundity of the women of a country merely from the ratio of marriages to legitimate births : we neces- sarily ought to consider the mortality of the country we are examining, and take the marriages of second or third M'edlocks into acco\mt. I regret that INI. Benoiston de Chateamieuf, in his interesting Avork on the Fecundity of Europe, has not paid attention to this element : I think he might have overcome se- veral difficulties which his subject presented to him, (which was extremely complex), and have cxplabied some apparent anomalies.

It will also be necessary henceforth, in all researches on fccmidity, to consider the age of marriage in the different localities. For examiile, it is evident, if persons do not marry at the same age in the country as in citie*, that, all things being equal, we ought to expect to find different numbers for the fecundity of marriages. The same will be the case when we com- pare certain northern states, M'here marriage takes place very late, with southern countries, where it oc- curs very early. I repeat again, that the more Ave study the phenomena of population, the more com- plexity Ave find in them ; but, at the same time, Ave have the hope of succeeding, by an analysis conducted Avith sagacity, and by using good materials, in ascer- taining the causes on Avhich they depend, and in esti- mating the degree of influence of each of these causes.

4. Influence of Years.

We possess different documents, Avliich inform us of the fecundity of marriages of the same country at different periods, and Avhich thus allow us to judge . whether, all things being eqiial, this fecundity has undergone variations independent of the annual changes resulting from a more or less prosperous state of things, such as those Avhich would arise from changes in the nature of the climate, or from the progressive advance- ment of civilisation. In making use of the Prussian documents furnished by Sl'issmilch, and retaining the periods of this jiliilosopher, Ave find at first :

Average Number

Baptisms.

Periods.

■>

to one

Marriage.

Marriages.

Baptisms.

Deaths.

l(i!)3 to 1007, -

5,747

19,715

14,802

3-43

1698 to 1702, -

9.070

24,112

14,474

3-97

1703 to 1708, -

6,082

26,896

16,430

4-42

170!) to 1711, -

5,835

18,833

85,955

3-23

1712 to 17I6, -

4,965

21,603

11,948

4-35

1717 to 1721, -

4,324

21, ,396

12,039

4-95

1722 to 172G, -

4,719

21,452

12,863

4-55

1727 to 1731, -

4,808

20,559

12,825

4 '28

1732 to 1735, -

5,424-

22,692

15,475

4-18

1736 to 1737, -

5,522

20,394

25,425

3-69

1738 to 1742, -

5,582

22,099

15,255

3-96

1743 to 1746, -

5,469

25,275

15,117

4-62

1747 to 1761, -

6,423

28,235

17,272

4-40

1752 to 17.'i6, -

5,599

28,392

19,154

5-07

1816 to 1823, -

109,237

480,632

307,113

5-40*

1827,

106,270

524,062

368,578

4-93 t

The numbers belonging to the commencement of this century are births in general, Avhilst those of Sussmilch only include baptisms ; Avhich may cause a difference, the amount of Avhich I do not knoAv hoAv to obtain. In order to arrive at the accidental causes, I have taken periods somewhat more extended than the preceding.

From 1693 to 1708, ••

•• 1709 to 1721,

• . 1722 to 1735, -

• ■ 1736 to 1746,

• • 1747 to 1756, -

• • 1816 to 1823,

•• 1827,

Average,

3-94 baptisms to one marriage.

4'18

A-m

4-09

4-73

4 -40 births to one marriage.

4-93

4-37

For England, Ave find, according to Messrs Eickman and Sadler, vol. ii. p. 478—

1700, 1770, 1780, 1785,

1790, 1795,

1800, 1805, 1810,

Average,

30G baptisms to one marriage.

3 61 ..

3-56

366

3-59

3.53

3-40

3-50

3-60

3-57

j\Tr Sadler giAX'S, for the fecundity of the ye.ars 1680 to 17.30, the numbers 4*65 and 4'25, Avhich Avould seem to prove that the fecundity has diminished ; but it might also happen that this apparent increase de- pended on the manner in Avliich the numbers have been collected. J

SAveden gives the foUoAving results :§ —

From 1749 to 1758, . . 1759 to 1764, . . 1821 to 1826,

4-20 births to one marriage.

4-05 . . 4-03 ..

Average, - 4.009 And I have found for the ancient kingdom of the TjOav Countries —

From 1803 to 1812, . . 1815 to 1824, . . 1825 to 1830,

460 births to one marriage. 4-74 . . 4-831 . .

Average, - 4-72

It would result from the examples Avhich have been

presented, that the fecundity of marriages does not

sensibly vary in the same country and in the course

of a century, Avhen we include periods of time suffi-

Babbage, in Brewster's .Journal of Sciences, No. I., new

series.

t Bulletin des Sciences, Janvier 1830.

ij: AVe might also attribute it to greater prudence and circum- spection. It has also been observed, that the proportional num- ber of marriages, for the last half century, has progressively diminished in England. — (Say — Cotirs d'Econoinie Politique, p. 7, ch. 2.

§ Sadler, vol. ii. pp. 258, 2G3,

ON MAN.

ciently great to remove the accidental causes attending years of greater or less prosperity.

It is remarkable that epidemics, periods of great scarcity, and all severe scourges, do not merely exer- cise a sensible influence on the number of deaths, but also on the amount of marriages and Ijirths. It does not certainly follow that, because provisions are rather dearer one year, that there should necessarily be fewer births and marriages, because the influence of this increase of price may he masked by some other cause ; but when the dearness of provisions is very decided, and when there is truly a scarcity', we have the great- est likehhood of finding it manifested in the books of marriages and births. This is what we shall easily find on inspecting the foUo-\ving table for the kingdom of the Netherlands : —

Birtlis.

Deaths.

Mar-

Price

Half a Hecto-

"iears.

riages.

of \Mieat.

litre

Town.

Country.

ToM-n.

Country.

of Rye.

florins.

J815, -

59,737

135,625

49,007

88,592

48,854

4-90

3-50

]81G, -

68,095

138,507

47,327

88,796

40,801

9'56

7-17

1817, ■

55,207

122,348

55,240

97,368

33,881

6-79

4-28

1818, -

55,665

128,041

49,169

91,247

39,218

5-18

3-82

]8!9, -

61,788

143,504

49,738

98,659

42,401

3-72

2-52

1030, -

61,263

133,685

50,001

94,496

43,258

3-74

208

1821, -

65,356

145,003

49,706

88,414

44,796

3-71

1-87

1822, -

67,794

151,747

52,078

95,475

40,949

3-30

2-46

1823, -

65,318

148,299

48,815

91,877

45,424

2-95

1-96

1BV4, -

67,030

151,636

47,662

87,253

44,665

2-48

1-51

1825, -

68,078

153,813

60,689

95,449

47,097

3-12

2-08

1826, -

67,919

153,970

58,749

110,155

48,054

4-02

2-96

Total,

753,250

1,706,178

608,861

1,127,781

525,398

Aver.,

62,770

142,182

50,739

93,981

43,783

4-48

3-03

The year 1817 presents a much greater number of deaths, "for the cities and country, than the preceding years, Avhilst the births and marriages, on the contrary, have been much fewer : this year was really a year of scarcity, as was also the preceding one. We may observe that, during the period from 1709 to 1711, the same effect took place in Prussia, according to the numbers of Siissmilch, which have been quoted above, but from another cause — the pestilence which ravaged that country in 1710. The increase of morta- lity, also, has been accompanied by a falling oif in the number of baptisms, and that of marriages has like- wise fallen, but more particularly in the succeeding years, wliich has undoubtedly been owing to the va- cuity which Avas formed in the class of adult persons. A singular mistake in figm-es, led one of the first economists of this century to conclude that the births were multiplied, as if to make up for the void left by the pestilence : indeed, after such scourges, it is not imusual to see the population regain its relation to the means of subsistence by an increase of births.

In general, privations are not only mortal to the human species, but even arrest its development : their influence is not always felt immediately — we often perceive that a long time after the cause has ceased to operate. In 1826, the price of bread rose again in Belgium, and we also see that the mortality became greater, and the number of marriages and birtlis which the preceding year presented, imderwent a sensible diminution.* However, these latter elements, espe- cially the figure of births, are, from their nature, less subject to variation than the number of deaths.

On the contrary, in the years 1821 and 1824, the price of grain was at the lowest, and these are the years which, with respect to the increase of the popu- lation, have presented the least degree of mortality ; they are also followed by years which present more marriages and births. The changes in the price of bread have also as marked an influence in the country as in town : it is perhaps less observable iu the births.

We have for the following years : —

Years. Births in Town. Births in Countrj'. Marriages.

1827, - - 64,liKl 143,288 45,632

182I!, . . 68,674 153.166 47,400

5. Influence of Seasons.

The seasons have a marked influence on all the relations of man ; they operate on his physical as well as his moral nature. Thus, the vehemence of his jmssions, and the intensity of his inclination to crime, are modified according to temperature and chmate; and the same also holds in respect to his reproductive faculty and mortality. Physiologists have already observed the influence of the seasons on the births and deaths of mankind ; biit their results, in general, do not agree much with each other, because they are modifled by the locality, the period, and the habits of the people to whom they applied. In 1824, I published some particitlar researches on tliis interesting subject, in the Nouveaitx Memoires de VAcademie de Biux- eJles* The result of these researches Avas, that the number of births and deaths increases and decreases alternately ; and that these numbers reach their maxi- mum towards the month of January for deaths, and towards the month of Pebruary for bu'ths ; and their minimum about six months after, in July.f These conclusions were afterwards confirmed by the prin- cipal cities of the Low Countries ; and the general results of the kingdom were found to agree with the numbers first obtained for Brussels. These researches became the subject of several interesting letters from M. VniermtsJ who, in the Annales de Hygiene, has since treated the same subject to its fullest extent, and has shown that the periods of maximum and minimum approach or recede according to the climate and habits of the people.

We shall commence by stating the number of births in the cities and country of the ancient kingdom of the Low Countries, during the twelve years from 1815 to 1826 inclusive. Por the better understanding of these numbers, we have taken into account the un- equal length of the months, and have taken quantities corresponding to months of 31 days : we have also assumed as miity, m the two last columns, the ave- rage of the total number of births, both for town and coimtry.

JNIonths — 1815 to 1826.

January,

February,

March,

April,

JLay, -

June,

July, -

August,

September,

October,

November,

December,

Births.

Town. Country

68,255 71,820 69,267 66,225 62,102 58,730 57,151 59,620 62,731 62,500 64,273 65,120

159,787 1/0,699 164.851 147,118 134,446 125,026 121,512 131,657 144,389 146,362 146,285 148,186

Births.

To>vn. Country.

1-067 1122 1083 1035 0-971 0-918 0-ffi)3 0932 0-980 0-977 1-005 1-018

1-102 1-177 1137 1 0J4 0-927 0-8G2 0-a38 0-908 0-995 1-009 1-009 1-022

Let us first observe, that the influence of the seasons is much more apparent in the country than in town ; which appears natural, since, in the latter case, there are fewer means of maintaining an equality of tempe- rature. The maximum of births in Pcbruary sup- poses the maximum of conceptions to happen in the month of May, when the vital powers regain all tlieir activity, after the rigours of winter.

Sur Us Lois des Naissances ct (Je la MortalHif a Bruxclles, tome

iii. p. 501. See also the Correspondance Mathematiquc et Physique, tomes i. and ii.

t The thirty-fourth volume of the Memoires de VAcademie Royalede Turin, published in 1830, contains two letters of Pro- fessor Vanswindcn on the same subject, which inform us that this philosopher had already arrived at the same result as early as 1798. It is to be regretted that we were not sooner acqiiainted T\ith these, as also with the researches of M. Balbo, Sur Vlnjlmnce des Saisons. It would appear from these researches that deaths have not so regular a coiu-se as with us.

i See the letters addressed to me by M. Villerm^ in the Corres- pondance Mathematiqucel Physique, tome ii., and in the Rccherches sur la Population, ks Naissances,^c., dms le Roi/aHmc des Pays Bos, p. 13.

ON MAN.

Should vre not be correct in concluding, from the preceding results, that climates most favourable to fecundity are those which enjoy a mUd temperature, and that excess of cold or heat should prove unfavour- able to human procreation. This induction is in ac- cordance with the results which have been made known above, on the influence of climates.

Now, if we wish to estimate the different causes which may modify the influence of seasons, we cannot follow a better guide than M. ViUerme ; and, not to modify the conclusions which he has deduced from his laborious researches concerning climates, we shall copy them verbatim, referring for them to the work of this savant, De la Distribution par Mois des Con- ceptions et des Naissances de I'Homme. {Ann. de Hy- qiene.)

" The direct or indirect influence of the annual revolution of the earth around the sun, of the great changes of temperature which this revolution causes, and of certain meteorological conditions, on concep- tion, and consequently on the births of the human race, appears, then, very evident. But this induction, well fomided as it may be, can only l)e really proved when, at the other side of the equatorial line, where the seasons succeed each other in the same order as on this side, but at contrary times, we see the periodic return of similar results occurring at similar seasons.

Well, in the republic of Buenos Ayres, the only coimtry of the southern hemisphere of which I have been able to procure monthly results of births, the latter are so distributed that the greatest monthly numbers occur in July, August, and September, that is to say, in Avinter ; and the fewest numbers in Ja- nuary and May, or in simimer. The alternation of maximum and minimum foUows that of the seasons precisely.

The influence of the different positions of the sun with respect to the earth, on the monthly distribution of conceptions, and consequently of births, is therefore very certain.

There is another consequence : the maximum and minimum periods of conception approach each other in hot countries, and recede from each other in cold ones, especially the period of minimum.

Finally, it results from aU the facts which have been cited, that in our state of civilisation we are, at least in some measure, subjected to the different pe- riodic influences of the kind we are considering, which are manifested by plants and animals."

6. Influence of the Hours of the Day.

Curiosity led me to investigate, if there existed any relation between the different hours of the day and the moments of births :* I have been assisted in this department by the data which M. Guiette, then con- nected with the Lying-in Hospital, Brussels, commu- nicated to me ; these data are the result of eleven years' observations, from 1811 to 1822. I have since communicated them to M. Villerme, who has found them perfectly analogous to the results obtained at the Lying-in Hospital of Paris, but which are still unpublished, so far as I know.

With these observations, which, up to the present time, are very few, I present the indications of still- born children, at periods of six hours, according to the mmibers observed by JI. Guiette in 1827-28.

After midnight, - Before mid-day, After mid-day. Before midniglit,

Total, -

Births : 18U-1822.

798 614 574 G94

StiUhom: 1811-1022.

Buths : 1827-182R.

143 110 11!) 148

"We see, from these data, that births are more numerous during the night than in the day-time: the ratio for the years between 1811 and 1822 is 1492 to 1188, or 1-26 to 1 ; and for the two years of the observations of M. Guiette, 293 to 238, or 1-23 to 1 : therefore, about five children are born during the night to every four born during the day.

These observations have given rise to similar ones : Dr Buek of Hamburg, treating the same subject, has arrived at the following results : * the numbers are reduced to 1000 : —

Births.

Winter.

Spring.

Summer.

Autumn.

Average.

After midnight, Before mid-day, After mid-day, Before midniglit.

325 270 190 215

320 252 13G 292

291 256 189 264

312 216 225

247

312 249 183 256

These numbers give the ratio of night to day, as 1 '31 to 1. It would appear from these particular data, that births are generally most numerous towards the hours of midnight and mid-day.

As to still-born children, the hourly difference is not appreciable, from the small number of observations which have been collected.

Correspondance Mathematique et Physique, 1827. tome iii.

p. 42 ; and Recherches 8\ir la Population, p. 21.

CHAPTER in.

or THE IXFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES O.V THE NUMBER OF BIRTHS.

1. Influence of Professions, Food, &c.

If it be true that every thing which has a direct influence on the physical constitution of man, either weakening or strengthening it, has also an influence on his reproductive tendency, and causes the num- ber and kind of births, and also the times at which they take place, to vary, we cannot doubt the influ- ence of professions, trades, and modes of life, minor causes necessarily included in the preceding general ones.

It is to be regretted, however, that we have no particidar researches on this interesting point. M. Benoiston, in his M^moire snr VIntensit6 de la F£con- dite en Europe, has felt the importance of it, and has laboured to verify one particular fact, which seems to require further examination. We generally think that the fecundity of marriage is low among fisher- men, and ascribe it to the phosphorus contained in the fish on Avhich they live. But deeper researches have shown, that the alleged fact is at least doubtful ; for it is found that the maritime departments of France, inhabited by fishermen, have almost exactl}' the same fecundity as the rest of the kingdom.

M. Yillerme, in his work Sur les Naissances par Mois, has endeavoiu*ed to ascertain if the usual severe labour of the coimtry diminishes fecundity, or changes the periods of conception ; but he has not been able to obtain any conclusive results.

It appears that the influence of professions is gene- rally masked by other modifying causes, which act so powerfully', that, considering the statistical elements which we possess, we cannot appreciate the influence of profes5)ions in a satisfactory manner. All that we can decide, from researches which have hitherto been made, is, that it is weak, and especiallj' depends on the quantit}^ and nature of the food, and the develop- ment of the physical powers. " There is no principle of political economy on which authors are more fully agreed," M. Benoistonf says, " than that the ijopula- tion of a state is always in proportion to the amount of its produce. It is by virtue of tliis law, which has

Xachrieht von dera Gesundheits— Zutan^e der Stadt Ilara-

hurg, von N. H. Julius. Hamburg : 1829. t f?ur rinfluence de la FOcondltc;' en Eumiip,

ON MAN.

few exceptions, that we do not see a great number of births among a poor and oppressed peoiile, Avho have neither agriculture, industry, nor liberty. So far is such from being the case, that slave populations de- cline instead of increase. It is an acknowledged fact, that in St Domingo, in 1788, three marriages among the blacks only produced two childi-en, whilst each marriage of the^ white people produced three." *

I do not know whether it is an unfounded prejudice, that in Protestant states, clergymen have generally a larger family than the other professions — at least, this opinion was generally believed in the ancient kingdom of the Low Countries. But the fact may be explained, not onl}' from the nature of the profes- sion, but also because the income of clergymen often increases with the number of their children.

2. The Influence of Morality.

When speaking of legitimate and illegitimate births, we showed that a state of concubinage tends to pro- duce fewer male children : tlie same would be the effect of aU habits which enervate the powers — they also diminish the number of conceptions. It also seems to be well established, that i)rostitutes either produce fewer children or are barren. The too early approximation of tlie sexes induces similar effects, and produces children wliich have a less ijrobability of life.

Habits of order and foresight ought also to exercise a considerable influence on the number of marriages, and consequently of births. The man whose condi- tion is unsettled, if he allow himself to be governed by reason, dreads to divide with a family the vicissi- tudes of fortune to wliich he is exposed ; many econo- mists have also maintained, and with reason, that the most eflicacious mode of preventing an excess of popu- lation in a country, is to diffuse knowledge and senti- ments ,of order and foresight. It is evident that the people of a country would not seek so much to con- tract alliances and load tlie future with trouble, if each individual found a difficulty in providing for his own subsistence. The great fecimdity of Ireland has been cited as an example of the influence which de- pression and improvidence may exercise over produc- tiveness.f When man no longer reasons, when he is demoralised by misery, and just lives from day to day, tlie cares of a family no more affect him then than the care of his own existence ; and, impelled by momentary gratification, he begets children, careless of the future, and, if we may use the expression, re- signs to that Ti-ovidence who has supported him, all the care of the progeny to which he has given exist- ence.

Foresight may also render marriages less fruitful, because a man is less eager in reproduction if he fears that his family, becoming too numerous, may one day feel the finger of distress, or be under the necessity of undergoing privations arid renouncing a certain degree of ease to which they have been accustomed. I do not doubt but that particular researches, imder- takcn with the design of elucidating this interesting point, will some daj^ confirm these conjectures : they would be of the greatest utility in pointing out the course to be pursued in the instruction which it is proper to give to the people.

One of the most striking examples of the effects of the indolence, poverty, and demoralisation of a people, is given by the province of Guanaxato in Mexico, where 100 births take place annually for everj' 1G08 inhabitants, and 100 deaths for every 1970. " Some traveller," says 'M. DTvernois, " who lias observed the sad concurrence of excessive mortality, fecundity, and poverty, in Mexico, attributes it to the banana, which almost ensures them an adequate quantity of

Ti-aite du Commerce <les Colonies, p. 210.

t .See an article by M. D'lvcmois, inserterl by the BibUothefjUC Vniversdle de Ccnci'C, Mars IttSU,

food ; others charge the raging heat of tlic climate, which begets an insurmountable aversion to labour, and leaves the inhabitants of this indolent region in a manner insensible to every other desire but that which impels the sexes towards each other. Hence the myriads of children, the greater part of whom do not live to be weaned, or only appear on the registers to give place immediately to others ; and the surviv- ing ones commence the inert and brief existence of their predecessors, like them the victims of the indo- lence, apathy, and perpetual misery to which they are habituated, Adthout experiencing the necessity of extricating themselves, any more than their parents had done. To form an idea of what takes place iu this republic, we must read the report of a Swiss who visited it in 18-30. Kothing can equal the amount of physical, moral, and political evil, with which he has supplied his hideous account. Although he neglected to ascertain the number of births, he has guessed it, since he calls Mexico a barbarous China."

The criminal documents of France inform us of an equally curious circumstance, namely, that the period of the maximum of conceptions nearly coincides with that of the gi'eatest number of rapes. LI. ViUerme rationally remarks, that this coincidence may lead us to think that tliose who are guilty, are sometimes obliged in an irresistible manner, not having the free command of the will. This conjecture" acquires the greatest degree of probability from the researches which I shall explain farther on, when considering the tendency to crime : we shall there see how worthy this subject is of the attention of philosophers and legislators.

The production of illegitimate children deserves an attentive consideration for many reasons : in a poli- tical view, especially, it ought to become the subject of the most serious researches, smce its tendency is to diffuse through society a continually increasing mmiber of individuals deprived of the means of ex- istence, and who become a burden to the state. On the other hand, these individuals, generally possess- ing a feeble organisation,* as we shall soon see, rarely arrive at maturity ; so that they do not even afford the hope of comijensating some day for the sacrifices which have been made for them. According to Mr Babbage (Letter to the Eight Hon. T. P. Courtenay), we reckon —

For 1000 Legitimate For 1 Illegitim.itc

In France,

Kingdom of Naples,

Prussia, -

"Westphalia,

Cities of Westphalia,

Montpellier,

48-4 7C-4 8S-1 217-4 OIG

Children- '•7 illegitimate.

Child— 14-3 legitimate. 20G 1.31 11-4 40 10-9

We see that, in the cities of Westphalia, the number of illegitimate children is exceedingly great. About fifty years ago, at Stockholm, Gottingen, and Leipsic, one-sixth of the births were illegitimate ; OTie-fourth at Cassel ; and one-seventh at Jena.f From Berlin, we obtain the following results : —

From 1780 to 1703, 2G..572 births, of whom 2,824 illegitimate, or9 to 1 ■• 1794 to 1708, .30,105 ■■ 3.0(Kj ■■ 9tol

■• 1799 to 1803, 31, «38 •• 3,800 •• 8tol

.. 1804 to 18(»8, 30,4.')9 •• 4,941 •• 6tol

.. 1819 to 1822, 26,971 •• 4,.319 •■ 6tol

1789 to 1832, 145,7iiJ

18,890

7tol

The number of illegitimate births has therefore been increasing. The following are the numbers for Paris, for the last few years, according to the Anuu- aires du Bureau des Longitudes: —

[It is curious to observe how precisely opposite to the truth,

as established by statistics, the generally received opinions of mankind have been on most points. — See Sh.ilispeare's Historical Plaj'S — A'(V?<jr Lear and Kiui; John.']

t Casper, Beitrage, &c.

ON MAN.

Births.

Legitimate

Births to 1 Illegitimate.

Legitimate.

Illegitimate.

ia.'.3, -

27,0/0

f).mi

2-76

1824,

28,012

10,2>1

282

1825, -

29,253

10,03!)

2-<)l

1826, -

29,970

10,5U2

2-05

1827, -

29,81 K5

10,392

2-8G

1828,

29,G01

10,475

2-81

1829, -

28.721

9,953

2-88

law,

28,587

10,0(17

2-85

ia»,* - -

£9,530

10,378

2-83

1832,* -

26,283

9,237

2-8t

Averafre, -

287,fi.33

101,010

204

Tims, for 28 births there have been almost exactly 10 illegitimate children : I think this ratio is the most unfavourable of any which has hitherto been made known.f

In these numbers, 1099 and 10G5 children, acknowledge;! and

Icffitimatised subsequent to birth, are not included.

t [The views of JI. Quetelet on this subject do not appear to embrace all the causes of illegitimacy. It may happen that in countries where the means of subsistence are of diflicult attain- ment, parties, from prudential considerations, will not enter the married state. This is visibly the case in Scotland, where the illegitimate births are very nimierous, but, from the want of national registers, cannot be stated. The ratio of illegitimates, we have reason to believe, is nmch greater in Scotland than in Ireland, where matrimony is entered upon with little regard for the future. Thus, e.\treme prudence may be said to lead to immorality. The possibility of effecting retrospective marriage (that is, dating it from before the birth of the illegitimate chil- dren), is another frequent cause of illegitimacy in Scotland; and it may bo added, that tlic demand for wet-nurses by the higher class of mothers for their infants, forms another prevailing cause of illegitimacy, at least in large towns.

For the purpose of throwing light on this important subject in social statistics, we beg to subjoin the following passages from the Sixth Annual Ueportof the Poor-Law C'onmiissionersof Kngland, for 1840 : they occur in the report handed in from Sir ICdmund Head on the Law of Bastardy : — " MrLaing, in his recent Tour in Sweden, gives most instructive evidence as to the number and causes of illegitimate births in that country. It appears that the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births in all Sweden, from 1820 to 1)W, is as 1 in U'O, and in Stockholm as high as 1 to 2 3. 5Ir Laing goes on to remark — ' There are two minor causes, both, however, showing a degraded moral feeling, which were stated to me as contributing mucli to this lax stiiteof female morals. One is, that no woman in the middle or higher ranks, or who can afford to do otherwise, ever nurses her own child. A girl who has got a child is not therefore in a woi-se, but in a better situation, as she is pretty sure of getting a place for two years, which is the ordinary time of nursing. The illegitimacy of the child is in this community rather a recommendation of the mother, as the family is not troubled with the father or friends. As to the girl's own child, there is a foundling hospital, the second minor cause; in that it can be reared at a trifling expense, dur- ing the time the mother is out nursing. The imchasteare, there- fore, in point of fact, better off than the chaste of the female sc.x; in this town.'^Laiiit/'s Swokn, pp. 115, 117. It is well known that the results of the unrestricted reception of bastard children into the foundling hospitals in Belgium made it necessary for the government to take steps, in lit.34, for discouraging the operation of, if not for repealing, the law under which it took place. I do not know what the present state of this question in that coimtry is.— (See Senior, Forciijn Poor-Lairs, p. 1.37.) The legislation of the French Republic, by the laws of 27th Frimaire year 5, and 3()th VentOse year 5, explamed by an edict of 19th January 1811, was most favourable to the mothers of bastards, and relieved them from all care of their own offspring. 5L de Beaumont says— ' On sait qu'une loi de la revolution r^compcnsait les filles m^res d'enfanti naturels.' — {L'lrlaii'lr, ii. 122, note 2.)

Under the influence of these laws, which only carried out the principle involved in our foraier practice, the illegitimate children increased from l-47th (which they were, on an average of seven years, in 1780) to l-14th, in 1825. (See Senior, Foreign Poor-Laws, p. 120; M'Culloch, notes to Adam Smith, p. 102, n.) — Malthus (voL i. p. .375) reckoned the illegitimate bu:ths in France, at the time he was writing, as 1-llth of the whole.

Since writing the above, I have received the Aiiniiaire du Bureau (leg Lono'ihides. for 1840, which gives the most recent iuformation on French statistic?.

3. The Influence of Political and Religious Institutions.

Nothing appears more adapted to multiply the population of a state, -without inducing injury, than miiltiplying the products of agriculture and iiidustry, and, at tlie same time, ensuring a prudent de.Srree of liberty, -which may be a guarantee for tlie public con-- fidcnce. The absence of liberal institutions, which excite the activity of man, and at the same time increase his energy and coiufort, must produce the effects which are observed in the East, Avhere popula- tion languishes and decreases. On the contrary, in the United States, population increases Avith a rapidity which has no parallel in Europe. M. Villermc* ob- serves, that at the period of the French revolution, " when the tithes, duties on wine, salt, feudal tenures, &c., and corporations and wardenships, had just been abolished (that is to say, when petty workmen and cultivators, in a word, the persons of no property, bj' far the most numerous class in the nation, found themselves all at once in a state of unaccustomed case and competency, which they cclebi-ated through the greatest i)art of the territory by feasts, and re- joicings, and more abundant food), the number of births increased, to diminish gradually afterwards."

Years of war and peace have likewise a marked influence on the population : we shall only quote one example at present. Erom the date of the wars of the empire, it was insimuited that tiic French popu- lation, far from being reduced, only made greater increases. ^I. DTverneis, who has succeeded in pro- curing the number of births and deaths for this period, has endeavoured to verify this assertion, so often re- peated, and he has found that it was essentially in- correct : he has, moreover, established two remarkable facts, t " Whoever investigates births, learns that,

It appears that in 1838 the number of births in Paris was pf. »,„ (2tl,4.")4 legitimate. " I 9,20'J illegitimate. The illegitimate were therefore 31-2 per cent., or, to the legiti- mate, as 1 to 2-2— a proportion larger thiin that existing at Stock- holm. In the whole of France, in 1(137,

The total number of births was 913,319i^;'!'f?2 !fP'!'li*<; ' I 69,829 illegitimate.

That is, 74 per cent., or as 1 to 12-5.

The ' niouvenient moyen' of the population, calcuLited on the twenty-one years from 1817 to 1837, gives, as the annual number of births,

n,:o -..,j0!)9,451 legitimate, t 69,301 illegitimate. That is, the illegitimate to the legitimate as 1 to 12-;»79.

It thusappears that the proportion of illegitimate births is greater in France than in Sweden, the former being as 1 to 12-979, and the latter as 1 in 14-6, according to Jlr Laing (p. 115), while the morality of France would seem to have deteriorated since the calculation of Pcuchet. I fear thatthere are rural districts in this country in which the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births is far more unfavourable than that existing in the French empire. The population of the county of Radnor, in 1831, was 24,«jl. According to Mr Rickman, the number of baptisms re- gistered in 1830 was

(M9 '26 add for unentered births and baptisms.

675 total.

The number of illegitimate children born in 103' die SlerbUchlieit dcr Kinder in Bcrliit^Bietracie zur Medicinischen Ste- tistiek, SfC. 8vo. Berlin : 1825.

ON MAN.

and 533 girls came into the world without life. M. Casper says the ratio appears to be 28 to 20 ; it is, then, exactly the same as for Western Flanders. This new identity of results is very remarkable ; and it will be interesting to inrestigate the causes of a cir- cumstance which is so imfavourable to the male sex. If we were desirous of guessing at this point, we might say, with those who suppose that a male conception requires a certain excess of energy iu the woman, that this excess of energy was absent or wanting during the growth of the foetus, and that energy failing, the child would suffer more from it, if a boy, than a girl. Hence the disproportion of dead births between the two sexes ; hence, also, the greater mortality of boys immediately after birth, and during the period of suckling, at which time they are still in some mea- sure connected Avith the mother. It is also evident that women in town, wlio are more deUcate than those in the country', will be more liable to bring forth still children, and especially when they are pregnant of boys.

We possess statistical documents of still-births for the city of Amsterdam,* which it will be interesting to compare with the preceding. The following are the original numbers furnished for the years from 1821 to 1832 :—

Number of Still-Births and of Births for Amsterdam.

Still-Births.

Births.

Boys.

Girls.

Total.

Boys.

Girls.

Total.

1821, -

288

SAG

634

3,742

3,600

7,342

1822, -

280

222

.'-.02

3,887

3,713

7,600

1823, -

268

198

466

3,734

3,448

7,182

1824, -

266

216

482

4,011

3,849

7,860

1825, -

207

128

335

3,802

3,550

7,352

1826, -

231

173

404

3,803

3,635

7,«a

1827, -

■ •

3,524

3,366

6,890

1828, -

3,079

3,529

7,208

1829, ■

3,7a5

3,018

7,403

1830, -

241

lao

410

3,727

3,579

7,306

1831, -

208

108

376

3,843

3,499

7,342

1832, -

210

151

361

3,351

3,101

6,452

Average,

244

186

430

3,741

3,541

7,283

We therefore calculate 1 still-birth for 16"9 births, which is a very unfavourable proportion from Avhat we have seen above. The number of still-births of the male sex likewise here exceeds that of still-births of the other sex ; and this would appear to be a gene- ral law, since none of the papers which have been quoted are contrary to it, and in all cases the diffe- rence is very considerable, and nearly about the same. Here the average numbers are in the ratio of 244 to 186, or 13 to 10 nearly.

The Annuaires du Bureau des Longitudes give the following data for Paris : —

StiU-Birth

Births.

Boys.

Girls.

Total.

Boys.

Girls.

Total.

1823, -

847

662

1,509

13,752

13,318

27,070

1824, -

810

C77

1,487

14,647

14,165

28,812

1825, -

846

675

1,521

14,989

14,264

29,253

1826, -

810

737

1,547

15,187

14,783

29,970

1827, -

904

727

1,631

15,074

14,732

29,806

1828, -

883

743

1.026

15,117

14,484

29,601

1829, -

925

788

1,713

14,760

13,961

28,721

1830, -

943

784

1,727

14,488

14,099

28,587

1831, -

954

755

1,709

15,110

14,414

29,530 f

1832, -

9!)4

726

1,720

13,494

12,789

26,283

Average,

8,910

7,274

16,190

146,624

141,009

2fJ7,639

.Taarboekje par Lobatto. See also a memoir by M. Engeltrum,

a prize-essay at Utrecht, and printed in 1830. The author counts,
for the hospital at Amsterdam, from 1821 to 1826 —
Births— Legitimate, 488 Dcid births, 28 Ratio, 17 to 1
Illegitimate, 1770 •• •• 151 •• 12 to 1
t In these numbers, 1099 and 1005 children, who were acknow- ledged and legitimatised after birth, are not included.

From this table, we calculate the still-births to births, in Paris, as 1 to 177 — almost the same as for Amsterdam and Berlin. Tliis ratio does not seem to differ much fi'om that of large towns, which may be generally considered as 1 to 18. We see here, also, that the dead births of the male are more numerous than those of the female sex : the ratio is 12 "2 to 10.
The official tables for the Prussian monarchy in 1827, and for Denmark iu 1828, furnish the following results :* —
Prussian Monarch v, Demnark-{Bo>-; "
These numbers, also, are similar to those which have been already given.
K we regard the influence of the seasons on still- births, the following are the data of Berlin, and for Western Flanders, durhig the five years from 1827 tu 1831 inclusive: —

Births.

StiUBu-ths.

Ratio.

490,660 19,954 18,840

16,720 882 690

29tol 23tol 27tol

Still-Births

Still Births in Flanders.

at Berlin.

To^vn.

Country.

Total.

Januarj-,

117

140

225

365

Februarv, -

123

141

V)7

338

March, -

120

115

205

310

April,

112

100

160

200

May, -

110

102

162

264

June,

98

104

162

266

July, -

92

117

153

270

August,

108

108

136

244

September, •

89

100

139

247

October, -

104

110

152

262

November, -

124

90

143

233

December, -

121

100

179

285

1,305

1,341

2,013

3,354

These data tend to show that the number of still- births is greater during winter, and at the end of winter, than in summer.
M. Casper has examined some particular circum- stances wliich may influence the number of still-births, such as illegitimate conceptions, venereal diseases, the abuse of strong drinks, &c. Thus, at Gottingen, in 100 births, there are 3 dead births of legitimate children, and 15 of illegitimate children. At Berlin, the dead births in 100 illegitimate births have been, for half the last century, three times as numerous as the dead births among 100 legitimate children : and this state of things has not improved ; for, during the four years fi-om 1819 to 1822, it is computed there were —
Living Children. Dead Childi-en. Ratio. Legitimate births, - 22,643 937 25
Illegitimate births, - 4,002 317 12 f
Lideed, a woman generally takes less care to pre- serve the child which she carries in her bosom, when it is illegitimate. Moreover, it is necessary to add, that those children, who are almost always the fruit of misconduct, presuppose less vigour and soundness in the parents. M. Duges says, that at the Venereal Hospital in Paris, he has found two premature births to six or seven accouchements. J At Hamburg, during the year 1820, in one house which contained scarcely any but public women affected with the venereal dis- ease, of 18 illegitimate births, 6 were dead births ; and in another house in the same city, hkewise partly occupied by public women, the still-births were 1 1 out of 93.
These different examples prove too well the great influence which the condition of mothers exercises over the children of which they are pregnant, and

Bulletin de M. Fenissac, Janv. and Mai 1830.

t The official tables of the whole Prussian monarchy for 1827 gave IBiiUetin de M. Fenissac, Janv. 1830, p. 118) 490,660 births, of which 16,726 were still-births, a ratio of 29 to 1.
t Rccherches sur les Maladies des Nouveaux Ncs. Paris: 1824.

26

ON MAN.

convince us of the utility of researches into still-births, and the causes -which may multiply the number of them.
Wliile considering the mortaUty of new born chil- dren, it is proper also to examine the fate of the mothers. According to "Willan, the mortality in the great L}dng-in Hospital of London, into which about 5000 women were annually admitted, was —
Of the Mothers. Of the Children. From 1749 to 1758, - - 1 in 42 1 in 15
• • 1759 to 1768, - - 1 in 50 1 in 20
• • 1769 to 1778, - - 1 in 55 1 in 42 ■ • 1779 to 1788, - - 1 in 60 1 in 44
• • 1789 to 1798, - - 1 in 288 1 in 77 *
Mr Hawkins observed the mortality in the London Hos{)ital in 1826, to be 1 in 70. According to the same statistician, in the Lying-in Hospital of Dublin, from the time of its foundation in 1757 to 1825 —

The loss of children has been, still-birtlis, mothers,

1 in 19 linl7 1 in 89

At the same hospital, also, twin cases have occurred in the proportion of 1 to 60 accouchements ; and three or more childi'en in the proportion of 1 to 4000.
According to Tenon, at the end of the last century the mortality at the Hotel-Dieu of Paris, was I woman in 15, and 1 still-born child to 13 births ; but in 1822, the mortality at La ISIaternitc was not more than 1 woman in .30. At the same time, in the INIaternite of Stockholm, the proportion was almost the same as at Paris, or 1 woman in 29.
At the Lying-in Hospital of Edinburgh, during the years 1826, 27, and 28, the loss was only I woman in 100.
According to Casper,t the mortality of confined Avomen at Berlin, has been —

I^rom 17.58 to 1703,
• ■ 1/64 to 1774,
• • 1785 to 1794,
• • 1819 to 1822,

1 in 95
- 1 in 82 1 in 141
- 1 in 152

Here, again, we see how much the mortality de- ])ends on the care taken of the woman and child at the time of confinement. The greatest mortality wliich lias been noticed, was that of the Hotel-Dieu of Paris at the end of the last century: it was 1 woman in 15 for the mothers, whilst in London it was reduced to 1 in 238, or nineteen times less.

CHAPTER V.
O.N TItE INFLUENCE OF NATURAL CAUSES ON MORTALITY.
1. Influence of Locality.
We possess, in general, fewer documents respecting births than respecting deaths ; for this reason, per- haps, that man takes less interest in wliat regards his entry into life than his exit from it. The laws re- giUating births he views more as an object of ciurio- sity, wiiilst it is of the highest moment for him to know all his chances of life and death. Nevertheless, in inquiring into the mortality, it behoves us to pro- ceed with the greatest caution, and not to hold, as many authors have done, all numerical statements to be of the same importance.
The mortality is generally estimated by the ratio of deaths to the population. Now, if it be in general difficult to ascertain, by the registers of a countr3'-, the precise number of deaths, it is still more difficult to determine exactly the total numbers of the i)opu- lation. A census is a very delicate operation, wliicli can be executed only from time to time, and will be found productive of very different results, according

From Elements of Medical Statistics, by Mr Hawkins,

t Bcitrage, p. 180,

to the care bestowed in its execution. In places, for example, where there may exist an interest for con- cealment of numbers, we should naturally expect to find a low estimate of tlie peoi:)le, and in consequence too high an estimate of the mortality ; hence tlie ne- cessity for extreme caution in comparing one country with another, or the same coimtry with itself at difie- rent periods.
The influence which climate exercises over the mortality of the human species, deserves to be first considered. But climatology^ taking the word in its most extended sense, is a science still too little ad- vanced to engage our attention here :* ive absolutely want data, and particidarly comparative data, with respect to countries out of Europe, and even some European countries themselves, where pohtical sciences have not been sufficiently cultivated. It becomes thus impossible to appreciate at all correctly the effects of temperature, and its relations to moisture and dryness, the direction of the winds, of running streams, &c. We ought, therefore, in our first view, to leave out these latter circumstances, and busy ourselves only with the most general results.
If we, in the first place, consider only Europe, and if we divide this part of the globe into three principal regions, with a view of setting aside as far as jjossible accidental causes, we may arrive at means to solve the problem wliich now occupies us. It would be better, also, to adopt the resiilts of late years, thus giving a more extended comparison.

Countries.

Periods.

1 Death in

Authorities.

Jiorth of Europe.

Sweden & Norway,

1820

4M

jMarshall.

Denmark,

1019

45-0

Moreau de Jonnes. t

Russia,

about 1829

27-0

Sir F. D"Ivernois4

England,

1821 to 1831

51-0

Potter & Eickmiin.

Central Europe.

Prussia, -

1816 to 1823

36-2

Babbagc.

Poland,

1829

44-0

Moreau de Jonnes.

Germany,

1825 to 1828

45-0

Belgium,

1825 to 1829

431

An.dcl'Ob.deBrux.

France, -

1817 to 1831

39-7

An. du B. de Long.

IlolUind, -

1815 to 1825

380

(Rech. Statistique 1 sur les Pajs Bas.

Austrian Empire,

1828

400

iloreau de Jomies.

Switzerland, -

1827 to 1820

400

South of Europe.

Portugal, -

1815 to 1819

400

Spain, -

1801 to 1826

40-0

Italy,

1822 to 1828

300

Greece,

1828

30-0

Turkey in Europe,

1828

30-0

Naples and .Sicily,

1822 to 1824

32-0

Bisset Hawkins.

As several of the authors just quoted have merely given ratios, without tlie numbers from which these were deduced, I have been forced to take the averages from the ratios themselves, and not from the numbers, which would have been more exact. Upon the whole, wc sliall probably approach the truth in statmg the mortality in Europe to be as follows : —

In the North of Europe, Central Europe, - Southern Eui-opc,

1 Death for 41-1 Inhabitants. 40-8 3;j7

Whatever distrust the numbers relating to morta- lity may excite in us, I beUeve it may be admitted, that upon the whole the mortality is greater in the

See the Researches of Sir J. Clarke in England on the Influ-

ence of Climate on Clironic Diseases — (Annates d'Hyfjicne, Avril ia30.) Sec also La Fliilosopliic de la Statistique, par Melchoir Gioja, 2 vols. 4to, 1826.
t The numbers of M. Moreau de Jonnes are taken from a notice on the Mortidity of the Difierent Countries of Europe : it is to be regretted that the author has not stated the somces of his information.
± Dibliothc>]ue Universcllc, Oct. 1833, p. 154.

ON MAN.

27

south of Eiu'ope than in the north or centre, without anticipating the cause of this difference, and whether it depends on tlie political institutions or on the nature of the climate itself. It is England which turns the balance in favour of the north of Europe ; and were it left out, the centre of Em-ope would pre- sent the least mortality. If we now quit the limits of Europe to consider those localities nearer the equi- noctial hne, and more exposed to extreme temperature, we have, according to 51. IMoreau de Jonues* —
Under the Latitude Places.

G" W

Batavia,

1 Deatli for 2C Inhabitants

10= ](»'

Trinidad,

27

i3= 54'

St Lucia,

27

14° 44'

Martinique,

28

15° oy

fluadaloui)e.

27

18° 3(5'

Bombay,

20

23=11'

Havaim^h,

3.1

This last table seems to pi'ove that the mortality increases as Ave approach the equinoctial line. Still, these numbers must Ije received with distrust, because amongst the places referred to there are several cities, and the mortality in cities, as we shall shortly see, is generally greater than in the country. We must also regret that we have so few data in respect to places stiU nearer the equinoctial line. According to M. Thomas, the mortality of Avhites in the island of Bourbon is only 1 in 44'8 ; and from documents pub- lished in England in 1826, b}- order of the House of Commons, the mortality at the Cape of Good Hope is still less.f
Amongst the local causes which influence mortality, I have mentioned that of a town or country residence ; this influence is sufficiently well marked. In Belgium, for example, the following have been the results of late years : —

Cities, - Country,

Population.
998,118 3,066,091

Average Number of Deaths. 27,026 65,265-

1 Death to
3(!-0 Inhabitants. 46-9

We see that the ratios of mortality are almost as 4 to 3. This difference will be particularly apparent, if we examine the mortality of the principal cities of Europe.

In Iceland, from 1825 to 1831, it has been computed that there

ia 1 death for 30-0 inhabitants, which would tend to show that excess of cold is as injurious to man as excess of heat. — Bihlio- thique Vniversclle, Oct. 1833, p. 177-
t Elements of Medical Statistics, p. 51.
[The reader will be pleased to observe, that the question of the influence of climate on mortality is a more intricate one than perhaps our distin^iished author was fully aware of. Firstly, it involves the simple question as to the influence of climate over the mortality of any particular race of men, who have been known to inhabit that countrj' from time immemorial, or at least be3'ond the usual historic periods ; secondly, it involves the question of the influence of climate over the mortality of another race foreign to the country, or wlio have migrated to it within liistoric periods. The numbers, for example, in the above table, placed opposite Batavia, have nothing whatever to do with the eSects of climate over the native Javanese, but express merely the fearful morta- lity wliich sweeps off the Saxon foreigners migrating to a climate which nature never intended they should inhabit. On the other hand, the climate at the Cape of Good Hope, the healthiest per- haps in the world, seems equally favourable to all the three races inhabiting the colony and its frontier, namely, the aboriginal Hottentot and the invading Caffre and Saxon. "We shall after- wards endeavour to show, that by putting the above table in comparison with the preceding one, a great and important ele- ment of statistics has been left out, and Quetelet has given us the statistics of .Java and Bombay, as if the native inhabitants had ceased to exist ; whereas it is manifest that the effects of cli- mate over the migi-atory part of the human race, the Celt and Saxon, should be stated apart, and not mingled up with, or rather substituted for, the natural statistics of countries wliich pi-o- bably they can never retain possession of, v.hatever be the extent of their cmigi-ations.]
C

Inhabitants to 1 Death,

Inhabitants to 1 Birth .

Cities.

according to

according to

Czoeming.

B. Hawkins.

/ — Czoeming.

1 B. Hawkins.

Sarth if Europe.

London,

51-9

40-0

40G

29-5*

Glasgow, -

46-8

27-7

St Petersburg,

34-9

37-0

467

Moscow, -

.■«•(»

28-5

Copenhagen, -

30-3

30-0

Stockholm, -

24-3

24-9

27-

24-8

Central Europe.

Lyons, -

.32-3

320

27-5

Amsterdam, -

31-0

24-0

26-0

Paris, -

30-6

32-5

270

Bordeaux,

29

240

Hambiu-g, -

.300

25-5

Dresden, -

27-7

23-0

Brussels,

25-5

96'0

21-0

Berlin, -

25-0

.34

21-0

Prague,

24-5

24-4

23-3

Vienna, -

22-5

22-5

200

i

SouthernEurope.

r

Madrid,

36-0

35-0

26-0

Leghorn, -

350

310

• 25-5

Palermo,

33

24

Lisbon,

31 1

28-2

23-3

52-5

Naples.

29'0

520

24-0

250

Barcelona,

27-0

24-8

27-0

Rome, •

24-1

31-0

23-6

Venice,

19-4

26-5

Bergamo, -

18-0

20-0

30-2

Comparing this table with the preceding one, it is easy to observe that the mortality of cities is generally much greater than that of those countries to which they belong. I tliink this fact established, not^vith- standing the inaccuracies inherent in such calcula- tions.
We venture to conclude, then, with a high degree of probability, that in the actual state of things the mortality is less in temperate climates than in the north or south, and that it is greater in cities than in the country.f
If we consider each country in pai'ticular, we shall afterwards find, according to the localities, very great differences. Thus in France, in the department of the Orme, there is 1 death for 52-4, and in that of Finisterre, there is 1 for 30-4 inhabitants — a remark- able difference for places so near each other. In the foi-mer kingdom of the Low Countries, and during the period from 1 8 1 5 to 1 834, in the province of Zea- land, there was 1 death for 28-5 inhabitants, and in the province of Namur, 1 for 51-8 inhabitants. We must here remark, that a great mortahtj' keeps pace with the great fecundity. In the localities just quoted, for example, there were —

Countries.

Inhabitants

r for one Birth.

for one JIaiTiage.

for one Death.

Department of Oi-nie, -
Finisterre, Province of Namur, Zealand,

44-8 260 30-1 21-9

147-5 11 3-9 141-0 113-2

52-4 30-4 51-8 28-5

Topographisch-Historich Besehreibung von Reichenberg.

See Bulletin des Sciences Geographiqucs, Avril 3833.
t SI. Villerm(5 informs me that he has arrived at the same conclusion, in an unpublished work, On the Laics of Population, or the Relation of Medicine to Political Economy.
[ There is an inherent inexactness in these calculations which it is extremely difficult to get rid of. Norway, for example, and Sweden, and even the northern parts of Russia in Europe, are each of them inhabited by two races of men , of whom it is impos- sible to say, from a want of historic evidence, which foi-med the primitive race. The Fins, inhabiting the north of Sweden and Norway, and even of Russia, and perhiips also the Laplanders, are perfectly distinct races froni their Scandinavian and Sarma- tian masters, and of course their statistics ought to be considered apart.]

28

ON MAN.

Thus Zealand and the department of Fmisterre had more marriages, births, and deaths, than the de- partment of Orme and the province of Namur. I declare that I have often been tempted to attribute these discrepancies to a faulty census of the popula- tion ; but more attentive researches have induced me to believe that tliis state of things is dependent on local causes. In the province of Zealand, for example, continually buried in a humid atmosphere, there pre- vail fevers and other diseases causing this excess in the mortality ; and this, reacting on the amount of subsistence, naturally increases the marriages and births.
What -we have observed in these provinces may also be noticed in other coimtries, where we equally observe a great mortality and a great fecundity. Of this truth, England and the republic of Guanasuato offer striking examples :—

States.

Inhabitants

c
to one Marriage.

to one Birth.

1 to one Death.

England, . - - - Guanaxuato,*

134-00 6976

35-00 16-08

50-00 19-70

These are, so to speak, the two extreme limits in the scale of population, and, we may also add, in the scale of civilisation.
It may be said, that a country proceeds onwards to a more prosperous condition, when fewer citizens are produced, and when those existing are better pre- served. The increase then is entirely to its advan- tage ; for, if the fecundity be less, the useful men are more numerous, and generations are not renewed with such rapidit}^ to the great detriment of the nation.
Man, during his early years, lives at the expense of society ; he contracts a debt which ought one day to be paid ; and if he dies before having been enabled to do so, his existence has rather been a loss, or cost, to his fellow-citizens than an advantage. Is it desired to know what he costs ? Let us take the lowest price : from birth to the age of twelve or sLxteen, the expenses attending the support of a child in the hospitals of this kingdom (the Low Countries) amounted to about 1110 francs, say 1000 only, and this rate is certainly not too high, even for France.f Every person, then, who escapes from infancy, has contracted a kind of debt, of which the minimum is 1000 francs, which society pays for the support of a child abandoned to its cha- rity. Now, there are born in France annually more than 960,000 children, of whom 9-20ths are cut off previous to tlieir having become of the smallest uti- lity to the state ; these 432,000 unfortunate persons may be viewed as so many friendless strangers, who, without fortune and without industry, have come to take part in the consumption of the general produce, and have then \vithdrawn themselves, leaving only, as traces of their existence, sorrowful adieus and eternal regrets. The expense they have caused, with- out reckoning the time devoted to them, amounts to the enormous sum of 432,000,000 of francs. And if we consider, on the other hand, the griefs caused by their departure, griefs which no human sacrifices can compensate, it is easy to see how worthy this subject is of tlie attention of the statesman and of the true philosopher. We cannot too often repeat, that the prosperity of states consists less in tlie multiplica- tion than in the conservation of the individuals com- posing it.
The assertion that a great mortality unhappily coexists with a great fecundity, seems opposed to the

According to M. D'lvDmois {BibliotMque Vniverselle de

Geneve, 1833.)
t [In this countn,', the cost of bringing up a child to the age of twelve, on the lowest calculation, could scarcely be considered as lower than £'144. We of course mean that he shall be brought up with due regard to his future health and strength.]

observations of Mr Sadler; but, as I liaA'e already remarked, the fecundity of marriages must not be confounded with the fecundity of the population ; I have even shown, that, all things being equal, a great mortality is rather productive of a less fecimdity of marriages, because second and third marriages are more multiplied, and the duration of marriages be- comes then less.
To examine the question which now occupies us, the absolute number of births and of deaths must be compared with that of the population.
The following table contains some results in respect to the different countries already quoted : —

States.

England,
Sweden,
Belgium,
France,
Holland,
Prussia,
Sicily and Naples,
Guanaxuato,

Inhabitants

For one Death. For one Birth.

51-0 47-0 >
431 ;
39-7 330 36-2 32-0 19-7

51-0 45-0

197

35-0
27-0)
30-0/
31-6
27-0
23-3
24-0
16-1

35-0 28-5

I regret that the actual state of statistics does not allow me to present the observations of a greater number of countries. Still I think that these data prove an intimate ratio to exist between the morta- lity and the fecundity. And this ratio exists also between the different provinces of the same country.
In classing the cities according to their mortahty, we find, according to the medium value of the num- bers given above, leaving out St Petersbm'g, in re- spect to which there is evidently some error : —

Cities.

Inhabitants

Inhabitants

to one Death.

to one Birth.

London, -

46-0 1 ^c 1

40-8 1 ,^ -,

Glasgow,

46-8)

^

29-5 i

-

Madrid, - - -

36-0^

26-0^

Leghorn,

35-0

25-5

Moscow, -

33-0

28-5

Lyons,

32-2

27-5

Palermo,

320

)■ 32-3

24-5

I 27-0

Paris,

31-4

27-0

Lisbon, -

31-1

28-3

Copenhagen, -

30-3

30-0

Hamburg,

30-oJ

25-5J

Barcelona,

29-5~

27-0~

Berlin, -

29-0

210

Bordeaux,

29-0

24-0

Naples, ...

28-6

23-8

Dresden,

27-7

23-0

Amsterdam,

27-5

I 26-6

26-0

I 24-2

Brussels,

25-8

21-0

Stockholm,

24-6

27-0

Prague,

24-5

23-3

Rome,

24-4

306

Vienna,

22-5^

20-0

Acnice, - - - Bergamo,

19-4 18-0

18-7

26-5, 20-0

23-2

The numbers thus cited tend, then, to show, that there exists a direct relation between the intensity of the mortaUty and that of the fecimdity, or, in other terms, that the number of births is regulated by tlie number of deaths. This confirms fully the ideas of the economists who admit that the population tends alwaj's to a certain level, regulated by the quantity of the products. And in those localities where there exist particular causes of a greater mortality, it must liappen that the generations arc shorter, and succeed each other more rapidly.
AVe may remark, moreover, that in the countrie.s we have just compared, the number of deaths is less than that of births; and this happens also in respect to the cities, with the exception of Stockholm, Eome, Venice, and Bergamo. It may, moreover, be ob- served, that these numbers have a greater tendency to become equal in proportion to the direct extent of

ON MAN.

29

the mortality, with the exception of England and its cities ; we have, in fact, for the

Localities.

Ratio of Births to Deaths.

England, - - - - - 1-46
Sweden and Belgium, - - - 1'58
France, Holland, Prussia, Naples and Sicily, 1-37
The republic of Guanaxuato, - - 1-23
Cities having more than 40 inhabitants to 1 death, 1'15
30 to 40 .. .. 1-20
20 to 30 • • • • 1-10
less than 20 ■ ■ • • 0-!)l
In studying the influence of localities on a less extensive scale, and in comparing the different parts of the same province, we frequently arrive at very dissimilar results : thus, as the country is level or mountainous, intersected with forests or marshes, the numbers which the mortality maj'- offer will be found to differ very sensibly. M. Bossi, in the Statistique du Department dc I'Ain, gives a striking example : with a view to study the influences of localities, he divided the department into four portions, and from documents collected during the years 1812, 1813, and 1814, he obtained the following results : —
Inhabitants Inhabitants Inhabitants
to one Death to one Marriage to one Birth
annually. annually. annually.
In mountain parishes, 38-3 179 34-8
On the sea-side, ■ 36 6 145 28-8
In corn districts, - 24-6 135 27-5 In stagnant and marshy
districts,- - 20-0 U>7 261
These remarkable results offer a new confirmation of the direct ratio which exists generally between deaths, marriages, and births. It may be seen, also, how the neighbourhood of marshes and stagnant waters may become fatal. M. ViUermc cites a re- markable example of the influence of marshes.
" At Vareggio," observes M. Villerme,* " in the principality of Lucca, the inhabitants, few in num- ber, barbarous, and miserable, were annually, from time immemorial, attacked about the same period with agues ; but in 1741, floodgates were constructed, which permitted the escape into the sea of the waters from the marshes, preventmg at the same time the ingress of the ocean to these marshes, both from tides and storms. This contrivance, Avhich permanently suppressed the marsh, also expelled the fevers. In brief, the canton of Vareggio is at the present day one of the healthiest, most industrious, and richest on the coast of Tuscany ; and a part of those famihes whose boorish ancestors sunk under the epidemics of the arria cativa, without knowledge to protect themselves, enjoy a health, a vigour, a longevity, and a moral character, imknown to their ancestors."
Similar epidemics prevail at fixed epochs on the borders of the Escaut, producing what are there called the fevers of the polders : these fevers foUow great heat, and cause Zealand to approach the condition of Vareggio, and of the marshy comitries quoted by M. Bossi.
M. Villerme pointed out to me a new example of the increase of mortality caused by the influence of marshes. In the Isle of Ely, from 1813 to 1830 in- clusive, in 10,000 deaths, from birth to the most advanced age, there were 4732 before the age of 10, whilst in all the other agricultural districts of Eng- land together there were but 3505 deaths. In the Isle of Ely, also, there were 3712 deaths from 10 to 40 years in 10,000 deaths, which took place from 10 years to extreme old age ; and only 3142 in the other agricultural districts which were not marshy.f

Des Epidemics (An. d'Hj-giene, Janv. 1833, p. 9.)

t See the letter of M. Villerm^ inserted in the Bulklin dc V Academic de BruxcUcs, No. 23, for June 1834.

We owe, also, to M. Villerme a very curious memoir on the mortality of Paris and other large cities,* showmg that wealth, independent circumstances, and misery, constitute, in the actual state of things, in respect to the inhabitants of the different quarters of Paris, the principal causes to whicli must be attri- buted the striking differences observed m the rate of mortality. The distance or proximity of the Seine, the nature of the soil, its depression to the east or west, the elevated grounds shutting in Paris to the north or south, the pecuHar exposure of certain quar- ters, tlie different kinds of water made use of— are all circumstances modifying in some measure the general climate of the city ; yet they do not seem to produce sensible differences in respect to the mortality. To make this more apparent, I have collected in a single table the principal results arrived at by M. VUlermo : the numbers refer to the periods from 1822 to 1826.

fU.S

c3 flJ ir
1

«

0-75 0-55 0-57 0-46 0-59 0-.55 0-82 0-62 60 0-53 0-46 0-64

metres. 26 15 65 19 ■ 7
22 11 13 16 ■ 46 47 37

«-H-

0-11 007 0-11 0-22 015 0-19 0-22 0-21 0-31 0-23 0-32 0-38

^1

francs. 605 426 498 226 328 258 217 242 172 285 173 148

Taxed Localities.

Personal Contri- bution.

0-40 0-38 0-49 0-28 0-23 0'30 0'29 0-20 0-26 0-46 0-25 0-19

By a patent of more than 30 francs.

0-47 0-44 0-35 0-36 0-49 0-32 0-3.5 0-45 0-30 0-24 0-31 0-29

2. Influence of Sexes.
The influence of the sexes is extremely evident in every thing which pertains to death ; it has already ])een shown to be so before the birth of the chUd. Dm'ing the four years from 1827 to 1830, there have been in Western Flanders 2597 stiU-born children, 1517 of which were males and 1080 females, which gives a ratio of about 3 to 2. This difference is con- siderable, and as we find it appear annually, it must have a special cause.
Again, this mortality affects male children not only before their birth, but pretty nearly during the ten or twelve months which follow that event ; that is to say, pretty nearly during the period of lactation, as may be seen from the following documents respecting Western Flanders : —

An. d'Hygi6ne, July 1830.

t The 2d arrondissement comprises the following quarters : — Chauss<5e d'Antin, Palais-Royal, Feydeau, and Faubourg Mont- martre ; the 3d, Montmartre, Faubourg Poissonnifere, St Eus- tache, and Mail ; the 1st, Roule, ChampsElys^es, Place-Ven- d6me, and Tuileries ; the 4th, St Honors, Louvre, Marches, and Banque ; the 5th, Faubourg St Denis, Porte St Martin, Bonnc- Nouvelle, and Mont-Orgueil ; the llth, Luxembourg, Ecole de Bledicine, Sorbonne, and Palais-de-Justice ; the 7th, St Avoie, Mont-de-Pi6t^, March^ St Jean, and Arcis ; the 6th, Porte St Denis, St Martin-dcs-Champs, Lombard, and Temple; the 9th, He St Louis, Hotcl-de-Ville, Cit(J, and Arsenal ; the 10th, Monnaie, St Thomas d'Aquin, Invalides, and Faubourg St Ger- main; the 8th, St Antoine, Quinze-Vingts, Marais, and Popin- court ; the 12th, Jardin du Roi, St Marcel, St Jaques, and L'Observatoire.

j: All the locations of each quarter have been reduced to 100, so

as to show how many of that number there are who pay no tax, how many are taxed by personal contribution, and how many by patent. The untaxed localities represent the poor.

30

ON MAN.

Ages.

Cities.

6

Country.

.2

Boys.

Girls.

Boys.

Girls.

«

to 1 month, lto2 ..
2 to 3 .V
3 to 4 . .
4 to S . . StoB .. 6 to 8 . . 8 to 12 . .
1 to 2 yeais, 2to3 ..
3 to 4 '■:

to5 ..

3,717
830
607
532
403
34G
569
1,148
2,563
1,383
908
556

2,786
682
500
382
322
329
508
1,030
2.409
1,337
908
683

1-33 1-3G 1-21 1-39 1-25 1-05 112 Ml 1-06 1-03 1-00 1'96

8,180 2,012 1,480 1,192 908 831 1,331 2,505 4,994 2,927 1,600 1,200

5,769
1,609
1,161
984
774
707
1,117
2,453 4,920 2,879 1,748 1,184

1-42 1-25
1-27
1-22 1-25 1-18 1-20 1-02 1-02 1-02 0-92 0-99

It appears, then, beyond doubt, that there is a par- tici/hr cause ofmortalitij ivhich attacks male children, by ■preference, before a7id immediately after their birth. The effects are such, that the ratio of" deaths before birth is as 3 to 2 ; during the two first months after birth the ratio is 4 to 3 ; during the third, foui-th, and fifth months, 5 to 4; and after the eighth or the tenth month, a difference scarcely exists.
The inequaUty in the number of deaths for childi-en of both sexes, towards the period of birth, is a remark- able fact in the natural history of man, and merits the attention of physiologists. It cannot be attributed to the excess of male births over female bh'ths, seeing that the ratio of these last numbers is scarcely from 20 to 19 ; this ratio could, at the most, explain the difference of mortaUty in ages beyond the first year.
The influence of sex shows itself at different ages in a manner more or less curious : an idea may be formed of this by an inspection of the following table, constructed from numbers collected in the different provinces of Belgiiun : —

Age.

StiU-bom,
From to
. . 1 to
. . 2 to

ai

ale Deaths

to one

Female Death.

City.

Country

1-33

1-70

1-33

1-37

1-37

1-20

1-22

1-21

1-24

116

l-0(i

103

1-06

0-97

l-(ll)

0'94

0-9-.)

0-93

002

0-75

0-98

0-92

1-24

Ml

1-00

0-86

0-88

0-63

r02

0-83

1-07

M8

0-96

1-05

0-77

1-00

0()8

052

1 month,
2 . .
3 .. . . 3 to C . . . . 6 to 12 . .
1 to 2 years,
. . 2 to 5 . .
. . 5 to 14 . .
.. 14 to 18 . .
. . 18 to 21 . .
.. 21 to 26 . .
. . 26 to 30 . .
. . ,30 to 40 . .
. . 40 to 50 . .
. . 50 to 60 . .
. . 60 to 70 . .
. . 70 to 80 . . .. SOtolOO .. - ■
This table gives the ratio between the deaths of the two sexes for eacli year, without regard to population. The numbers for the country may, moreover, be con- sidered as representing faithfully the amount of the relative mortality, because at each age tlie individuals of both sexes are nearly equal in number, Avhich is not the case in cities, at least with respect to aged men. The ratioof cities in respect to the population is in gene- ral very great for those of advanced years ; there exist, nevertheless, the same alternations of increase and of decrease as in the ratio calculated for the country.
Thus, about the period of l)irth, tliere die more males than females ; about the age of two years, the mortality of both sexes becomes pretty nearly equal ; that of women thereafter increases, and becomes sen- sibly greater between the ages of 14 and 18 years, that is to say, after puberty; between 21 and 20, \\\c most active epoch of the passions, the mortality of the male exceeds that of the female i from 2G to 30, epoch of marriage, the mortality is once more equalised, but becomes sensibly greater for women during the whole period of fecundity : when that period ceases, the mortality diminishes, and this condition or ratio con- timies until the final iieriod of existence for both.

The great mortality of the female peasantry (femmes de la campatine) during the period of child-bearing, may be owing to the laborious duties of their station, which the}' are thus called on to perform at a period requiring the greatest care.* These laborious agri- cultural emploj^ments are, on the contrary, from their regularity, very far from being equalh^ jirejudicial to man. The male inhabitants of towns suffer much at this period of life from irregular conduct, and the facilities offered for following the dictates of passion.
3. Influence of Age.
Of aU the causes Avhich modify the mortality of man, none exercises a greater influence than age. This influence is universally acknowledged, and its appreciation is one of the first objects to which the doctrine of the calculation of probabiUties was directed. The first table of mortality appears to be dated in 1693; it was composed by the astronomer Hallej^ who constructed it from documents of the city of Breslaw. Similar tables have been constructed since that time for the principal European comitries ; yet there are few in which the distinction of the sexes has been observed. Even France does not possess a general mortaUty table keeping in view this distinc- tion ; and all the assurance societies continue to base their calcidations on the hypothesis that the morta- lity is the same for both sexes. Nevertheless, the English have observed the necessity for modifying their rates of insurance ; and Mr Pinlaysou, secretary for the national debt, has perfectly shown that the greater mortality of men ought to be kept in view.
The tables which I give here for Belgium, keep in view not only the distmction of the sexes, but notice, for the first time, the differences caused by a town or country residence. I have taken care, also, to indi- cate the mortality during the early months folloAving birth. The data emploj^ed in the construction of these tables have been collected with care for a period of three years, from the registries of the ciAal state in Belgium. To enable the reader to compare these results, I have taken the same basis, and calculated the mortality, assuming 10,000 births for each of the sexes in town and country. A fifth table shows the mortality of the kingdom, without regard to the dif- ferences just alluded to.

Table of Mortality

General

of Bel

gium.

Table : Town and Countrj- ;

Age.

Town.

Country.

Men and AVomen.

Men.

Women.

Nen.

Women.

Birth,

10,000

10,000

10,000

10,(XiO

100,000

1 month,

8840

9129

8926

9209

90,a96

2 ■•

8.550

8916

8664

8988

87,936

3 ■■

83<jl

8760

8470

8029

86,173

4

8195

8641

8314

Sim

84,720

5 ..

8fK)9

8.540

8187

a587

83,571

6 ••

7961

8437

8078

8490

82,526

1 year.

7426

7932

7.575

8(Kll

77,528

18 months,

6854

7500

7173

7603

73,.367

2 years.

(me

717!)

6920

7326

70,5,36

3 ••

6194

6761

65.37

6931

66,531

4 ..

.5911

6477

6326

6691

64,102

5

.57.38

6295

6169

6.528

62,448

6 ■•

r>(m

6176

60.38

6395

61,166

7 ••

5547

60,05

.5939

6299

60,249

8 •■

.5481

6(^26

5862

6215

59,487

9 ••

.5424

mm

6792

6147

58,829

111 ..

5:m

.5916

57.14

6082

58,258

11 ••

.5.-i52

5i!73

mH3

6018

57,749

12 ••

5.i23

5838

SCM

59(i0

57,289

13 ••

.5298

6807

5509

5908

66,871

14 ••

5271

5/71

6546

5862

.56,467

15 • •

.5241

6732

5603

67.96

56,028

[Tlie reader will be pleased to observe that M. Qtietelet

•alludes here to the whole period of child bearing in the female peasantry, as contrasted with the habits of to^\-ns ; on the other hand, it is a fact generally admitted, although we know not the precise data on which the opinion is founded, tliat the indivi- dual accouchements are not only safer but much easier in the country than in towns.]

ON MAN.

31

Age.

IG years, 17

Table of Mortality of Belgium — ( Contintiol.)

Men.

5209
5171
5131
.W87
5(138
4,978
4908
4827
4740
4()G2
4590
4523
4459
4397
4335
4275
4214
4154
4094
4034
3976
3918
3860
38(>2
3744
3078
^ni ^77
3411
a?52
3293 3233 3174 3115 3040 2962 2881 2810 2/39 2667 2583 2499 2415 2329 2239 2146 2051 1956 1859 1754 1649 1556 1466 1372 1279
im
108/ 989 891 806 721 631 541 463 394 332 273 225 184 150 120
93
69
49
37
28
18
11 9

Women

SC89
5645
560O
5551
.5500
5445
5387
5326
52G4
5201
5138
5074
5010
4946
4881
4816
4751
4680
4622
4558
4490
4418
4347
4277
4208
4148
4088
4027
3967
3907
3846
3783
3720
3656
3592
3520
»t48
.^375
a300
3225
3150
3080
3010
2939
28(a
27:9
2689
2595
2498
23;;7
2292 2187 2085 1983 1864 1741 1627 1514 1389 1261 11»4 101 1
900
789
682
585
495
411
ai6
289
2.39
192
150
116
86
65
47
33
24
18
12
8
4
2
1

Country.

Men. Women.

5456
5408
5357
53(>2
5242
5178
5109
5036
4958
4881
4805
4734
4673
4620
4572
4525
4478
4431
4384
4337
4296
4255
4215
4174
41.34
4090
4044
3995
3!M3
3;J87
3(J27
3767
37f»7
3fA7
3588
3512
34.35
3358
3276
3194
,3111
3(86
29.39
2U51
2767 2677 2587 2495 2387 2277 2163 2049 1942 I»15 1713 1587 1474 1358 1236 1114
996
882
770
664
566
4a>
414
353
294
239
191
152
117 88 67 48 .38 27
20 14 10
7
4 2

5668 5608 5546 5484 5421 5.356 5289 5222 5153 5085 5016 4948 4880 4812 4744 4677 4609 4542 4474 4401 4329 4257 4185 4112 4041
mi
3901 .3831 3761 3701 3G40 3579 3519 .'J458

i392

3323 3256 3187 3118 .3049 2982 2912 2840
27(i2
2677
2586
2495
2405
2310
2-2IX)
2086
1983
1875
17.58
1()42
1530
1420
13(J0
1182
1061 940 832 723 619 5.35 460 390 323 262 211 168 1.32 !)7 71 54 40 .32 24 18 12

General Table : Town and Country ; Men and AVomen.

55,570 55,087 54,575 54,030 53,450 .52,810 52,172 51,465 50,732 49,995 49,298 48,602 47,965 47,350 46,758 46,1/0 45,584 44,996 44,409 43,823 43,2.36 42,650 42,064 41,476 40,889 40,.300
3.'»,(;!i7 39,io(;
.38,504
■37,900
37,295
3(),690
.36,084
35.477
34.789
.•U,153
a3,418
.32.676
.31,9.30
31,179
3f),42i
29,656
28,875
28,081
27,242
26,.356
25,423
24,465
23,478
22,462
21,362
20,263
19,219
18,175
17,017
15,860
14,749
13,638
12,461
11,273
10,120
9014
7910
68.53
5867
5031
4299
3627
3016
2464
1989
158^
12X3
'.m
6*2 510 387 282 2(»7 1.53 105

7 4

67

39

2

20

10

■ 5

2

An inspection of tliis tabic shows that the probable value or duration of life after birth is in general about 25 years, that is to say, that at the age of 25, the number of children born at the same time is reduced to one-half. Keeping in view the distinction of the sexes, Ave find that the probable life of girls (filles, unmarried females) is longer than that of boys (un- married males) ; in fact, it is 27 years in the country, and more tlian 28 in cities, whilst for unmarried males it is less than 24 years in the country, and less than 21 in cities.
Towards the age of five years, the chances of pro- longed life are the greatest, whatever be the sex or place of abode ; at this epocli, the probable duration of life of women in city, and men in the country, is 50 years, and of 48 years for Avomen in the country and men in the city. ' '
This age of five years, Avhen the more urgent dan- gers of infancy have ceased, is very remarkable in the natural history of man : in proportion as we recede from it, the probable duration of life becomes sliorter and shorter ; thus, at the age of 40, it is only 27 years for the inhabitants of the country, and for Avomen in- habiting towns, and of 25 years only for men inha- biting tOAvns ; for tiiose Avho haA-e reached 60 years, the probable duration of life is from 12 to 13 A^earsj and Avith the octogenarian it is reduced to four years! In general, the mortality is greater for man inha- biting t0A\Tis, oAving, Avithout doubt, to the irregu- larities and excesses to Avhich he is exposed.
The value, then, of the average life in Belgium is 32-15 years; for men inhabiting cities, 29-24, and for the male agricultural population, 31-97; for women inhabiting cities, 33-28, and 32-95 in the country. According to Mr Eickman's last Avork, the average life in England Avould be 33 years, 32 for the men and 34 for the Avomen.* In France, it is estimated at 32-2, calculated from the numbers of birtlis. f Finally, these calculations presume the population to be stationary, and Ave shall afterAvards have occasion to see that they lead to serious errors.
I shall next make a more attentive examination of the different critical periods of man and woman, as well as of the degrees of duration of life (viability, existibiliti/) at different ages.
What first occupies our attention, is tlie great mor- tality of children after birth : to have an accurate idea of this, it is sufficient to consider that, in toAvn as well as country, four times as many children die Avithin the first month after birtli as in the second ; and almost as many as during the second and third years, although tlie mortahty then is very great. Indeed' the table of mortahty shows, that one-tenth die Avithin the first month after birth. TJiis number is equal to tlie aggregate number of deaths of tlie survivors between 7 and 24 years of age, or betAveen 24 and 40 years ; or, still further, it is equal to the number of surA-ivors Avho reach the age of 76 years. MM. Milne Edwards and Villerme have made some inte- resting researches on the mortality of new-born chil- dren ; Toaldo, in Italy, attributes it chiefly to the custom of taking the infants to church immediately after birth, Avhere they often endure the severest cold, and are exposed naked to the waters of baptism.
The mortality is so great, especially for male chil- dren, that, from the first year after bu-th, the number is already reduced one-fourth. The loss of boys in toAvns is such, that at tlie fifth year, out of 10,000, there are only 5738 remaining.
The age of five years is very remarkable, because the mortahty, wliicli until that time is very great, is suddenly reduced, and becomes extremely small until the age of puberty. At tlie age of fiA-e years, the probability of hfe attains its maximum, that is to say, man may reckon upon a longer existence.
The epoch Avhich precedes puberty, and Avhicli

Preface to tbe Abstract, &c., p. 46.

+ Anniiaire du Bureau des Longitudes for 1H.34, p. 102.

32

ON MAN.

commences at 13 in town and 14 in tlie country, is equally deserving of attention : it also presents a maximum of a peculiar kind — it might be called the maximum of viability ; it is the period when man can most depend upon his actual existence, and when he can wager with most probability that he will not die the moment after.
After the age of puberty, the mortality becomes greater, especially among women : tliis increase is even perceptible among women in the country.
Towards the age of 24, there is a peculiar circimi- stance connected with men ; namely, a maximum which is not observed in the curve of the mortality of women. (See the table of curves at the end of the volume). The period of this maximum coincides with that when man shows the greatest inclination to crime;* it is the stormy age of passion, which occu- pies a most conspicuous place in the moral life of man. The mortality afterwards diminishes insensibly, and reaches for men in town and covmtry a new minimum about the age of 30.
The reason why these periods of maximum and minimum are not observed in the curve of female mortahty, proceeds undoubtedly from the circum- stance, that the effect which the development of the passions in woman might have over the deaths is combined with the effect resulting from the dangers of childbearing ; for, after the age of 24 years, the deaths of women continue to increase, and, taken from 28 to 45 years, exceed the number of deaths of men. The difference is very apparent between 30 and 40 years.f
From 60 to 6.5 j^ears, also a remarkable period, viability loses much of its energy, that is to say, the probability of life becomes very small.
Lastly, the length of one century appears to be the limit of man's existence. Very few exceed this bound. On the 1st of January 1831, of sixteen centenarians found in Belgium, fourteen of them lived in the three provinces of Hainault, Namur, and Luxembourg. Lim- bourg and Eastern Flanders had each one, and none were found in the provinces of Brabant, Anvers, Western Flanders, and Liege. The three oldest in- dividuals were 104, 110, and 111 years— they belonged to the province of Luxembourg ; the others did not exceed 102 years.
Of the sixteen centenarians, nine belonged to the male sex ; none of them liad been soldiers : it is re- markable that all these persons had been, or still were married, and generally were living in very ordinary cir- cumstances. It is generally thought that the greater number of centenarians are males, although the ave- rage life of females is longer.
A German physiologist, M. Biu'dach, has pubhshed some very singular approximative comparisons of human mortality and the periods of human life. J This philosopher divides hfe into 10 periods of 400 weeks each ; and thus makes an age of the first dentition, of adolescence, of youth, &c. ; in the first period is found a secondary one of 40 weeks, the age of lactation.
To complete the documents relative to mortality at different ages, it would be necessary to consider the dangers to which man is exposed every moment. Indeed, when we say that the infant at birth has a probable life of 25 years, we know nothing of the dangers to which he may be exposed durmg this period. It is for the purpose of considering these dangers that I have constructed the following table, which points out the actual degree of mortality of

Recherchcs sur le Penchant au Crime au.\ differens Ages.

See also the third book of this work.
t It haa long been thought that the time of cessation of the monthly period was more fatal to women than the other periods of life. M. Benoiston de Chateaimeuf has shown that this opi- nion is groimdless, in a Memolre sur la MorlaliU cles Femines de rAgedei0d50Aiis. Paris: 1822.
t Die Zeitrecbnnng des Menschliehcn-rebens. Licpsic : 1820.

each age, that is to say, the probability of dying within a very limited period. This table is calcu- lated from the one on mortality : the inverse ratio of each number, placed opposite, may be considered as the relative degree of the duration of the life of man at different ages, or the relative probability of living : —

Age.

Degrees.

Age.

Degrees.

<

1

!

1

of

of

of

of

Mortality.

Viability.

Mortality.

Viability.

1 month,

960

1

23

12

85

2 ••

273

4

24

12

82

3 ••

200

5

25

12

83

4 ■•

168

6

30

11

95

5

135

7

35

11

90

6 ••

127

8

40

12

83

1 year.

115

9

45

13

77

77

13

50

15

67

3 ■•

60

17

55

20

50

4 ••

27

37

60

27

37

5 ■•

21

48

65

39

26.

6 ••

15

67

70

57

18

7 ••

12

83

75

187

11

8 ••

10

100

80

29

8

10 ■•

8

131

85

174

6

14 ■•

6

161

90

250

4

15 ••

7

155

95

283

3

20 ••

10

100

100

4217

2

I have endeavoured to render these numbers sen- sible to the eye by the construction of a curve abode. (See Plate 2, placed at the end of the volume). The greater or less divergence from the axis A B, indicates the greater or less degree of viability. Thus we see that, about the age of 14, viability is greatest : it after- wards presents an anomaly between the 15th and 30th years. This curve lias been constructed for men and women mdiscriminately : the dotted line serves for females. Its form is more regular than that of males alone : it descends in a continuous manner from the point m, which corresponds to the 13th year, to the point 7i, corresponding to the 50th, where it is confounded with the other curve. We see that viabi- lity after puberty dimmishes more rapidly in females than males ; it is also less during the time of child- bearing, from the 27th to the 45th year, but greatest at the age of the passions, about the 24th year. The curve of viability has a striking similarity to that of the propensity to crune, and a still greater similarity to that showing the development of the physical powers.
The age of shortest viability would be then imme- diately after birth, and the age of longest viability immediately before puberty : the viability of the child after the first month of life is gi'eater than that of the man near 100 years old.
Towards the 75 th year, it is scarcely greater than for the infant about the sixth month after birth.
We shall add to what has already been said, the law of the duration of diseases, expressed in weeks and fractions of a week, as M. VUlerme has given it in the Annalcs d'Hi/giene for January 1830, according to the documents of the philanthropic Highland So- ciety of Scotland.

Age.

Weeks of sickness

Age.

Weeks of sickness

for one Person.

for one Person.

21st year,

•■ 0-575

65th year,

- 1-821

25th • •

0-585

57th • •

2-018

30th • •

- 0-621

60th • •

- 2-246

35th ••

0-6/5

63d ••

3100

40th ..

- 0-758

65th . •

- 4-400

45th ..

0-962

67th ••

6-000

50th ..

- 1-361

70th ..

- - 10-701

The committee of the Scotch Society which has collected these data, thinks that below the age of 20 the average annual duration of diseases ought to be estimated at three days, or nearly ; and above 70

ON MAN.

S3

years, also, for the working class, about 4 montlis, or 16i weeks. These researches coincide very well with the measures of viabilit}' given above.
M. Villerme has also been investigating the law of mortality of each age during epidemics,* and he has been led to conclude that it seems to agree Avith the general law of mortality according to age, that is to say, that those who, all things being equal, have the least probability of life, are those who fall most readily, ■when attacked by epidemics : f thus, one epidemic attacks more particularly children, another old per- sons. Well, of an equal number of diseases at each age, the mortality of children is greater the younger they are, and when old persons are attacked, the older they are.
This observation is confirmed by the researches of DuviUard on death caused by the small-pox ; by those which have been collected after the sweating miliary fever, which was epidemic in 1821 in the department of Oise ; and by several others quoted by M. Villerme.
" According to the unanimous accounts from diffe- rent parts of Germany," says this philosopher, " ac- counts which fully confirm the official report on the ravages of cholera-morbus in the city of Paris and department of the Seine, the children rmder four or five years, and the old persons of advanced age, attacked by this malady, almost always die, wliilst young people less frequently fall under it.
Indeed, some researches Avhich I have made on the influence of marshes, show that the same circimistance attends the fevers or epidemic maladies resulting from them (marshes) ; for of an equal number of sick per- sons, more young children died than of all the others, and after these the old persons.
The influenza, or catarrhal fever, Avhich prevailed through a great part of France during the spring and summer of 1831, and which especially attacked adults and old persons, at least in Paris, has principally been fatal to the latter Avlien very old.
All these facts concerning diseases so different, render it extremely probable that the mortality occa- sioned by epidemics commonly follows, as has been already stated, for the sick persons Avho are attacked by them, the general law of the mortality according to age.
Hence the inference, that epidemics which attack the two extremes of Ufe, are, every tiring considered, the most fatal and deadly."
4. Influence of Years.
It has been observed that the annual number of deaths may, in certain circumstances, be considerably modified by scarcity, wars, and other scourges.
The influence of famine had been confirmed long ago; nevertheless, an English statistician, Mr Sad- ler, recently thought he perceived in the relative numbers of England almost the opposite of what his predecessors found. Similar discordances between the results of observers have often been quoted by superficial persons to establish the small importance of statistical inquiries, instead of seeMng for the true cause of them.
Now, to explain the difficulty which here presents itself, it is necessary to observe, in the first place, that mortality does not increase just at the moment when bread becomes dearer — the excess of mortality is only induced by the diseases and privations which poor people are obliged to endure at periods of distress ; so that, diu-ing the greater part of the time, the influence of the scourge on the registers of mortality only be- comes visible several months, and sometimes a year, after its commencement. The consequences, more- over, do not stop suddenly : the price of bread may

An. d'Hygifene, Janv. 1833, p. 31.

t [Typhus fever, which occasionally spreads epidemically, seems to form an exception to this law.]

have resumed its ordinary course, or even become lower, and yet the excess of deaths may be stiU very sensible.
AVe sliould be wrong in admitting, also, that the smallest fluctuations ki the prices of bread ought proportionally to show themselves in the number of deaths : in the midst of so many causes modifying mortality, a single one, in order to leave manifest traces, must be strongly marked. We must not, then, ascribe, as Mr Sadler has done, the same importance to every year from the time that the price of grain had somewhat exceeded the average— we must keep to those years in which there was a positive scarcity; and, above all, we must not suppose the mortality to proceed equall}^ with the price of provisions. An examination of the tables showing the movement of the popiilation in Belgium from 1815 to 1826 inclu- sive, will point this out. We may there observe, that the price of wheat and rj'e reached their maximum in 1816 ; but the effects of the scarcity over the deaths and births became apparent only the year following. Were we to follo\v Mr Sadler's plan, the calamitous year of 1816 would be arranged among the happy ones, since, comparatively to the other years, there were fcAver deaths. To proceed as Mr Sadler has done, we ought to compare the deaths of the four years from 1815 to 1818, during which the prices of grain exceeded the average, with those of the four following years, and Are have as a medium of each period —

Average of Deaths — In To^vn. In Country.

Tcirs of famine, - plenty,

50,186 - 51,015

91,501 95,222

Observe how this conclusive table would lead to re- sults entirely opposed to those we have obtained.
We cannot be too much on our guard against con- clusions drawn from statistical documents, and espe- cially against the methods of reasoning which may be employed. The greatest sagacity is necessary to distinguish the degree of importance to be attached to each influencing element; and we have frequent proofs that even clever men have been led into ab- surdities by ascribing to certain causes influences pro- duced by other causes which they had neglected to take into consideration.
The fatal influence of the years 1816 and 1817 shows itself not only in the general results of deaths for all Belgium, but also, as has been remarked,* in the particular resiilts in the foundling hospitals, and in houses of refuge. This may be judged of by the following numbers : —

Years.

1815, - 1816, 1817, - 1818, 1819, -

Foundling Hospitals.

Population. Deaths.

10,739 11,176 11,829 12,813 13,248

1,597 1,459 1,793 1,290 1,346

Mendicity
Houses :
Inhabitants to
one Death.

8'25 1015 5-49 6 79 9-29

We ought to attribute this greater mortality to the individuals admitted into the hospitals and mendicity houses having been already sufferers from the famine, and not to the privations which they had to undergo in these establishments. The number of admissions of foundlings, which, one year with another, never ex- ceeded .3000, reached to 3945 in 1817: it is this which has rendered the mortality greater, because the in-

Page 35 of Recherches sur la Poptilation, les Naissances, <feo.,

dans le Royaume des Pays Bas. See also, on the Mortality of 1817f the Statistiaue Nationale of M. Ed. Smita,

34

ON MAN.

fants exposed at this critical time had within tliem the germs of death already.*
Another observation whicli may he made on the preceding numbers, is the dreadful mortality of men- dicity houses, which was about 4 or 5 times as gi-eat as in the least healtliy provinces of Belgium : we may say the same for the houses for foundlings. This confirms the very judicious remarks which have been made by MM. Villerme and Benoiston de Chateauneuf, in the Armales d Hygiene, on tiie unequal mortaUty of the rich and poor. The deaths in the prisons of Belgium were incomparably less numerous than in the houses of mendicity. At Vilvorde, in 1824, 1825, and 1826, there was 1 to 28 inhabitants; at Saint- Bernard, 1 to 22 in the year 1826 ; and at Ghent, about the same period, 1 to 44 only : this ratio is somewhat less than that for the whole kingdom. We ought to make a distinction between the prisons and houses of mendicity, because the individuals who enter these latter establishments rarely make a stay of 7 or 8 months, and generally arrive there, as has been already stated, with a constitution undermined by privation and disease; on the contrary, those who enter prison after having undergone sentence, ai'e generally in a less unfavourable state of health, and the a^'erage duration of their confinement is not less than 5 years, f
In investigating the influence of j'ears of peace or

war, it seems to me that in general the same degree of confusion has been made. A country in time of war suffers, indeed, because its male population f\ills, on the one hand, either in engagements, or in conse- quence of fatigue and privation ; and, on the other hand, the chances of reproduction become fewer ; the coun- try, moreover, siifFers, because its industry and acti- vity are impeded, or because importations of all kinds, especially of grain, are diminished: but a nation might be engaged in war without any of these causes under- going a very sensible alteration. It would be then deceptive to look for the effects of it in the tables of mortality. It is in this manner that Mr Sadler* also denies the influence of years of war, when making use of English da,ta ; and without inquiring Avhether tlie means of subsistence, the imports, and tlie ex- ports, had undergone any change, or whether the nation had been deprived of a i^art of the male popu- lation more than at another time. I think that we might more accurately appreciate this influence in sucli a country as Holland or Belgium, several pro- vinces of which have a great maritime trade, and the ports of which have long been closed. Thus I sliall collect the numbers given during the two decennial periods which have preceded and followed 1814: the one includes the years from 1804 to 181.3 inclusive, and we shall take it as a period of war ; the other extends from 1815 to 1824, and forms a time of peace :t —

Deaths.

Births.

Marriages. |

Provinces.

1st Period.

2d Period.

1st Period.

2d Period.

1st Period.

2d Period.

Brabant, Nortliein, -

75,771

69,507

89,488

]00,8';3

21,210

20,300

Southern,

1:8,3.%'

119,109

145,255

169,181

30,862

36,423

Limbourg,

75,679

70,.549

91,. 397

101,781

20,453

22,960

Gueldres, -

53,764

59,818

67,300

90,862

15,627

19,337

Liege, - . . .

74,683

82,698

102,949

113,633

22,671

24,387

Flanders, East, -

169,966

162,834

207,334

218,830

42,549

43,120

West,

144,726

141,310

179,099

191,1.39

37,668

.37,882

Hainault, - . .

110,344

118,289

158,762

183,198

37,093

39,591

Holland, Northern,

143,1(18

121,735

132,275

145,744

33,.533

34,789

Southern,

1.3'J,457

123,850

135,703

165,741

32,498

.34,942

Zealand, - - - .

46,237

42,436

45,805

55,331

10,731

10,645

Namur,

30,519

34,134

48,557

.58,690

11,40!)

12,592

Antwerp,

({7,126

70,623

96,058

101,471

21,579

23,075

Utrecht,

31,150

29,.')28

36.0.J5

41,03i!

8.674

8,982

Friesland, ...

45,387

38,219

49,354

65, Wi5

14.186

15,327

Overyssel, -

.3I,4a3

37,479

43,114

51,951

9,960

11,629

Groningen, ...

.37,026

30„5.39

41,592

51,673

11,940

11,492

Drenthe,

9,418

9,859

13,254

16,723

3,691

3,954

Luxembourg, ...

66,406

58,695

91,809

92,242

20,412

18,740

Total,

1,487,606

1,421,600

1,765,179

2,015,646

406,743

430,247

Gioja, in his Filosqfia deUa Statislica, has taken the same

years, 1815, 1816, and 1817, as examples of the influence of famine on mortality. The following are the results at which he has arrived ; they do not require any comment : — Number of Children exposed at the Luogopio de Sainte-Catherine,
at Milan, and of the sick persons in the large hospital of that
city.

rn

■«

ce

i-i o (1

g

n, i-

o

Years.

s « s

(2 1

lit

o '2 S
o

ill

1815,

2280

1750

17,974

14,010

59 liv.

25 \i\:

1816,

2625

(from 1818

20,993

(from 1818

75 ..

(from 1818

1817,

3082

to 1825).

23,350

to 1825).

63 ..

to l!^25^

Mortality in the private houses and hospitals of Milan.

<u

.

0)

Years.

m

Ill

3 M .a

o5

1°

c S a

181.5,

3n24

X'M

arm

2028

(;304

5333

1816,

39(K

(from 1818

.3085

(from 1818

7051

(from 1818

1817,

3806

to 1825).

4620

to 1825).

8426

to 1825).

t Annales d'llygifene.

This table shows us at first that in all the pro- vinces, without exception, the muuber of births has been greater during the decennial period of peace than during that of war ; the number of deaths, on the contrary, has been smaUer, except in some provinces in the interior, such as Gueldres, Overyssel, Drenthe, Brabant (Southern), Hainault, Liege, and Namur; yet the difference in several of them may be owing to the increase of population, and it must be observed that these provinces are chiefly agricultural, and that Hainault, Namur, and Liege, were actively engaged in tlie clearing of lands and toil of arms. Tlie number of marriages has varied very little durmg the two periods.
The provinces wliicli have very sensibly sufieredby mortality were those especially which are maritime, and whose ports were closed for a considerable time. Thus the two J loUands and Zealand had more deatlis than birtlis. This state of things ceased at the peace. It seems to me that the results contained in this table

[Mr Sadler seems to liave been anxious to maintain the

accur.icy of the old saw, " few die of want, thousands of sur- feit." Like most ancient adages, the truth will be found by as near as may be reversing it.]
t See, on the influence of the wars of the French Empire, the observations of M. F. D'lvernois, the results of which liave been given at page 2.3.

ON MAN.

35

are as conclusive as can he desired, and show to Avliat extent wars influence mortalitj', by impeding the acti- vity of the people and injuring their industry.
We may here find an apparent contradiction to what has been stated elsewhere. I have observed that the deaths generally, in becoming more numerous, likewise increase the number of marriages and births ; but the obstacle to the multiplication of marriages was that very state of war, the influence of which I have just been showing — a state which removed the major part of the young men from society/. Never- theless, we observe that the number of marriages has been almost the same during the two periods ; and I find a new confirmation of my conjectures. The great mortality ought to have shortened the duration of marriages, and brought on more marriages of second and third unions, which have, by that cause, been less fruitful, and produced fewer births. I particularly insist on this fact, whih appears to me very remark- able, namelj% that the fecundity of marriages has been incomparably less during the first period.
Remarks somewhat similar sliovdd be made for the influence of years of famine. Here the contradiction appears greater. A great mmiber of deaths has fre- quently been accompanied by fewer marriages ; this was owing to tlie want which momentarily induced the death exciting a fear to undertake new establish- ments, so that persons did not pass rapidly from the state of widowhood. What has been observed con- cerning the deaths, whicli, by multiplying, multiply the man-iages and births, ought only then to be gene- rally understood for those countries whicli are not imder the influence of accidental causes, such as Avars, epidemics, famines, &c.
5. Influence of Seasons.* The number of deaths, like that of births, under- goes A'ery sensible variations according to the ditferent months of the year. Numerous researches have al- ready been presented on this subject, and it has been acknowledged that, in our climate, the rigours of Avinter are in general mortal to the human species.f The following table, prepared from the documents of Belgium, and according to the same principles as that Avhich has been given for births, Avill present a first example of the influence of seasons on mortality: —

months :

Deaths.

Ratio.

1815 to 182G.

To^vn.

Country.

Town.

Country.

.January, -

59,892

116,129

1-1.58

1-212

February,

56,267

114,758

1'088

1-198

March,

54,277

114,244

1-050

1-192

April, -

51,818

107,264

1-002

1-120

IMay, -

48,911

93,714

0-946

0-978

•fune.

46,6(17

84,464

0-901

0-882

July, -

45,212

77,5.55

0-874

0-809

August, -

47,032

78,8(t2

0-910

0-822

September,

50,191

85.131

0-971

0-888

October,

51,649

89,514

0-999

0-934

November,

52,908

89,585

1-024

0-935

Pecember, -

.55,631 ■

98,705

1076

1-030

Average,

51,700

95,822

1-000

1-000

The"gi-eater part of -what follo-ws has been extracted from a

memoir Siir rh\fucnce cUs Saisons et clcs Apes sur la Mortality, which I presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences of the Insti- tute in 1833. I had .already published some observations on this subject in the first volumes of my Correspondance Maihematiquc el Physique.
t [Another old saw, and as like the preceding as possible in its almost inconceivable want of any foundation in truth, was, that " an open winter, or a gi-eeu C'liristmas, make a fat church- yard : " like the former sa^msupported by Mr Sadler, it may readily be shown that a precisely reverse statement -ivill approach tlie truth as near as possible : this had been long suspected by Dr Heberden. In the climate and locality of Edinburgh, for ex- ample, the first setting-in of frost is annually accompanied by a great increase of mortality ; it also aggravates both the number of cases of typhus fever and the deaths therefrom, occasionally to an alarming extent.]

Let us here again remark that the influence of the seasons is more evident in the country than in town, where there is a greater combination of means to Avithstand the inequality of temperatures.
The terms of maximum and minimum do not take place at the same time in all climates ; in some, they even appear to have been shifted by civilisation, which has caused local causes of epidemics to disappear. These epidemics were especially caused by high tem- peratures in marshy places or the interior of cities. M. Villerme has jjointed out a very striking example for the city of Paris {An. d' Hygiene), in the following table of the months, arranged in the order of the de- creasing mnriber of deaths of an average day: —

.§5
0) .a 3

ears up to 1722, uding the 13th the preceding Column.

2 o

h
u a
2""

s .

lii g.S c
S§-2

i
Q) O
Si

'"2 —

(H

tx

!^

03 a '^

<u '■'

o.S °

p

^

g

h|2

H

Sept.

Feb.

April.

April.

April.

April.

April.

Dee.

Sept.

March.

March.

March.

March.

March.

Jan.

April.

May.

Feb.

Feb.

Feb.

May.

Nov.

Jan.

Feb.

May.

J.an.

Jan.

Jan.

JIarch.

March.

Jan.

Jan.

May.

May.

Feb.

May.

May.

Dec.

Jime.

Dec.

Dec.

June.

A\ig.

Oct.

.Jime.

Dee.

June.

June.

Sept.

Feb.

Nov.

Sept.

Nov.

Oct.

Sept.

Dec.

Oct.

Dec.

Aug.

Oct.

Sept.

Nov.

Aug.

April.

Aug.

Oct.

Sept.

Nov.

Oct.

Oct.

June.

.June.

Nov. •

July.

July.

Aug.

Nov.

July.

July.

July.

Aug.

Aug.

July.

Jvily.

This table is foimded on tAvo millions of deaths : it resiflts from this (says M. Villerme), that from the pro- gressive dimintition of the epidemics Avhich so often desolated Paris formerly, at the end of summer, the annual period of the maximum of mortality in this city has been shifted. During the years of the 17th cen- tury of Avhich we have accoimts, this maximum took place in autumn, but now it is in spring. Formerly the minimum was observed at the beginning of sum- mer, but in the present age it is a little later. This proof of the ameliorations Avhich have been made in Paris, since the end of the reign of Louis XIV. (con- tinues ]\r. Villerme), either in the health}^ state of the city itself, or in the lot and condition of the inhabi- tants, is decisive; for we may affirm that the changes which we have just confirmed, belong, not to an in- crease of mortality during the season wliich at present gives the maximum, but to a diminution during the season Avhich formerly contained the greatest nimiber of deaths.
M. Villerme makes the observation, that the epide- mics Avhich result from famine ahvays exercise their ravages at annual periods, Avhen food is most scarce, difficult to obtain, or the diseases Avhich induce pain- ful conditions of life, for a great number of men, are more numerous or much more aggravated ; and they cease after harvest, which brings back abmidance. For example, in the ancient kingdom of Holland and the Netherlands, at the end of the bad harvest of 1816, the excess of deaths became very sensible dur- ing the foUoAving year, and particularly durmg the months which preceded the ncAv harvest.
With respect to epidemics, independent of famine, they seem to be generally combined with summer or hot Aveather, and tlie first months of autumn, at least in our climate. This seems to be especiaUy the case from the researches of M. Friedlander for Lon- don, Dantzic, Malta, Lavalette, and Aleppo.*
According to Wargentin, the maximum of morta- lity for Stockholm Avould take place in the month of August ; and according to M. Mourgue, it is the same for Montpellier. The displacement of the maximum in these cities may be owing to local causes. It ap-

Des Epidemics, &c., An. d'Hygii'ne, p. 27.

36

ON MAN.

pears, at least in most European countries, that the maximum of deaths generally takes place at the end of winter, and the minimum about the middle of summer.
But this observation was so complex that we sought to analyse the particular facts which it sums up. It was interesting to see if the rigours of winter were equally fatal at aU ages, and if the maxima and minima of deaths invariably took place in the same months, at ditFerent periods of life, or whether they varied according to these periods.
I have examined this thorny question vnih care, notwithstanding the long and irksome calculations which I was obliged to undertake. To perfect my researches as mucli as possible, I have taken into ac- count town or country residence, and the distinction of sexes, so that the tables which I have formed are at the same time tables of mortaUty for the different months, for men and women, for town and country.* I do not think that this subject has ever been consi- dered in a sufficiently comprehensive manner ; there were, however, some special works, particidarly on the mortality of new-born children. ilM. VUlerme and Milne Edwards had observed that the mortality of new-born children increases during the heat of summer, and stUl more during the cold of winter ;f but their numbers, belonging to the three months which follow birth, do not establish distinctions for each particular month, nor for the more advanced months.
According to the researches made in Belgium, the maximum of deaths in summer was not sensible dur- ing the first month after birth : but, setting out from this period, it takes place in August, and is most con- spicuous towards the middle of the first year; the two minima, wliich were confounded during the first month, afterwards diverge more and more until the fifth and sixth months, and are placed the on$ in April the other in iS'^ovember : they afterwards approxi- mate again, to be again confoimded, after the first year, and to form a single minimum in September. This singular result is found again when we consider the tables for the mortality of the sexes separately ; it is found again, in making the distinction of town and country ; but the maximum of summer is manifest in town from the first month after birth.
^Vhen we consider the number of deaths which take place soon after birth, it becomes necessary to take into accoimt the excess of births which takes

place after the winter: now, in taking an account of this excess, we find that it does not sensibly influ- ence the results previously announced. It is always correct, then, to say, that the greatest mortaUty, in the first year which succeeds birth, is observed during winter, that it diminishes in spring, increases a little durmg the heat of summer, and afterwards undergoes a new diminution on the near approach of winter ; so that a mUd temperature is most fitly adapted to tender infancy, whUe excess of heat and excess of cold are prejudicial to it, either because tliese excesses directly influence an organisation which is stiU very delicate, or because they act through the intermediiun of the mother who supports it.
After the first year, the mortality of children is entirely altered ; we only observe one maximum and one minimum ; the maximum appears after winter, and the minimum in simimer. From the age of eight to twelve, these terms are sUghtly altered, and advance in the order of the months, untU near the epoch of puberty, in such a manner that the maximum of deaths is observed in May and the minimum in October. Near puberty, the maximmn recedes imtil the 25 th year, and is invariably placed in the month of February, until the most remote age. As to the minimum, it does not again leave the month of October, but it establishes a second in the month of July, which re- mains there till the end of the mortal career ; so that between these two minima, placed three months dis- tant from each other, we observe a secondary maxi- mum, scarcely apparent indeed, during the month of September.
Thus, when man and woman have attained their physical development (about the age of 25 years), they are like children during the first year, most subject to mortaUty after the heat of summer and the rigours of Avinter.
The table which foUows will assist the reader to understand these results, and their numerical appre- ciation. It is well to be aware, that in the calcula- tions I have taken account of the unequal lengths of the months. On the other hand, that we may per- ceive at one glance the law of mortality with respect to seasons and ages, I have constructed a series of Unes, which, by their greater or less divergence from the horizontal line, indicate the greater or less diver- gence from the average mortaUty. (See the figured table, plate 1).

Table Showing the Influence of Seasons and Age on Mortality.

Ages.

Jan.

Feb.

March.

April.

May.

June.

July.

Aug.

Sept.

Oct.

Nov.

Dec.

From to 1 month,

1-39

1-28

1-21

1-02

0-93

0-82

0-78

0-79

0-86

0-91

0-93

1-07

- 1 to 3 „

1-39

1-18

M5

0-95

0-89

0-fB

0-a3

0-94

0-83

0-92

0-97

113

~ 3 to 6 ~

1-24

1-06

1-02

0-90

0-95

0-95

0-99

1-og

0-99

0-94

0-86

1-02

- 6 to 12 -

128

1-21

1-27

118

1-06

0-84

076

0-87

0-81

0-82

0-8G

1-03

„ 12 to 18 ~

1-10

Ml

1-24

1-30

1-25

1-03

0-88

0-81

0-74

0-77

0-78

0-.98

- 18 to 24 „

1-23

M8

1-21

118

1-03

0-84

0-80

0-7G

0-75

081

1-01

118

— 2 to 3 years,

1-22

M3

1-30

1-27

M2

0-94

0-82

0-73

0-76

0-78

0-91

101

- 3 to 5 -

1-23

M6

1-26

1-29

113

0-94

0-78

0-74

0-73

0-79

0-89

1-05

- 5 to 8 ,-

1-20

1-17

1-32

1-24

1-20

0-96

0-78

0-74

0-76 ■

0-75

0*5

1-02

- 8 to 12 -

1-08

1-06

1-27

1-34

1-21

0-99

0-88

0-82

0-81

0-76

0-80

0-96

- 12 to 16 ~

0-95

0-95

114

M4

M9

104

0-97

0-95

0-96

81

0-86

1-04

- 16 to 20 -,

0-93

0-94

l-i)7

118

115

103

1-00

0-99

0-89

0-87

0-95 ,

1-01

- 20 to 25 -

0-97

1-00

I 09

102

109

0-96

0-90

0-92

0-96

0-95

1-03

111

-, 25 to 30 -

105

104

Ml

106

1-02

1-02

0-91

0-96

0-95

0-93

0'97

0-97

„ 30 to 40 -

Ml

113

Ml

1-04

0-99

0-92

0-85

94

0-99

0-95

0-94

1-03

- 40 to 50 „

M7

115

113

1-05

0-99

0-86

0-8G

0-94

0-93

0-87

0-95

111

- 50 to 65 -

1-30

1-22

Ml

1-02

0-93

0-85

0-77

0-85

0-89

0-90

1-00

1-15

,. 65 to 75 ~

l-)3

1-32

M8

0-99

0-91

0-77

0-71

0-80

0-38

0-86

098

M7

- 75 to 90 -

1-47

1-39

M6

I -01

0-87

0-77

0-67

0-75

0-84

0-84

1-00

1-21

— 90 & upwards,

1-.58

1-48

1-25

0-96

0-84

0-7o

0-64

0G6

0-76

0-74

1-03

1-29

Average, - -

1-26

1-20

M7

108

1-00

0-88

0-80

0-84

0-80

0-86

0-94

109

These researches are founded on the official documents in-

trusted to me bj' the Bureau de Statistique established by the minister of the interior. Tliey comprise about 400,000 of different ages, and apply to all Belgium for the years 1827 to 1831. How- ever, tlie occupation of Maestricht and Luxembourg, has left some vacancies ia the tables prepared for the eastern part of the kingdom. t Au. d'Hygi^ne, 1829.

We may see, from the preceding table, that at no period of Ufe is the influence of the seasons on mor- tality more perceptible than in old age ; and at no age less than between 20 and 25, when the physical man, fuUy developed, enjoys the plenitude of his power.
The absolute maxima and minima are very e^adent between 1 and 12 years, and after the age of 50, since

ON MAN.

37

they afford numbers ■which, especially in the latter period, are as 1 to 2 and 2^. It is not so with the secondary maxima of summer : the numbers which they present differ so little from those of the minima between which they fall, that we may, for some pe- riods, attribute the difference to the almost inevitable errors in this species of observations, if they did not manifest themselves in the same manner for several successive years, and even in the partial tables, mak- ing a distinction of sexes.
Now, if we establish this latter distinction, we shall find that, for the different epochs of life taken sepa- rately, the numbers minima and maxima, both abso- lute and secondary, fall almost exactly on the same months, and that their ratios have almost the same A'alues ; but it is not so with the absolute number of deaths for each sex. Thus, as we have already seen, during the first year after birth, more boys die than girls, and the ratio of deaths for the two sexes is almost the same for each month. Besides, we may judge better by comparmgthe deaths which have taken place at the same epochs and in the same localities. I am contented to compare the principal ages with each other, and I have assumed as imity the number of male deaths.

.a

.

m

^

i

Months.

§

2

O

■^

O

■<r

.January,

75

0-95

1-32

1-M

0-83

1-21

February,

0-70

0-91

1-42

1-08

0-83

1-22

March, -

0-79

090

111

M7

0-78

118

April, -

0-73

094

1-23

1-18

0-80

1-21

May,

0-75

0-96

1-45

0-97

0-80

1-30

Juno, -

067

0-97

1-28

1-16

0-73

M8

July, -

0-70

1-(10

1-32

1-08

0-78

1-17 .

August,

0-79

0-92

1-20

0-98

0-77

1-08

September,

0-79

09a

1-31

1-01

0-73

1(W

October,

0-67

0-99

1-22

l-Ol

0-68

Ml

November,

0-76

105

1-20

e-99

0-64

1-11

December,

076

105

l-2()

&<X,

0-64

M8

1-18 1-30 1-50 1-44 1-40 1-20 1-42 1-08 1-47 1-50 1-08 1-48

Li making the distinction of town and country, I have not found any essential difference in the results concerning the influence of seasons on mortidity. I was also equally occupied in investigating the influ- ence which the seasons might have on the number of still-born infants ; but the results which I have obtained have already been quoted at page 2.5.
Since my first researches on the relations which exist at different ages, between the seasons and tlie mortality, a similar work, by M. Lombard of Geneva,* has appeared. I have had the satisfaction to see that the conclusions of this philosopher almost exactly coin- cide with my own ; although they only include 17,623 deaths, it is easy to perceive that they establish nearly the same facts as those observed in Belgiiim. Some displacements of the maxima may proceed from the combined influence of different causes, which must nattxrally vary with the localities. Thus the tables of Geneva give for the first month after birth results conformable to those of Belgium, and we do not perceive any secondary maxinnun in summer, except for infants between one month and two years old — though this secondary maximiun is evidently later than in Belgium, and appears in the months of September and October. It is to be regretted that the numbers for Geneva do not make the distinction of children of early age, since their mortality differs so much, according to my observations. M. Lombard does not admit that this secondary maximum of deaths, which he finds in September and October, for children of one or two years old, may be caused by the continuance of heat, to which cause MM. Villerme and Edwards attribute it : he thinks that it might be attri-

De Ilnfluence des Saisons sur la Mortality a differens Ages.

buted " to the difference of temperature betiveen day and night, which is never greater than at this time of the year." This difference, according to him, princi- pally affects the digestive tube, an organ which, in the child, is very hable to contract serious disease. The secondary maximum of September, for the most advanced years, which I also find in his numbers, still remains to be explained; moreover, the two causes assumed are both probable.
6. Influence of the Hours or Time of Day.
The different parts of the day (day and night) seem to exercise an uifluence over the number of deaths similar to that by the same cause over births ; but to arrive at satisfactory conclusions respecting this point, more numerous observations are required. The only data I have been able to obtain ai'e drawn from the records of the Hospital Saint-Pierre at Brussels for a period of 30 years :* —
Hours. Deaths.
After midnight, 12 to 6 o'clock, - - - 1397 Before mid-day, 6 to 12 noon, ... - 1321 After mid-day, 12 to 6 P.M., - - . - 1458 Before midnight, 6 to 12, 1074
5250
The difference of day and night is not so well marked for the births ; and, contrary to what we ob- served in regard to the births, most deaths take place in the day time. The two first parts of the day pre- sent nearly the same number of deaths, the difference affecting chiefly the 6 hours following mid-day and the 6 hours preceding midnight.
The inquiries of Dr Buck of Hamburg do not agree so well with ours on this point as they did in regard to the births. The following table contains the results, as he has given them, the seasons having been taken into consideration, and their sum reduced to 1000.

Deaths, t

Winter.

Spring.

Summer.

Autumn.

Medium
or Average.

After midnight. Before noon, Afternoon, - - Before midnight.

315
243 194 248

321
260 211
207

292 236 220 252

281 220
227 272

306 242 211 241

These numbers agree with the preceding only in this respect, that the number for the first part of the day exceeds that for the second. The ratio in respect to Hamburg is 548 to 4.52, and for Brussels 2718 to 2532 ; and this is also what we observe with respect to births. But I repeat, in order to entitle them to confidence, these researches ought to be very consi- derably extended.

CHAPTER VL
ON THE INFLUENCE OF DISTURBING CAUSES ON THE NUMBER OF DEATHS.
1. Influence of Professions, Degree of AflBuence, &c.
It is scarcely possible, in the actual state of science, to determine precisely the different chances of mortaUty to which man is exposed in different social condi- tions : the elements which we have been able to coL lect, to determine this point, are at present too scanty; however, they enable us to prove that the influence of professions, for instance, may cause a considerable variation in the degree of mortality. It is the same with the affluence and mode of subsistence of a people. To obtain conclusive ideas on these important points, I am going to bring forward the principal results which have been arrived at.
Statisticians at the present day appear to acknow-

For the details, see Correspondance Mathematique, 1827, vol. iii.

page 42, and the Recherchcs sur la Reproduction, Sfc.
t [Although the word Naissance is found here in the original work, it is quite evident that the author means Deces, or Deatlis.l

38

ON MAN.

ledge that the chances of mortaUty are much more numerous in manufacturing than in agricultural coun- tries, and in the interior of cities than in the middle of the country. We have already had several proofs in Avhat has gone before, and Ave can produce some fresh ones— I do not say for toAvn and comitry, for Ave have seen that the difference of mortality is too appa- rent to require us to return to it again — but for manu- facturing provinces.
Jfvre first look at England, Ave shall there find very evident differences betAveen the manufacturing and agricultiu-al provinces. The foUoAving are some re- sults Avhich have been communicated to me by M. VUlerme, Avho has deduced them from the ncAv docu- ments pubhshed in England by Mr Rickman, for the years 1813 to 1830 inclusive: —

In the whole of the agricultu- i ral districts, . - - )
In the whole of the districts ^ partlyagriculturaland partly r manufacturing, - - 3
In the whole of the manufac- | luring districts, - - '

Of 10,000 Deaths which have taken place

From Birth to the most ad- vanced Age, before the Age of 10 Years had been com- pleted, there

3,50J 3,828 4,355

From the Age of 10 Years to the greatest degree of lon- gevity, from the 10th to the 40th, there were —

3,142 3,310 3,7^7

We here see very evidently that aU the advantages are on the side of the agricultural districts.
In the Netherlands, the most agricultural province is Gueldres : tlie mortality there is only 1 in 537 indi- viduals, Avhilst in the commercial provinces of Hol- land it is 1 in 35.
In Belgium, the provmces generally displaying the fcAvest deaths are those of Luxembovirg, Namur, and Hainault ; these are also essentiaUy agricultm-al pro- vinces, although the tAvo latter have some manufac- turing toAvns.
France presents similar results, but Avhich will appear less conclusive, because the departments most exposed to mortality are certainly the manufacturing depart- ments in general; but since these are also those Avhich include the greatest cities in the kingdom, Ave cannot exactly discern Avhether it is reaUy the professions of the inhabitants or their dense croAvding Avhich causes the excess of mortahty.
It would appear evident that the most favourable state for man is a regular life, Avhich produces a suffi- ciency for his Avants, and which is not agitated by the passions or irregularities of town life. In the agri- cultural state, man generally attains a state of com- parative affluence: he does not undergo, as in the manufacturing districts, the alternate changes of su- perfluity and Avant — he is less acquainted with these tAvo extremes Avhich subject him to privations or drive him to excesses.
Misery, Avith the privations Avhich it brings in its train, is one of the most poAverful causes of mortahty. Several statisticians haA'e endeavoured to demonstrate this obserA\ation ; and again, very recently, M. Benois- ton de Chateauneuf has given a ncAv confirmation of it in a paper entitled "On the Dm-ation of Life in the Rich and in the Poor."* The author, to Avhom Ave are indebted for a valuable collection of researches on the mortahty of man in his different social conditions, has made, on the one hand, an abstract of the deaths of 1600 persons of the highest rank, among Avhich are 157 sovereigns or princes; on the other hand, he has taken from the civil registers of the state the deaths of 2000 persons in the l'2th arrondissement of Paris,

Sec the Monitcur for 3Iay 11, lai'J.

Avhich contains a population of Avorkmen of all kind^, ragmen, sAveepers, delvers, day-labourers, &c., a class subjected to pain, anxiety, and hard labour, who live in Avant, and die in hospitals. These researches, Avhich bring together the extremes of wealth and po- verty, have given the folloAving results : —

Age.

25 to 30 years,
30 to 35 „
35 to 40 -,
40 to 45 „
45 to 50 -,
50 to 55 „
55 to 60 ~
60 to 65 „
C5 to 70 -
70 to 75 ~
75 to 80 «
80 to 85 ~
85 to 90 „
90 to 95 -

Jlortality

of the Com- , ,, _ . , monrank.* of the Rich.

1-41 1-5G 1-71 1-91 2-21 2-68 3-39 4-41 5-85 7-80 10-32 13-15 13 55 14-05

0-00 0-85 1-20 0-85 1-59 1-81 1-68 3-06 4-31 6-80 809 11-58 16-29

of the Poor.

2-22 1-43 1-85 1-87 2-39 2-.58 4-GO 5-76 9-25 14-14 14-59

The registers of insurance societies likcAvise tend to point out the greater mortality of the poor. The Equitable Society had ahvays employed the tables of mortality of Northampton ; but the secretary, Mr Morgan, shoAved, in 1810, that the deaths of 83,000 insured persons, Avhich had taken place in the space of 30 j-ears, Avere in the ratio of 2 to 3 compared Avith those glA'en in the tables. Among these select per- sons, the mortality of females is stiU lower than that of males, because, in the middle class, Avomen are more exempt from anxiety and fatigue, as Avell as the fatal eftects of passion and irregularities of conduct. In general, among the persons insured by the Equi- table Society, the average death annually Avas only 1 in 81-5 from the year 1800 to 1820.t
On .the other hand, to take an extreme limit also, if Ave consider man in the state of greatest miserj' and deepest degradation, it is calculated that one negTo slave dies annually out of 5 or 6, AvhUst the free Africans who served in the English troops only lost 1 man in 33-3.J
It is likcAvise proper that Ave should duly under- stand the Avord riches, Avhen speaking of population : a great abundance of goods is often only a ready means of gratifying the passions and giving Avay to excesses of every kind. The most favourable state of a people is that in which they liaA-^e the means of providing for every real want, Avithout exceeding the boimds of tem- perance, and Avithout creating artificial wants. It is to be observed, as M. de Tracey very judiciously re- marks, that the people are almost always richer in nations caUed poor than in those cahed rick. Thus, there is no nation possessed of more Avealth than England, yet a great part of the popiilation subsist on pubhc money.§ The rich proAince of Flanders cer- tainly contains more poor than Luxembourg, Avliere great fortunes are rare ; but here the population live in a state of general afiluence, and find tlie means of procuring moderate incomes, and Avhich never vary from day to day, as in the manufacturing districts. The same may be said of Switzerland, and agricul- tural countries generally.
According to Mr Hawkins, the mortality of the Avhole marine of England, in the different parts of the Avorld, without excepting the popiUation in hospitals, was in 1813 1 in 42. The same author thinks that

According to the table of JI. Diivillard-

t M. D'Xvemois has quoted several striking examples of longe- vity among insured and select persons in the affluent classes of Geneva. — (Bib. Universelle).
± l^.lements of Medical Statistics, p. 208, et seq.
§ [M. Quetelet here refers to the exorbitant sums levied in England in the form of poor-rates, and which amounted to £4,123,6i>4 in the year 1838. No alteration of consequence has since taken place in the annual expenditure on this score.]

ON MAN.

39

the troops on land have a still smaller mortality than tlie seamen.
M. Benoiston de Chateaunenf has also been occupied with investigations on the mortality of the French army compared with that of the rest of the popula- tion, and lie has been led to several curious results, which I shall endeavour to state succinctly.*
M. de Chateauneuf here likewise finds that the pri- vileged class is that which is the best fed, and under- goes the least fatigue : thus, according to the docu- ments of France, the mortality of the soldier was a little greater than that of the mass of the people ; the guard has fewer deaths than the army ; and the sub- ofEcer dies more rarely than the soldier, both in the guard and army.
If we investigate the influence of seasons on the mortahty of soldiers, the following are the results wliich we obtain for the deaths of the infantry from 1820 to 1826:—
Seasons. Blonths.
Winter. January, February, March,
Spring. April, May, June, - - -
Summer. July, August, September,
Autmnn. October, November, December,

The maximum of deaths falls in summer. But without taking notice of the astronomic calculation which fixes the period of the seasons, if we determine the seasons by their influence on the atmosphere alone, after the manner of several German and Italian phy- sicians, Ave have a new division as follows : —

Seasons. Jlontlis. Deaths.
Winter. Df'ccmber, .January, February, - 3-09r,
Spring. Starch, April, Blay, - - . - 4-;So7
Summer. .June, July, August, . - - 4-143
Autumn. September, October, November, - - 4'.")!)(j
The maximum of deaths is no longer in sunnner, but takes place in autumn. Thus, in whatever way we divide the year, whether into half-years, quarters, or seasons, the intensity of mortality reaches its minimum in Avinter. Taking the numbers of each month, we find two minima and two maxima : these results differ less from those of civil life than IM. de Chateauneuf thinks, who, moreover, when he composed his memoir, was not acquainted with the influence of seasons on different ages. We may form an opinion of it by bringing together the numbers of France, and those which I have found for Belgium.

Deaths in France from

Deaths in Bclgimn

18^0 to 1820.

From 16 to 20

From 20 to 25

Years.

Years.

Januarv, -

1-4(12

0-93

0-97

February,

i-a34

0-94

1-00

JMarcb, -

1-432

1-07

1-09

April, - -

1-475

1-18

1-02

May, - -

1-450

1-15

1-09

•June, - -

1-257

1-03

0-96

July, - -

1-279

1-00

0-90

August,

l-fi07

0-99

0-92

September,

1-577

0-89

0-96

October, -

1-C38

0-87

0-95

November,

1-381

0-95

1-03

December,

1-ifiO

1-01

Ml

Total, -

17-092

12-00

12-00

We see, however, that after the great heats of sum- mer, the soldier is exposed to a degree of mortality which is not observed in civil life.
If we consider the different regions of France, Ave shall find that the inhabitants of the provinces in the
♦ Essai sur la Jlortalitd de I'lnfanterie Franyaiso {An. d'lli/- yiine, tome x. 2d part.) See also a memoir by M. le Comte Jlorozo, Sur la Mortality dcs Troupes Pidmontaises, in the IMc- moires de VAcailcmk tie Turin.

north are more capable of bearing the fatigues of ser- vice than those of the soiith ; but none appear less fitted for service than tliose of the centre.
M. de Chateauneuf has also endeavoured to inves- tigate Avhat causes the increase of mortality of the soldier, and he has examined the influence of several causes, such as duels, A'enereal diseases, suicides, nos- talgia, phthisis, &c. This able statistician had already examined in another work the influence of certain professions on the development of pulmonary plitliisis,* and he had arrived at several interesting conclusions. M. Lombard of Geneva has since been occupied with the same subject of reseavch,f and has collected a great number of facts, of the principal results of Avhich Ave ought not to be ignorant.
After having discussed the data afforded him by five different lists, formed for Paris, Hamburg, Vienna, and Geneva, M. Lombard has put them together, and divided the professions into three classes, according as they are favourable, indifierent, or unfavourable to the development of phthisis, or, in other terms, accord- ing as they have a greater, equal, or smaller number, than the general average.
The folloAving is the general list : —
I. — PROFESSIONS PLACED ABOVE THE AVERAGE, A. — Among Men.
1. In all the lists. — Sculptors, printers, hatters, jjo- lishers, gendarmes, brushmakers, soldiers, jeAvellers, tailors, millers, mattress-makers, lacemen or embroi- derers, lemonade-makers, domestics, and hairdress- ers.
2. In the mcijority of the lists. — Copy -writers, cooks, turners, joiners, barbers, shoemakers, and coopers.
3. Jii one list only. — Ironmongers, vinedressers, J commissioners, old - clothesmen, tinmen, porteurs de lessive, pavicrs, engravers, mechanics, calico-printers, doorkeepers, shoAvmen, springmakers, enamellers, design-painters, street-sweepers, pastry-cooks, show- makers, instructors, carters, brokers, sundial-makers, showpillar-makers, upholsterers, Protestant minis- tcrs,§ iron-merchants, lime-makers, basket-makers, shepherds, teachers of arithmetic, police-officers, ser- vants in place, feather-sellers, crystal-cutters, gauze- Aveavers, sportsmen, and ribbon-makers.
B. — Among Women.
1 . In all the lists. — Seamstresses, shoemakers, glovers, and embroiderers.
2. In the majority of the lists. — Polishers.
3. In one list only. — Makers of Avatch -needles, clock- makers, milliners, teachers, laundi'csses, old-elothes- women, toilet and niercer-Avomen, hatters, bookbind- ers, knitters, jewel-makers or dealers, feather-makers or dealei's, florists, brushmakers, and lacemakers.
II. — PROFESSIONS AVITIIIN THE LISTS, SOMETIMES ABOVE THE AVERAGE, SOMETIMES BELOAV IT. A. — Among Men. Students, plasterers, stone-cutters, saddlers, delvers, clockmakers, waggoners, cellarmen, |1 goldsmiths, stocking - makers, charcoal-makers, gilders, musi- cians, saAvyers, and glaziers.^

An. d'llygidnc, tome vi. partic 1, July 1831.

t Idem, tome xi. partie 1, Jan. l&Sl.

(: This result is founded solely on six deaths, and requii-es con-

finiiation. — Note by 31. Lombard.
§ The number of consumptive persons is increased by the deaths of several English ecclesiastics, who arrived out of health at Ge- neva. — M. Lombard.
II The first eight may be considered as belonging to the first class, that is to say, to those among whom the niiraber of phthi- sical persons is above the average ; in fact, they are so placed in the Geneva list, Avliich may be considered more exact than the other. — M. Lombard.
f The remark made in the preceding note Avill apply to the last seven professions, which, in tlie Geneva list, arc placed below the avcnigc. — M. Lombard.

40

ON MAN.

B. — Among Women. Housekeepers, day-labourers, spinners, weavers, gauzemakers, gilders, stocking-menders, and mantua- makers.
III. PROFESSIONS BELOW THE AVERAGE.
A. — Among Men.
1. In all the lists, — Coachmen, quarrymen, carpen- ters, tavern-keepers, butchers, porters at the market and message-boys, porters, tanners, bleachers, barge- men, confectioners, slaters, foundry -men, and order- lies.
2. In the majority of the lists. — Bakers, smiths, far- riers, locksmiths, masons, and weavers.
3. In one list only. — Surgeons, braziers, cutlers, dif- ferent merchants, woodcutters, advocates, sedan-car- riers, chamois-leather-dressers, agriculturists, men of letters, negotiators, grocers, persons employed under government, bookbinders, governors of colleges, com- missioners, loaders, clogmakers, merchant -drapers, druggists, annuitants, veteran officers, grooms, mes- sengers, bankers, magistrates, dyers, physicians, coal- measurers, notaries, carvers, lawyers, money-changers, breeches-makers, candle-makers, tobacco-merchants, librarians, harness-makers, blanket-weavers, furbish- ers, plumbers, wood-merchants, professors, chocolate- makers, funeral assistants, landlords, cheesemongers, skin-dealers, furriers, chimney-sweepers, agents, ar- chitects, gunsmiths, packers, pinmakers, assizers of wood, vermiceUi-makers, teachers of foreign languages, needle-makers, spinners, cotton-weavers, marble-cut- ters, starch - manufacturers, ragmen, water-carriers, tojTuen, stuff-manufacturers, shop-boys, miners, mer- chant-mercers, and combmakers.
B. — Among Women.
1 . In all the lists. — Carders of mattresses, sicknurses, retailers, bleachers, gardeners.
2. In the majority of the lists, — Women employed in doing tailor- work.
3. In one list only. — Fringe-makers, embroiderers, winders, gauzemakers, ragwomen, cotton-spinners, Avatch-chainmakers, calico-printers, cooks, domestics, annuitants, washerwomen, merchant-grocers, coimter- pane-makers, butchers, midwives, bakers, female por- ters, and leech-appliers.
Next, passing to the causes which may influence the frequency of phthisis in the dilferent professions, M. Lombard arrives at tlie following conclusions : —
1. The circumstances which multiply phthisis, are misery, sedentary life and absence of muscular exer- cise, shocks sustained in workshops, a curved posture, the impure air of shops, the inhalation of certain mineral or vegetable vapours, and, lastly, air loaded with thick or impalpable dust, or light, elastic, fila- mentous bodies.
2. The circumstances which exercise a preservative influence, are riches, active life, and fresh air, regular exercise of all parts of the body, inhalation of watery vapour,* or animal and vegetable emanations.
If we want to ascertain the degree of influence of each of these causes, in tlie production of phthisis, among the workmen who are found exposed to them, it may be considered as being as follows : —
Average number of phthisical persons, 114 in 1000. I. — Noxious Influences.
1. Mineral and vegetable emanations, - - O-l/G
2. Dust of different kinds, - - - 0-145 .% Sedentary life, . - - . . 0-140 4. Life passed in workshops, - - - 0-138 .5. Dr>- hot air, ...... 0-127
6. Bent posture, - - - - - 01 22
7. Movement of the arm, sti-iking the chest, - 0-116

[The theory evidently alluded to in the text, that the inha-

bitants of marshy countries were less liable to pulmonarj- phthisis than others, was supported for a while by a few medical men, but aftei-wards entirely abandoned.]

II.— Preservative Influences.
1. Active life, muscular exercise,
2. Exercise of the voice,
3. Life passed in the open air,
4. Animal emanations, . . .
5. Watery vapours,

0-089 0-075 0-073 0-060 0-053

There are, then, many other researches which have for their object the determination of the influence of professions on mortaUty:* it Avould be difficult to present a siunmary here, since the facts at present collected are very few ; however, I cannot pass over in total silence the researches of Casper of Berhn, who, by his labours in medical statistics, has taken a dis- tinguished rank in science.f Casper finds that the profession of medicine is perhaps more exposed to mortality than any other, contrary to the prejudices so generally received ; and he has observed that theo- logians occupy the other extreme in the scale of mor- tahty. Undoubtedly, we must here include under the name of theologians, the clergjTuen and not the learned men who descend into theological studies ; Avhich may make a great difference, for the activity of mind, carried to a certain degree, may become as prejudicial, as a regular and quiet life is advantageous, to the preservation of man. The following table, pre- sented by Casper, points this out clearly : —
Of 100 theologians, there have attained the age of 70
and upwards, -------- i2
Agriculturists and foresters, 40
Superintendants, 35
Commercial and industrious men, - - - - 35
Military men, ....---.. 32
Subalterns, 32
Advocates, - 29
Artists, 28
Teachers, professors, -..---. 27 Physicians, ...--..-24
It would seem to follow from this table, that mental labour is more injurious to man than bodily, but that the most injurious state is that where fatigue of body is joined to that of the mind. A sedentary life, which is not exposed to any kind of excess, appears, on the contrary, to be most favourable. The summary which foUows will suffice to point out the extremes.
Of 1000 deaths, there were as follows : —

Age.

Phj-sicians.

Theologians.

Ratio

From 23 to 32 years,

82

43

1-91

• • 33 to 43 • •

149

58

2-57

• • 43 to 52 • •

160

64

2-50

•• 53 to 62 ••

210

180

M7

•■ 63to72 ••

228

328

0-70

.. 73 to 82 ..

141

257

0-55

• • 83 to 92 . .

30

70

0-43

I do not know whether we have any precise re- searches on the influence wMch study in general has on the constitution of chUdren and young persons. This subject deserves a serious examination at the present day, especially since many parents, by im- proper attention, and sometimes from motives of self- love or very censiu-able cupidity, bring up their chil- dren as we should grow plants in a hot-house, to enjoy their flowers and fruits the sooner. Numerous ex- amples have shown hoAv short these fruits endure, and how subject those are who produce them to pre- mature decay : we have seen few of these prodigies preserve their reputation beyond the period of infancy, or withstand the excessive efforts of an organisation too feeble for the labours imposed upon it. "We shall also have occasion to examine, when speaking of mental alienation, to what extent excessive studies, especiallj' in the exact sciences, may predispose to this dreadful malady, or even entirely rum the most happy organisation.

See especially, in the AnnaUs d'Hyglenc, different memoirs

by MINI. Parent Duchatelet, D'Arcet, Leuret, Marc, Villermi, Benoiston de Chateaimeuf, &c.
t Gazette JMedicale Hebdomadaire de Berlin, .3d January 1834 ; and An. d'Hygitnc, April 1834.

ON MAN.

41

There are diseases, of more or less danger, inherent in the habits of individuals, and the quality of the food and drink which they use. Of tliis number ap- pears to be stone in the bladder, which especially afflicts certain locahties. I am under obhgations to M. Civiale, for different data on this cruel scourge, which is now combated with so much success ; and I thought that those respecting age were not without interest in a work the object of which is the study of the development of man. Although the observations are at present scanty, it appears certam that the dis- position to this disease is the greatest in childhood : we may judge from the following table : —

Patients affected with Stone.

Ages.

Norwich

Lun^ville.

Bristol.

and Norfolk.

Leeds.

From to 10 years.

943

46

255

83

- 10 to 20 -

377

05

99

21

„ 20 to 30 -

lOG

41

47

21

~ 30 to 40 ~

38

34

46

12

- 40 to 50 „

23

37

41

28

~ SO to 60 -

18

28

92

21

~ 60 to 70 -

16

18

63

9

— 70 & upwards,

^

2

6

2

Total,

1526

371

649

197

It is about the age of five years especially, that the number of calculous patients appears to be the great- est. Indeed, at Lmieville, the following numbers have been observed from year to j'ear, commencing at in- fancy and reaching to the 10th year: — 0, 17, 79, 131, 145, 143, 116, 119, 84, and 75.
It would appear that after puberty age had no great influence on the predisposition to this disease, especially taking into account the number of indivi- duals of each age which a population contains.
The difference of the sexes has a marked influence : it is generally supposed that about 21 men are af- fected with the disease to one woman ; this would be inferred from the following table : —

Stone Cases.

riaecs.

Men.

Women.

Men to 1 Woman.

Lun^ville,

1463

63

23

Bristol,

■348

7

49

Paris, ....

423

16

26

Ulm, ....

123

4

31

Leeds, ....

188

9

21

Norwich and Norfolk, -

618

31

20

Lombardj', ...

758

36

41

Diction, de Medicine, -

312

44

7

Practice of M. Civiale,

419

10

42

Total, -

4652

220

21-14

Women, like men, have a greater disposition to stone in infancy than at a more advanced age ; as to the danger of death from it, we may calculate on about 1 death to 5'3 cases nearly, in different coimtries, when lithotomy is had recourse to. The danger of opera- tion is least during infancy.
2. Influence of Morals.
Up to the present time, we possess few researches on the influence which morals may have on the num- ber of deaths in a nation, excepting in the case of violent deaths. This is a vast field open to the in- vestigations of statisticians, who might arrive at results no less interesting for the preservation of so- ciety than for moral and political philosophy.
We have already seen, from the preceding researches, what advantage ^n industrious and prudent people has, with respect to mortality, over a depraved and indolent one. In establishing a parallel between Eng- land and the unfortunate republic of Guanaxuato, I

have shown that, proportion stiU being kept in view, the deaths were almost three times as numerous in the latter as in the foi-mer country. We have like- wise seen that the mortality was much less in the higher classes of society than in the lower ; and this state of things is not merely owing to abundance on the one hand and privations on the other, but also to rational and temperate habits, more regidated passions, and less rapid transitions in their mode of livmg.
The violence of the passions seems to have consi- derable influence in shortening the duration of human life. Thus, when the physical man is fully developed, about the age of twenty, it woidd be supposed that he ought to resist all the destructive tendencies of his nature ; but the contrary is the case. This excess of mortality, which is not observed in females, continues in man until very near the age of thirty, a period at which the fire of the passions is somewhat deadened. We shall be better enabled to understand this critical period in the life of the male, when we have exammed the development of his moral nature.
It is particularly in epidemics that we are enabled to recognise the influence of morals on the number of deaths. We have been enabled to judge, especially during the ravages of cholera in Europe, how much intemperance has been fatal to those who gave them- selves up to it. Opinions have been greatly at vari- ance on the nature and curative means of this scourge, but all agree in establishing the fact which I have stated.*
From numerous observations, it appears that theN fear of a disease may singularly predispose to an at- tack of it : the moral influences here exercise a re- markable action over the physical, and one which deserves the greatest attention from philosophers. This interesting subject has already been made the object of many researches -, but it has scarcely been examined by that rigorous method of analysis which has for some time been appUed to science. Persons have been seen to fall down dead, through the violent excitement of a passion ; others have been seen, la- bouring imder a presentiment of death, really to die, when their excited imagination had made them dread death. It would be extremely mteresting to determine what are the i^assions most dangerous to excite inor- dinately, and at what point fear may cause death. These researches would induce essential modifications in our habits _ and institutions. Thus, the custom of attending with religious forms on the patient whose condition is hopeless, may cause death in many cases ; and we cannot but applaud the precautions taken in certain countries, of discharging these forms from the commencement of the disease, when it only presents symptoms of slight danger. ReUgious ceremonies then appear less hke the signal of a passage to another state of existence.
I shall also class among the disturbing causes which increase mortalitj', man's tendency to self-destruction, or to destroy his species, although he shares it in common with animals, who are obedient only to the laws of nature. But here the tendency is manifested under entirely diflTerent forms ; thus, destruction of man by man is a crime or a virtue, according to the manner in which it takes place : and it would be very difficidt to assign the limits of two siich opposite con- ditions, especially if we regard the difference of times and places. An historical account of the displacement of this limit in different nations, would of itself be a work of the highest interest, and would show us under what phases humanity has been fated to appear.

[The translator's experience in respect to cholera has a ten-

dency to modify M. Quetelet's opinion. So far as he ohserved, the temperate and the intemperate fell equally under this temble scom-ge ; in fact, its origin, progress, and disappearance, are quite a mysterj'. It can scarcely now be said that a single well-esta- blished fact respecting this disease was made out by the medical profession in Eiu-ope.]

42

ON MAN.

An examination of sucli questions as these, liow- ever, vnR more naturally find a place when I consider the development of the moral qualities of man, and have to speak of duelling and homicide. This will also be the place to treat of the destruction of man by his fellow-man, when on a larger scale, and in modes consecrated by our manners and institutions ; for our ideas of war belong also to moral statistics.
I have just shown, by different examples, how much mortaUty is influenced by morals: another no less striking example of this influence is that Avhich still- births afford, when we have made the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate ones. The fatal heritage of vice does not affect the child before its birth onlv, it pursues it still, for a long tune after it has escaped this first danger, and misery often aggi-a- vates the evil. Thus, it follows from the researches of Baumann and Siissmilch, that the mortality pre- sents the following ratio, aU things being equal :—

Stm-births,
1st month after birth,
2d aud 3(1 month,
4th, 5th, and Gth month,
Remainder of the year,
2d year, ...
3d and 4th year.

1 legitimate,
- 1 1 1
- 1 1
- 1

2- (I illegitimate.
2-4
2-0
1-7
1-5
1-4
13

The difference continues very evident until the se- venth vear; so that, according to Baumann, only one-tenth of illegitimate children will arrive at ma- turity. This result just explains what is observed in the republic of Guanaxuato, " where nothing can equal the mass of i)hysical, moral, and political pollu- tion." *
Casper gives a table of the mortality of children at Berlin,! from which it appears that of 28,705 children who died before the age of 1.5 years, during the decen- nial period from 181.3 to 1822, there were 5598 ille- gitimate, wliich gave annually 2.311 deaths of illegi- timate, and 160 of legitimate children, before the age of 15. But according to this savant, about the same period, 5663 legituuate children were born, and 1080 illegitimate ones. The ratio of deaths, therefore, was 1 to 2'5 for the first, and 1 to 1'9 for the second.
"What especially tends to increase the mortality of illegitimate children is, that the greater number of them are abandoned to public charity. The absence of the cares of a mother, at a time Avhen they are most needed, and the other privations of every kind, which are the necessary consequences of such an aban- donment, sufficiently e.vplain the great mortality which generally exists in foundling hospitals.
To understand this mortaUty, ISI. Benoiston de Chateauneuf, in his Considerations sur les Enfans Trouves,X thus estimates the mortality of infancy in Europe during the century which has just elapsed : —

Minimum. From to 1 year, 19 in the hundred. • • to 3 years, 2()g . . to 4 • • .•*»
. ■ to 10 • • 35

IMaxhnum. 45i in the hundred. 50 53 55 6-7ths ■ ■

According to this savant, the mortality of foundlings in several cities of Europe was, from birth to the end of the first year —

At Petersburg, in 1788,
• ■ Florence, ditto,
• ■ Barcelona, in 1780, - . ■ Paris, in 178!l, -
• • Dublin, in 1791,

40 per cent. 40 •• CO .. «0 .. f)l •■

" From birth to four years old, at Eome, ]\Iadrid, Dublin, and Paris, we find 50, 62, 76, and 98 in the hundred. §

Sir F. D'lvemnis, S«)- la Mortalili! ProporlionncUc.

t Beitrage, p. 1/3. $ Paris, 1824, 1 vol. 8vo.
§ M. de G6rando, in his excellent work Lc Viflteur dit Paiivre, makes the mortaUty 1 in 7 of the children which the civil hob-

Lastly, at the end of 20 years, of 19,420 children received into the house at Dublin, only 2000 remained aUve, and 7000 at Moscow out of 37,600. What an awful destruction ! "War and epidemics are less ter- rible to the human race. And let no one suppose that modern times have produced more happy results, or that this dismal catalogue, which we might still extend, at the present day presents fewer numbers. According to the authentic accounts which M-e have before us, at Madrid, in 1817, there died, either in hospital or country, 67 children out of 100 ; at Vienna, in 1811, 92 ; at Brussels, fi-om 1812 to 1817, 79. At this period, the hospital, which was small, imhealthy, and badly ventilated, was removed to another quarter of the city, and from that time there has been a con- siderable decrease of the average number of deaths, which is not more than 56 in the 100."*
"\'Vliat has preceded, sufficiently shows what influ- ence well-directed conduct may exercise over the life and death of foundlings. This is not the place to examine how far these institutions should be approved of, where unfortunates are collected together ; but it may be interesting to know how much the number of foundlings and deserted children has increased smce these institutions arose. At Paris, for example, the ratio of their number to that of births, in one century, makes the following progress : —

"i'ears.

Ratio in 100.

From 1710 to 1720, -
■ • 1720 to 1730, -
• ■ 17.'^0 to 1740, -
• • 1740 to 1750,
• • 1750 to 1760, -
■ • 1760 to 1770, -

9-73 11-37 14-48 18-21 23-71 30-75

Years. Ratio in 100.
From 1770 to 1/80, - - 33-(X)
■ • I780toi79fi, - - - 2370
■ ■ l/W to 1800, - - 17-69 • . IbOO to 1810, - - - 20-95
■ ■ 1810 to 18-20, - - 22-88

We see that the proportion rises rapidly during the latter years of the reign of Louis XV. ; it dimi- nishes more than two-thirds under the Convention ; it increases again under the imperial government ; and has been stationary since the revolution.
IM. de Chateauneuf, from whom I borrow the greater number of the preceding data, gives the following ratios for some of the principal cities of Europe : —

Foundlings.

Lisbon, from 1815 to 1819,

£6-2fi in

100 births

Madrid, ~ ~ .- -

25-58

„

Rome, ~ 1801 to I8O7,

27-90

„

Paris, ~ 1815 to 1821, -

20-91

„

Brussels,- 1816 to 1821,

14-68

„

Vienna, - 1815 to 1821, -

23-43

„

Petersburg, 1820,

45-00

,-

Moscow, ...

27-94

-,

County of Nice,

6-OG

„

Savoy, ...

5-83

~

Thus, in the greater number of the cities quoted pre\-iouslyj nearly one-fourth of the children arc ex- posed. This state of things is very apt to give rise to reflections on the misery and immorality of great cities. Paris annuallj' produces about 21 foundlings to 100 births, whilst the rest of France only produces 3"52. It is true that this disproportion would be much less, if throughout France there were tlie same facility as at Paris of sending children to the hospi- tals ; and it is also just to remark, that many chil- dren are sent to Paris, who do not belong to the city. In Belgium the following values have been obtained, according to the results of the ten years i^receding 1833 :t—
pitals in Paris send out to be supported (p. 293) ; but we must observe, that these children vary from 1 day to 12 years of age : and in tliis the numbers agi-ee with those of M. Benoiston, at p. 76 of his Considerations, &c.

I have found, from tlie average results of the eight years from

1815 to 1822, that the mortality of the hospital at Brussels was 66-30 in the 100 : at this period, it had a gicater mortality than any of the nineteen hospitals in the kingdom ; the average mortality has been 45-07 in UK).— See Reckavlics sur ks Nais- sniices, S^c.
t .See Correspondance Mathematiquc et Physique, tome viii. livraison 2, p. 135.

ON MAN.

43

Births :

Foundlings

Foundlings

Provinces.

Annual

and

to

Average.

Deserted.

100 Births.

Antwerp,

11,018

2156-.5

19-6

Brabant,

18,893

2.307-4

12-2

Flanders, AVest

20,315

480-5

2-3

East, -

24,148

693-8

2-9

Hainault,

20,016

1830-2

9-1

Liege,

11,837

212-2

1-9

Namur, . - - .

0,399

844-9

13-2

Tlie kingdom,*

112,626

8525-5

7-e

It is very difficult to explain the differences which are presented by the several provinces of such a country as Belgium, unless as regards the facility which mothers find, in certain localities, of exposing their childi'en. On this subject, we ought to read the observations of M. Gouroff, one of the persons who has paid most attention to all that concerns foundlings.f " The city of London, the population of which is 1,250,000, in the space of five years from 1819 to 1823, has only liad 151 children exposed; and the number of illegi- timate children received into eighty-four workhouses, durmg the same period, only reaches to 4668 ; and, moreover, about one-fifth of these children are sup- ported at the expense of the father. Wliat a striking contrast is Paris, which, having only two-thii'ds the population of London, has had, within the same years, 25,277 children, all maintained at the expense of the state !
Do we stiU ask for a more certain proof of the in- fluence which foundling hospitals have in multiplying the abandonments of infants ? Mayence had no esta- bhshment of this kind; and from 1799 to 1811, there were 30 children exposed. Napoleon ordered a ' tour' to be established in this city. It was opened on the 7 th November 1811, and existed until the month of March 1815, when tlie Grand-Duke of Hesse-Darm- stadt caused it to be suppressed. During these three years and four months, the house received 516 found- lings. When it Avas once suppressed, as the habit of exposing the children had not taken root in the people, all things retm-ned to their former order : in the course of the nine following j'ears, only seven children were exposed."
Wlien proposing the reform of foundling hospitals, M. de Gouroff does not desire it to be done precipi- tately. " On the contrary, it requires reflection, time, and patience, to prepare and gradually execute the measures which ought to precede it, and to avoid the error committed in some of the cities of Belgium, which, in 1823, that they might not be burdened ivith the expense of the children left out of doors, suppressed the ' tours' Immediately the lives of several new-born infants were sacrificed, and public opinion obliged the government to order tlieir re-establishment."
The principal conclusions of the work of IM. de Gouroff are : —
1. That in Catholic countries, or rather in those where asylums have been opened to all children in- discriminately who are abandoned at the time of birth, these little imfortunates are much more common, much more numerous, than elsewhere.
2. That in these asylums there is a frightful mor- tality, and quite bej'ond the proportion of the greatest mortality which cuts off other children, even in the most indigent classes.
3. That infanticide is scarcely prevented by found- ling hospitals ; or rather, that, in order to prevent a few infanticides, whether direct or indirect, through the effect of unrelieved exposure, these houses do themselves destroy an incomparably greater number of children. J

Except the provinces of Liege and Lnxembom-g.

1 Essai sur I'Uistoire des Enfans Trouves. 8vo. Paris : 1829. % [Perhaps the question is not very fairly stated by M. de Gou- roff. Infanticide, when direct, is a horrible crime, in fact, mur-

3. Influence of Ivaowledge and of Political and Religious Institutions.
Civilisation, which sweetens the existence of man, has also prolonged it : the progress of knowledge has contributed to the health of the individual houses and interior of cities, and has gradually caused marshy lands and the other sources of the epidemics which habitually harassed our ancestors, to disappear. Know* ledge, by multiplying the commercial relations of na- tions, has also rendered famines less frequent and for- midable ; the chances of which, on the one hand, have been diminished by bettering the culture of the earth, and varying the means of subsistence : medical science and public hygiene have likewise found out valuable means for resisting mortality ; whilst the development of industry, and the securities which society received from more hberal institutions, have contributed to diffuse afiluence and the most active means of preser-» vation.
At the present day, it appears clearly established, that in countries where civilisation makes the greatest progress, we may also observe the greatest diminution of mortality. However, Ave must not exaggerate these advantages, as has been done in respect to some coun- tries : the greater accuracy statistical documents ac- quire, the more numerous appear the prejudices which have been entertained on this subject. England is placed in an advantageous position, which has always fixed the attention of savants Avhen studying the theory of population ; but it is perhaps to this king- dom tliat my remark is most applicable. K we examine Avhat has been the mortality from the commencement of the eighteenth century, we shall find, according to two of her most eminent statisticians :* —

Years.
1700, -
1750,
1776 to 1800 inclusive,
1806 to 1810
1816 to 1820
1826 to 1830

Inhabitants
to one Death.
43
- 42 48
• 49 55
- 51

According to these numbers, there would be a very sensible decrease of mortality; but we know that very numerous omissions have taken place in the figures of mortality. Mr Rickman himself thinks that, in consequence of these omissions, we ought to reckon 1 death in 49 inhabitants, instead of 1 in 51, for the five last years ; whilst, according to Mr Haw- kins, the mortality for 1822 would have been 1 in 60.f On the other hand, the census may likewise have been faulty. Moreover, it might be objected, that these inaccuracies, if they could be corrected, would pro- bably only place in a clearer light a still greater dif- ference of mortality, since the figure of mortality is generally smaller in proportion as there is more negU- gence in collecting it. That would suppose always that the census of the population is correct.
The changes which have taken place in great towns should especially receive our attention. For example, in 1697, the total number of deaths in London rose to 21,000; however, a century after, in 1797, the number Avas only 17,000, notwithstanding the increase of tlie population.^ These advantages have been
der ; but the exposirre of a child is a misdemeanour ; so that foundling hospitals were established in Catholic countries without doubt with a view to prevent crime, and it is astonishing and almost incredible that they have not succeeded in effecting even this : in other respects, they themselves are an evil of the first magnitude.]

Jlr Marshall gives 5,475,000 and 6,467,000 as the population of

England and AVales in I7OO and 1750 ; and the deaths 132,728 and 154,686. The other ratios are drawn from the last work of Mr Rickman.
t El<!ments of Medical Statistics, by F. Bissct Hawkins.
% Ibid., p. 18.

44

ON MAN.

obtained especially between 50 to 60 years ago, since which time the city has increased with great rapidity in extent and population. In the middle of the last century, the annual mortality was still 1 in 20 ; at present, it is only 1 in 40, according to the census of 1821 ; so that it has exactly diminished one-half. It is then correct to say, that the mortality, towards the end of the last century, had undergone an increase, which may he attributed to the excessive abuse of spirituous liquors Avhich then prevailed.
The towns of IManchester, Liverpool, and Birming- ham, have presented almost the same decrease of mortality as London. It is very difficult to believe that some error may not have crept into such esti- mates.
France, like England, has experienced a diminution of mortality, if we may refer to ancient documents.* According to M. Villerme, it was computed in 1781, that 1 death took place to 29 inhabitants ; in 1802, 1 in 30 ; and now, 1 in 40.t
In Sweden, from 1755 to 1775, 1 death took place to 35 inhabitants; in 1775 to 1795, 1 to 37 ; and in 1823, 1 to 48.
Likewise, at Berlin, from 1747 to 1755, the annual mortahty was 1 to 28 ; and from 1816 to 1822, the ratio was less than 1 to 34.
M. Moreau de Jonnes, in a notice on the mortality of Europe, has presented the following table, which likewise tends to prove the influence of civilisation on the number of deaths, in periods of Avhich the in- tervals have been marked by social ameliorations.J

One

One

Countries.

Years.

Death to

1 ears.

Death to

Sweden,

mi to 1768

34-0

1821 to 1825

45-0

Denmark,

1751 to 1754

320

1819

45-0

Germany, -

1788

32-0

1825

45-0

Prussia,

1717

30'0

1821 to 1824

39-0

AVurtemburg,

1749 to 1754

31-0

1825

45-0

Austria,

18-22

40-0

1825 to 1830

43-0

Holland, ■•

1800

26-0

1824

400

England,

16.00

33-0

1821

58-0

Great Britain, -

1785 to 1789

430

1800 to 1804

47-0

France,

1776

25-5

1825 to 1827

39-5

Canton de Vaud,

1756 to 1766

35-0

1824

47-0

Lombardy,

1767 to 1774

27-5

1827 to 1828

31-0

States of the Church,

1707

215

1839

28-0

Scotland, -

1801

44-0

1821

50-0

111,883 females. The following table will show the number of deaths, year by year :* —
Deaths in the City of Amsterdam. -f

I repeat, that I am far from giving my belief to the pros^Dcrous state Avliich these figures seem to point out. However, we cannot but be inclined to admit that deaths have diminished with the develop- ment of civilisation and affluence. Some countries have afterwards lost their population, or at least it has remained stationary, ^vhen those advantages were lost which they previously enjoyed. Thus, the opu- lent city of Amsterdam, which, by its activity, has for some time been unrivalled in Europe, is affected by the diminution of its commerce. In 1727, the mortality there was 1 to 27, and it still preserved the same value, according to the average results of tlie 12 years Avhich preceded 1832. The deaths really rose to the number of 7336 ; and on the 1st of January 1830, of 202,175 persons, 90,292 were males, and

Mr Finlayson ha,s succeeded in ohtaininp; the registers of

tontine-holders, botli in France under Louis XIV. and in Eng- land under Willuim III., .ind lie is convinced that the life of the French tontine-holder at that time was longer than the English one. — See on the question the observations of M. D'lvernois, BiblioihUqHe Universelle, Oct. 1053, p. 146.
t It is well to premise, that the mortality calculated for the beginning of the present century is extremely imcertain. — See the judicious remarks of Sir F. D'lvernois in the Bihliothcque Unircr- selle de Geneve, 1833.
i It is to be regretted that the author has not pointed out the sources of his information : his results would have had much more value. Several numbers of this table must certainly appear very doubtful.

Deaths.

Years.

Births.

Male.

Female.

Total.

Total.

1821, -

3,618

3,507

7,125

7.342

1022,

4,041

3,957

7,998

7,6CO

1823, -

3,279

3,355

6,634

7,182

1824,

3,082

2,994

6,076

7,860

1825, -

3,184

3,118

6,302

7,3.52

18264 -

4,351

4,457

8,808

7,438

1827, -

4,133

4,107

8,240

6,890

1828,

3,562

3,516

7,078

7,208

1829, -

4,056

3,942

7,998

7,403

1830,

3,387

3,427

6,814

7,306

1831, -

3,479

3,659

7,138

7,342

1832, § -

4,057

3,765

7,822

6,452

Average, •

3.686

3,650

7,336

7,282

In comparing the births with the deaths which have taken place during the years pointed out in the table above, we see that they have been in average value numerically inferior to the number of deaths ; in fiict, there have been annually 7282 births, and 7336 deaths. It is true that Amsterdam has been troubled by several scourges ; nevertheless, it constantly ap- pears that its population is not on the increase, which is an almost infallible index of the loss of prosperity, when the average life does not attain a high value.
If we consider the ages on which the mortality falls, we shall have a new proof of the influence which our institutions and habits have in modifying it. In speak- ing of still-births, Ave have shown how much their number may be increased in the interior of cities, and especially in the midst of excesses of every kind, which give rise to demoralisation ; we have, more- over, seen that the children who are born under these unfortunate circumstances, have fewer chances of liv- ing, especially if the parents are in misery. Different dangers gather round their early years, and wait upon the whole course of their career : thus, without speaking of those to which, by our nature, Ave are exposed, some belong to our manners, others to our religious institutions, and lastly, others to our politi- cal institutions. As to those Avhich belong to our manners, I have already attempted to point them out ; I have also shoAvn the influence Avhich certain reli- gious institutions may have- — baptism, for example — on tender infancy ; the Lent and fasts on our repi'o- ductive powers, and probably on our vitality; and religious ceremonies and the preparatives for death on the minds of the sick. Moreover, we may join to these active causes, which modify the amount of population, the state of celibacy which is imposed on a class of persons, Avhose number, during the SAvay of Catholicism, Avas much greater than it is in our OAvn day.
Amongst political institutions, the IcA'ying of sol- diers, and Avars, are likewise, notwithstanding all that has been said on the point, ever recurring causes of mortality, and causes so much the more afflicting, because they fall on the healthiest and most valuable part of the population — on the man Avho has just at- tained his full physical development, and is prepared to repay to society the debt which the infinite cares of

Jaarbockje, by Lobatto, different years.

t The five years from 1816 to 1820 have given —
1816, 6,333 6,615
1817, 8,416 («) 7,040
1818, .... 0,300 6,888
1819, 6,557 7,154
1820, ..... 7,066 6,850

Average, .... 6,914 (a) This was a year of scarcity.
t Period of the epidemic of Groningen. § Year of the cholera.

6,909

ON MAN.

45

his infancy have contracted. In some countries even, by too extensive an enlistment into tlie army of men before tliey had time to become fuHj' developed, they are exposed to neiv chances of death; or, by the fatigues of war, the vigour of the new generation is prematurely undermined.
Governments dispose, in some sort, of the lives of the men whom they have constantly under their in- fluence, from the moment of birth to the day of their death. I sliall not here speak of the kind of govern- ments : we know too well that those which are favour- able to despotism arrest tlie development of the spe- cies ; and, on the other hand, liow much a prudent degree of liberty, by seconding every individual in- dustry and exertion, gives to man the means of pro- viding for his preservation. I shall not speak of the immense distance which exists between the degree of mortality of the slave and his master, notwithstand- ing aU the excesses to which the latter class give themselves up ;* but i cannot omit taking a rapid view of the mortality in institutions created by man for tlie protection of society, and giving a glance at the influences of vaccination, hospitals, asylums, pri- sons, &c. My design is not so much to treat this sub- ject deeply, as to show to Av'hat extent the numbers may vary, according to the locality.
In most civilised covmtries, there are enactments on vaccination, of greater or less severitj', which are enforced with proportionate rigour. According to Casper, and several other savants who liave written on the ravages caused by small-pox, it would appear that formerly generations were decimated by this scourge, that is to sa}', one-tenth of the human race died from it. Duvillardf has found — 1st, that in the natural state, of 100 individuals of 30 years of age, scarcely four individuals haA'e escaped an attack of smaU-pox ; 2d, that two-thirds of all infants are at- tacked by it sooner or later ; 3d, that small-pox, in the early 3-ears after birth, destroys, on the greatest average, one out of every three who are afiected with it ; 4th, and one dies out of every seven or eight affected, at whatever age it may be. Such was the state of things before the discovery of vaccmation ; it has since been much ameliorated. However, in 1817, 745 persons died in Paris of small-pox ; in 1818, 993 ; and m 1822, the number was as many as 1084. Also, at St Petersburg, in 1821, 408 deaths took place from it; and at Vienna, 238 in 1822; Avhilst in London, during that year, there were 712. Prussia has been much better dealt with than other countries ; during the two years 1820 and 1821, taken together, only 1 in 7204 persons died from it, whilst Prance lost 1 m 4218 the last two years. The following are the data of Berhn, for almost half a century : —

From 1782 to 1791 inclusive, • . 1792 to 1801 • • 1802 to 1811 •• 1812 to 1822

4,453 deaths.
4. Of 19 • ■
2,955 • •
555 ■•

The number of deaths for the last period, wliich is

The mortality of Europeans at Batavia appears to he as gi'eat

us that of the slave population ; but it would seem that the chances of mortality are increased for the adult man who is transported to a climate very different to that in which he was developed. This is confirmed by the following table, given by M. Moreau de Jonnes, imfortunately without mentioning his sources : —
Batavia, 1805, - - Em-opeans, 1 death to 1 1-0 persons.
~ - Slaves, ~ 130 ~
~ - - Chinese, - 290 -
■~ — - Javanese, ~ 400 —
Bombay, 1815, - - Europeans, — 18-5 -
~. ~ - Mussulmans, ~ 17'5 —
~ „ - - Parsees, — 24-0 —
Guadaloupe, 1811 to 1824, "NVhites, .. 23-5 „
-, „ Free Blacks, - 35-0 ~
Martinico, 1815, - - Whites, - 24-0 ~
-, ^ - Free Blacks, -.• 33-0 -
Grenada, - - - Slaves, ,. 22-0 -
St Lucia, ... Slaves, — 20-0 ,.
t Analyse et Tableaux de I'Infiuence de la Petite-Vt^role.

extremely small m comparison with the preceding years, would be still less if the deaths for 1814 and 1815 were subtracted, during Avhich time vaccination was neglected. Indeed, these two years had 411 deaths from it, so that during the remaining there was only 114. Moreover, we should fall into a serious error, as M. ViUerme * has said, if we counted as gain to the population all those individuals who had been vacci- nated, and not carried off by the smaU-pox. " An epidemic, or any other malady against which we en- deavour to secure ourselves," says M. ViUerme, " in- deed suppresses one cause of death, but from that circumstance the probability of dying from other dis- eases becomes greater. In other words, by closing one of the gates of death, we open the others wider, so that more persons pass through these latter, which is not saying that mortality should be equally rapid- Consequently, vaccination, and every preservative against epidemic disease, or any disease whatever, does not increase the population of old Europe directly; but, what is still better, it aUeviates the lot of those whom it snatches from the chances of sraall-pox, it diminishes the number of the blind, it preserves the native beauty of the person, and increases the ave- rage duration of life."
We may, then, regard the valuable discovery of Jenner as a real conquest of knowledge. "We espe- cially recognise the progress of civilisation, in all that which was hideous and miserable being removed from society: perhaps a feebly enlightened philanthropy has been too zealous, and in seeking to avoid certain evils, given rise to others. Notliing can more excite our compassion, than the feeble infant which a mother in her distress abandons to public charity ; notwith- standing, an excess of pity may become an encourage- ment to vice, and a real burden always increasing on society.f
It appears that it is this dread which has prevented the formation of a foundling hospital in Edinburgh.^ Moreover, it has been shown how dreadful the mor- tality is in the greater number of these establishments, notwithstanding all the efforts of art, which has com- bated them with some success. INIr Hawkins, in his Elements of Medical Statistics,^ says that the morta- lity in tlie foimdling hospital in Dublin was so great, that it became the object of parliamentary inquiry : of 10,272 sick children sent to the infirmary attached to the hospital, during 21 years ending in 1796, only

Des Epidemics, Jan. 1833.

t [No one now disputes that the poor ought to he the objects of national and legislative care ; but great differences exist as to the amoimt of provision which ought to be made for them. One party contend, that not only the infirm and aged poor, but the able-bodied also, when out of work, are entitled to an ample sup- port. Another, in which Dr Chalmers takes the lead, would only extend a limited public provision, in very necessitous cases, and that only after aid from relations and neighbours of the par. ties had been found to fail. The principle of the modern English poor-law appears a fair medium between the two extremes : it affords out-of-door relief to the infirm, the aged, and the help. lessly young, and to the able-bodied in necessity holds out accom- modation in work-houses, where the provision is a little inferior to that usually enjoyed bj' the independent labourer, so that it may act as a test of real necessity, and not be an attraction to sloth. It has long been a favourite doctrine with the second of the extreme parties, that provision of every kind vitiates a popu- lation, by taking away motives for self-dependence ; but it has been sho^vn more satisfactorily, on the other hand, that wheli a population is allowed to sink below a certain point of comfort, it tends to become excessive, in consequence of the recklessness which attends a state of great miserj-. Unquestionably, the inte- rest, as well as humanity, of every civilised nation, is concerned in making provisions to prevent any portion of the population sinking into very abject circumstances. — Publishers' Note.]
i. In Edinburgh, an attempt has occasionally been made to form a foundling hospital, but has failed, from the opinion of its in- jury to morality. — Hawkins, Elements o/Med. Stat., p. 132. § Page 130;

46

ON MAN.

45 were preserved ! — 10,201 of these unfortunate cliil- dren were aflFected with syphilitic symptoms, whilst of late there has only been 1 in 30. We have also shown how much art and good management have diminished the mortality of lying-in institutions. My object in speaking of these establishments was not, of course, to present a complete table ; but to show how political institutions and philanthropic establish- ments may cause the degree of mortality to vary, whatever other causes of variation there may be. It is with the same object that I think I ought to take a view of the mortality of hospitals in diiferent coun- tries. This difficult subject may give rise to serious errors, because all hospitals do not receive patients affected with disease of equal severity or advance- ment. It is requisite, therefore, to use much reserve, and especially only to compare those hospitals with each other which admit the same kind of patients. In this I shall folloAv Mr F. B. Hawkins as my guide, and borrow the numbers which he gives in his Ele- ments.
In 1685, in the Hospitals of St Bartholomew and
St Thomas, the Mortality was - - 1 in 7
- 1689— St Thomas, 1 in 10
~ 1741 ~ 1 in 10
From 1773 to 1783, 1 in 14
„ 1783 to 1793, 1 in 15
~ 1803 to 1813, 1 in 16
According to the first report of St George s Hospi- tal, for 1734, the mortahty was 1 in 8 ; from 1825 to 1827, it was 1 in 9.
The mortahty in the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, for the decennial period which terminated 1818, Avas 1 in 16, or the same as St Thomas's.*
M. Casper, in his researches on the state of the poor in Paris, f has presented a table, including the proportion of deaths and duration of stay in the hos- pitals and asylums of Paris. Since these data deserve confidence, from the sources from which they have been drawn, and from the care which the author has taken to test them, I have thought proper to extract the following numbers : —
Average Hospitals of Paris— 1822. Mortality. duration
of Stay.
Hotel-Dieu, - - - - 1 in 6-8 25-2 days.
Piti6, ~ 8-2 280 ~
Charity, ~ 5-5 306 ~
StAntoine, - 6-7 31-6 ~
Necker, . - . . - « 5'6 33'6 ~
Cochin, ~ 8.3 25-8 ~
Beaujon, ~ 6-2 30-8 ~
St Louis, ~ 14-4 60-3 ~
Veneriens, .... „ 33-2 66'4 —
Enfans Malades, - 4-4 51-3 ~
Maison d'Accouchemens, - - ~ 28-0 21'1 ~
Foundling Hospital— indoor patients, ~ 4-3 12-2 „
— « outdoor patients, ~ 6-2
Maison Royale de Sant^, - - „ 5-8 24-7 ~
MaisondeSant6 (Veneriens), - ~ 113-0 410 -

Asylums of Paris— 1822.
Salp^triere, . . - .
Institute de St Ferine,
Bicfitre, . . . .
Incurables — men, „ women,
Hospice des Menages, — des Orphelins, - ~ de la Rochefoucauld,

8-4 91 7-6 6-7 111 11-8 75-3 8-4

64 31-5

It appears that the mortality of hospitals, in the remainder of France, is not so great as at Paris. Thus,

[The mortality of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh has

f^ince that period, namely in 1838-.39, risen to 1 in 6, chiefly, as is supposed, from the frightful mortality caiiscd by typhus fever.]
1 Beitrage — Das Annen-und Armen Kranken-wegen in Paris.

at the Hotel-Dieu of Lyons, it is only 1 in II ; at IMont- pellier 1 in 10, for the average of all the hospitals. The following is a summary of the mortality in the principal hospitals of Europe, * which may be com- pared with the preceding data : —
Mortality. Berlin— La Charite, from 1796 to 1817, - 1 in 6 nearly.
Vienna — Large Hospital, - - - . . 6 . .
Pesth in Hungary — Civil Hospital, 1826, - . . 6 . .
Dresden— City Hospital, 1816, - - . . 7 . .
Munich— New Hospital, 1819, - - . . 9 . .
Petersburg — Imperial Hospital, 1817, t - . . 4-5 Geneva— Hospital, 1823, - - - . . 11 . .
Brussels— St Peter's, 1823, - - - . . 9 . .
Amsterdam-St Peter's, 1798 to 1817, - . . 8 . .
Turin and Genoa, 1821, - . - .. 7 .•
Milan — Large Hospital, 1812 to 1814, - . . 6 . .
Pavia— San-Matheo della Pieta, 1823, t - . . 10 7 Bologna— Clinic of Tommasini, 1816 to 1819, . . 7-7
Leghorn, 1818 to 1825, - - - . . 7-3
Palermo — Large Hospital, 1823, - - . . 8*2
It would appear, from these documents, that the mortality in the principal hospitals on the continent is generally greater than in those of England. We may be astonished, moreover, in comparing the prin- cipal states of Europe, that we do not find great differences, especially when we consider the influence which the local position and resources may have, without speaking of the different plans of medical treatment which may be pursued. Mr Hawkins has made a very curious remark on the latter subject. " We rarehi ought to attribute mortality to bad treat- ment, which probably seldom destroys the patient. A friend took particular notes on the comparative mortality under three physicians, in one hospital. The practice of the one was eclectic, the second expec- tant, and the third tonic. The mortality was the same, but the duration of indisposition, the character of the convalescence, and the chances of relapse, Avere very different." §
This is not the place to speak of hospitals for men- tal infirmity, on the mortality of which Ave stUl have little accurate information. I shall have occasion to speak of them when considering the development of the moral and intellectual faculties, and the diseases to which they are subject. Neither shall I stay to consider the mortality of mendicity houses, these establishments being very few in Europe, and based on plans so different as not to admit of comparison. But I ought not to omit mentioning the great mor- tality observed in those of the old kingdom of the Low Countries. In the seven depots which Avere formed at different places in the kingdom, and be- tween the years 1811 and 1822, there annually died of the average population 1 in 8 "9 ; that is to say, as many as in hospitals, whilst the mortality of the whole kingdom Avas 1 in 43"8. " The mortality in the mendicity houses is indeed more dreadful, since the population of these establishments does not include persons of tender years. We must not forget that a great number of old and infirm persons of both sexes occupy these abodes, and that tlie state of extreme emaciation m which they are found in general, Avhen they arrive, brings with it the developed seed of a speedy dissolution, and should undoubtedly be classed Avith the causes to which we must attribute this fatal result. This latter circumstance Avas made especially remarkable in the disastrous year 1816. A multitude

Elements of Med. Stat.

t AVitli respect to the hospitals of Russia in 1811, the mortality in establishments containing more than 30 patients Avas 1 in 9, and 1 in 10 in those which had fewer than 30 patients.
X AA'omen are received there during labour.
§ [In fevers of all descriptions, and epidemics, as the plague, cholera, &c., there seems much reason to fear that medical at- tendance is generally of little avail. On this subject, the trans- lator will be found to treat in the appendix.]

ON MAN.

47

of unfortunate persons then only entered these houses to die in a few days after their arrival, and the greater number of the remainder expired, in the following years, from weakness. On the other hand, it is not impossible that the sudden transition from the most dreadful privation to a diet which comparatively may appear superabundant, here exercised a more deplorable influence than with a little more precau- tion it could have done. A third observation, which ought not to be passed over in silence, is, that in order to find the laws of mortality in an establish- ment whose population is moveable, it is not sufficient to compare the number of deaths with the daily entries, but it is also necessary to attend to the num- ber of individuals to whom this number of entries have a reference. The greater this latter number, especially in asylums of human misery and infirmity, the more chances are there for the mortality to ajjpear great." *
The mortality which has just been pointed out is no doubt very considerable ; but I do not think that it has ever fallen in any of the mendicity houses of Belgium lower than it was towards the commence ment of this century in the mendicity houses of France. Indeed, according to ^I. Villerme.f the mor- tality at Laon, during a period of thirteen years end- ing in 1826, was 1 person in 4-32 ; at Nancy in 1789, 1 in 5, and in 1801 it was 1 in 3'22 ; at Audi, diu-ing a period of five years, at least 1 in 3 ; at Metz 1 in 8-13 in 1789, and 1 in 222 in 1801. This dreadful mortality cannot be compared to any thing except what took place, also about the commencement of the century, in one of the principal prisons of Belgium : it is scarcely credible that, in the prison of Vilvorde, there died
In 1802, 1 prisoner in \-27 of the average population.

1803,

„

107

1804,

„

1-91

1805,

„

7-77

1806,

„

20-31

1807,

-.

30-3C

Deaths on

the Average Population.

Years.

At Vilvorde

St Bernard

Ghent

House of

House of

House of

Confinement.

Correction.

Confinement.

1825,

2900

18-71

31-60

1826, -

29 00

22-08

45-80

1827. - -

29-62

17-81

77-53

1828, -

48-14

17-99

51-35

1829,

29-74

15-06

101-67

1830, ••

36,66

11-93

101-08

1831,

39,78

30-51

57-90

In 1801, the evil had not begun to exist ; it was in 1802 when it attained its greatest intensity. In 1805, M. Chaban, prefect of the ancient department of Dyle, and JI. Rouppe, inspector-general of the prison, began some improvements, which coiUd not be completed until I8O74 J^I- Villerme, who has also taken care to register this remarkable mortality, in his work on the Mortality of Prisons, adds the following reflections : — " After these last facts, what need be said to show the power of the government ? I do not think that im- prisonment should always be barbarously severe, but I think the bad discipline almost always renders it so. Those who are intrusted with the care of priso- ners, having never made researches of the present kind, what they have said of them has often appeared as clamorous sympathy merelj'. But when we take the numbers of the men, and determine the annual proportion of their deaths, every thing is reduced to a simple calculation, the elements of which may be verified. If it be correct, all the evil or all the good which the figure expresses is real."
To understand to what extent the evil reached in the prison of Vilvorde, and how defective the disci- pline of it was, it is sutRcient to quote the mortaUty since this period. At the same time, I shall give the mortality of two other large prisons in Belgiiun.§

These judicious observations are extracted from the notes

with which M. Ic Baron Reverberg has enriched my 'Rtchtrcha sur let Poptilatioii.1, les Xaissanccs, ifc.
t JMortalit^ dans les Prisons, An. d'Hi/yicne, tome i. p. 9.
% Tableau Statistique de la Maison de Detention de Vilvorde, par M. Rouppe.
§ Rapport sur VEtat Actuel des Prisons en Belgique, &e., par Kd. Diicpetiaux.

"We may now be enabled to judge if the mortality of men left to themselves, and giving themselves up to the greatest excesses, may not be aggravated rather than otherwise, by a negUgent and mienlightened administration : men during the most dreadful pesti- lences, and soldiers during the most destructive wars, have not been exposed to such a mortahty as the pri- soners of Vilvorde, during the early years of the pre- sent century.
The evil was far from being so great during the same period in the prison-house of Ghent ; indeed, there was only 1 death to 20*4 prisoners in 1801 ; in 1789 there was only 1 death to 25'8 prisoners. According to M. Villerme, the annual mortality in the prisons of the department of the Seine has been, during the years 1815, 1816, 1817, and 1818, as follows: —

At la Grande Force, . . the Madelonnettes, . . the Conciergerie, . . la Petite Force, . . Sainte-P^lagie, . . the Bicetre, ... . . the Sainte-Lazare, . . the Mendicity House at St Denis,

1 in 40-88 prisoners.
.. 38-03
. . 32-06
. . 26-63
. . 24-48
. . 18-75
.. 17-92
. . 3-97

We see that in the department of the Seine the mortaUty of the depot of mendicity is also much greater than that of the prisons, and appears fre- quently to result from the injured constitutions of the poor, and their privations and miseries before enter- ing prison [the depots?], and from the impossibility they found of procuring the necessaries of life.*
The prisons in the departments of France are gene- rally far from presenting as favourable results as those of the department of the Seine ; indeed, the mortality in the central houses (maisons centrales') and of those of justice and correction, were —

At Montpellier, 1822,

1 in 9-33 prisoners.

. . Riom, 1821 to 1827, - - . . 9-87
. . Baulieu near Caen, 1814 to 1825, - . . 11-59
. . Melun, 1817 to 1825, - - . . 14-81
. . Gaillon, 1817 to 1825, - - . . 11-86
. . Metz, 1801, - - - . . 18-43
. . Toulouse, 1822 to 1824, - - . . 35-07 1 • •
. . Lyons, 1820 to 1826, - - . . .43-00 1 . .
. . Saint- Flour, 1813 to 1826, - - . . 47-00
. . Rouen, 1815tol826—Maisonde Justice, . . 51-18 §
. . . . 1820 to 1825— Bicetre, - . . 59-07 II • •
It is calculated that, for the average period of con- finement in 1827, there was 1 death to 22 sentenced, in the central houses of imprisonment of France ; and the average ratio was 1 in 1 6 for the men, and 1 in 26 for the women. ]M. Villerme, from whom I bor-

Mortality dans les Prisons, p. 5.

t In 1814, a year of misery, with a crowded prison, 1 prisoner died out of 7-95.
^ One in 19, from 1800 to 1805 inclusive ; 1 in 31, from 1806 to 1812 ; 1 in 34, from 1813 to 1819.
§ The infirmaries have been better organised, and the nursing better conducted. The mortality In 1812, 1813, and 1814, was 1 in 406 !
n The mortality was 1 in 8-46 from 1811 to 1814 ; 1 in 20-70 from 1816 to 1820; after this period, those condemned to one year of confinement and more were withdrawn.

48

ON MAN.

row the preceding data, estimates the mortality of the galley-slaves' prison as follows : —

At Rochefort, from 1816 to 1828, . . ToiUon, . . Brest, . L'Orient,

1 in 11-51 . . 20-55 . . 27-06 . . 3917

We have often taken the prisons of Switzerland and the United States as patterns ; it may be interesting, therefore, to know the mortality there*
Penitentiary of Berne, - - - 1 in 25-00 Lausanne, from 1803 to 1825,
old method, - .. 21-40
from 1826 to 1829,
new method, - . . 12-25
from 1830 to 1831, - . . 36-00
Geneva, 1826 to 1831, - . . 49-00
I'risonof Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), - - •• 16-66
.. of Newgate (New York), - - ..18-80
Penitentiary of Singsing (New York), 12 years, . . 36-58
Wethersfield (Connecticut), - . . 44-40
Baltimore (Maryland), - . . 48-57
Auburn (New York), - - ..56-95
Charlestown (Massachusetts), . . 58-40
It is to be regretted that census of the mortahty of prisons in England are wanting ; it only appears that it is very smaU. This subject is perhaps more entitled to the attention of statisticians than any other, for there are few which present values so liable to change, and consequently the discipline should be more enlightened. Indeed, Ave have seen that, accord- ing to the negligence or zeal of the governors of pri- sons, the mortality of the establishment need not exceed what it is in ordinary society, or may become more dreadful than the most destructive scourges. The loss of liberty, and the humiliation connected with the condemned state, are punishments so great, that we need not aggravate them by a mortality un- equalled by aU the other scourges to which the species is exposed. The mortality of prisons has diminished in almost aU estabUshments without exception ; it is a fresh benefit resulting from the diffusion of know- ledge, and I dare say from the care with which statis- ticians have brought forward results on which Ave did not possess any precise data, and which consequently produced less impression, because Ave readily deceived ourselves as to the natm-e of the evil.f I cannot better conclude this chapter than by quoting the principal conclusions to which M. Villerme has been led — one of the men who has thrown most light on this important subject : % —
1st, The mortality of prisoners is generally much greater than that of free people.
2d, It is in the direct ratio of the bad management of prisons, the state of misery and nakedness of those detained therein, and the privations and sufferings Avhich they passed through before imprisonment.
3d, If the management or discipline is almost powerless in correcting these latter causes, it may always, by care and understanding, prevent or very much extenuate the former.
4th, If, taking aAvay the difference owing to locality and good or bad treatment, Ave arrange the prisoners in the order of their mortality, they stand as fol-
lOAVS : —
Accused.
Condemned.
Detained in mendicity houses.

Rapport sur I'Etat Actuel des Prisons en Belgique.

t Mortality des Prisons, &c.
± One of the most remarkable works which has been written on the amelioration of prisons, and the moral reformation of the inmates, is that of Dr Julius of Berlin — Vorle-suitffen ilber die Gefangniss Kxmde, 8vo. Berlin, 1823. This work has been trans- lated into French. The autlior, Avho has investigated tlie state of prisons with the most remarkable zeal, has been called to Berlin by the I'russian government, to give public lectures on the objects of his researches, lie has published a collection called Jahrbtlcherder Straf-und Besserungs-AnstaUen, Erziehungshauser, ifC, more' especially containing information on crimes and pri- sons. See also the Avorks of Mr Lucas.

5th, To appreciate the effects of the salubrity or insalubrity, of the good or bad management of each prison, and the different chances of life of each class of prisoners, the best means Avill be to determine the annual proportion of deaths, not by comparing the latter to the total number of the inmates, but to their average annual population.
6th, Ignorance of the lot of prisoners, of their wants, especially of the wants and the fate of the poorest of them, is the first cause to which may be attributed the excessive mortality shoAvn by the numbers Ave have quoted.

CHAPTER VII.
RELATIONS OF POPULATION TO SOCIAL PROSPERITY.
1. Of Population and its Increase.
Until now I have been considering the principal facts which relate to the birth, life, reproduction, and mor- tality of man, but without examining his condition in the social mass. This research, however, is the philosophical end towards which all our efforts should lead : Ave cannot dissemble as to the great difficulties Avhich it at present presents, notAvithstanding it has exercised the sagacity of several writers of the highest merit ; and it is with the greatest deference that I present some ncAv observations, Avhich I think capable of receiving useful application.
Populations arise imperceptibly; it is only when they have reached a certain degree of development that Ave begin to think of their existence. This in- crease is more or less rapid, and it proceeds either from an excess of births over deaths, or from immi- grations, or both. In general, it is a mark of well- being, and of the means of existence being superior to the Avants of the actual population. If Ave approach or exceed this limit, the state of increase soon stops, or a contrary condition may take place. It is then interesting to examine hoAV different countries are populated, what are the means of subsistence and the rate of increase of the people, and to assign the limit Avhich they may reach without danger. After that, the consideration is, to knoAv the composition of the population, and if the constituent elements are advan- tageously distributed, and contribute, in a more or less efficient manner, to the AveU-being of the Avhole. But it Avould be proper first to take the questions of highest moment, and to establish, in a summary and clear manner, tlie ideas on population promulgated by the most distinguished economists.
It appears incontestible, that population would in- crease in a geometrical ratio, if no obstacle were pre- sented to its development.
The means of subsistence are not developed so rapidly ; and, according to Malthus, in the most fa- vourable circumstances for industry, they can never increase quicker than in an arithmetical ratio.*

Essay on (he Principle of Population, vol. i. p. 15. (Transla-

tion of MM. Prdvost, Geneva, 1830). This law of the increase of subsistence may appear doubtful, and the ideas of economists are very different on this subject. Mr Senior thinks that there is a tendency in the means of subsistence to increase faster than the population. — See Ttvo Lectures on Population, p. 49. On this subject we may also consult the coi-respondence between this gentleman and ]\Ir Malthus. Mr M'Culloch, in tlie notes on Dr Smith's fp'calth of Nations, \-ol. iv. p. 133, thinks, on tlie contrary, that the progression established by Mr Malthus is too higli for the countries Avhere the best lands are already under cultivation. Since these tilings cannot be decided until all parts of the globe are under culture, it Avould be difficult to establish any thing experimentally, of a positive nature, on this head ; for if a population consume all the products of the land Avhich they inhabit, they may still, by the exchange of otlier produce, sup- ply themselves Avith what before Avas Avanted, and in this case they Avill receiA'e new accessions: thus the multiplication of machinery, by seconding himian labour in England, has allOAved the means of subsistence to undergo an increase since the com-

ON MAN.

49

Tlie obstacle to popiilation, then, is the want of food, proceeding from the difference of ratio which these two quantities follow in their resi>ective in- creases. When a population, in its development, has arrived at the level of its means of subsistence, it ought to stop at this limit, from human foresight ; or if it have the misfortune to overleap this limit, it must be forcibly brought back by an excess of mortahty.
The obstacles to population, therefore, may be ar- ranged under tAvo heads — the one acts by preventing the growth of population, and the other by destroying it in proportion as it is formed. The sum of the first forms what may be called the privative obstacle, that of the second the destructive obstacle.*
Mr Malthus has analysed, with great sagacity, the principal obstacles to its increase which population has met with ; he has determined, with no less credit, the limit which it cannut pass Avitliout being exposed to the greatest danger. However, it may be necessary to remark, notwithstanding the researches of the English philosopher, and of the economists who have followed in his track, that the modus operandi of the obstacles has not been clearly made out. The law has not been established by virtue of Avhich they operate : in a word, they have not afforded the means of carrying the theory of population into the domains of mathematical science, to which it seems particu- larly to belong.f Hence it results, that the discussion of this delicate point has not been completed at the present day, and the dangers attending society have perhaps been exaggerated, from not finding sufficient security in tlie action of the obstacles against an evil, the dreadful rapidity of which followed a geometrical progression.
To endeavour to fill up so important a lacuna, I have made numerous researches, the details of which it will be superfluous here to present ; and an atten- tive examination of the state of the question has proved to me, that the theory of population may be reduced to the two foUov.ing principles, which I con- sider will hereafter serve as fundamental principles in the analysis of the development of population, and of the causes which influence it.
Population tends to increase in a geometrical ratio. The resistance, or sum of the obstacles to its develop- ment, is, all things being equal, as the square of the rapi- dity with which it tends to increase.
The obstacles to rapidity of increase of a population, really operate, then, like the resistance which the media oppose to the passage of bodies through them. This extension of one of the laws of physics, which is most happily confirmed Avhen we apply it to the documents which society supplies, presents a new example of the analogies which are found in many cases between the laws regulating material phenomena and those which apply to man. So that, of the two principles Avhich I take as the basis of the mathematical theory of popu- lation, the one is generally admitted by all economists, and scarcely appears contestible, and the other has been verified in all the applications where we had to
niencement of the present century, which appears to me to be greater than an arithmetical ratio. We cannot but continue to look upon the products of industry as equal to the products of agriculture, until the exchange of money for food becomes im- possible by too great a development of the population on the sur- face of the globe.

Malthus — Essay, &c. p. 20, tome i. In the view which I have

adopted, the destructive obstacle acts generally by natural powers, and the privative obstacle by the disturbing powers of man.
t May I be allowed to recall the ideas on this point which I expressed in 1827, at the opening of a public course on the his- tory of the sciences? — " It is to be observed," I said, " that the more progress the physical sciences have made, accordingly have they tended to enter within the boimds of mathematical science, which is a sort of centre to which they converge. We might even judge of the degree of perfection to which a science is capable of being carried, by the greater or less facility with which it admits of calcuLition."

consider the movements and the obstacles in a con- tinuous manner.
However, notwithstanding the prejudices we might have in favour of them, it would undoubtedly be ne- cessary to reject them, if, by submitting them to analysis, they could not support this proof to the ex- tremest detail.
I thought, therefore, that I ought to examine, first of all, the consequences which the theory involved, and I have had the satisfaction to find them entirely conformable to the results of experience. Thus, when population can develop itself freely and without im- pediment, it increases in a geometrical ratio ; if it be developed in the midst of obstacles of every kind, which tend to arrest it, and which operate in an uni- form manner, that is to say, if the social state does not change, the population does not increase in an inde- finite manner, but tends more and more to become stationary. Hence it results, that population finds, in its very tendency to increase, those causes which ought to prevent the fatal catastrophes which might be feared from too great fullness, if I may so express myself, brought on in a sudden manner, and before which all human prudence would fail. The experience of our old Europe proves very fully, that population arrives at its state of equilibrium, increases, or re- cedes, by generally following one law of continuity. The bound which it cannot pass is variable, and de- pends on the quantity of food : population can never be developed so rapidly as to strike suddenly against this bound ; the obstacles which previously arise, hav- ing the same tendency, are too numerous to render a violent shock possible. Nature does not raise a smaller tribute of deaths ; but since we pay this tribute in detail, it is less sensible to us than if we required sud- denly to discharge it.
It is thus that the greater part of our population has progressively arrived at the level of the means of subsistence, by continually preserving a tendency to develop, and consequently to reproduce an excess of mortality, nearly in the same manner as the cloud sus- pended in the air has a continual tendency to descend and diffuse the fullness which it holds. In the midst of the causes innumerable which may disturb this state of equilibrium, population advances or recedes almost in the same manner as we see the cloud as- cend or descend according to the temperature, direc- tion of the winds, and a crowd of other atmospherical circumstances, which, however, does not prevent its always reaching a certain average height, depending on its constitution and the obstacle which the resist- ance of the air opposes to its descent.
When the social si/stem undergoes any changes, the obstacles always preserve the same mode of action ; but their intensity may vary in an infinite manner, so that the development of population may be infinitely modified like^vise. If we possessed exact census for different periods, the analysis would show the inten- sity of the causes which have been able to accelerate or oppose the development of population, and the cir- cumstances which have given origin to them. Sup- posing, for example, that a population which increases continually in an arithmetical progression, the con- stant difference of which is also known, we might de- termine, by means of the two laws announced above, what energy the obstacles have successively opposed to the development of the population ; in other terms, the law according to which these obstacles have been enabled to manifest themselves. It will sufiice to know the law according to which a population is de- veloped, to deduce, at least approximatively, the law according to which the obstacles have developed them- selves, and vice versa. But such problems as these belong exclusively to analysis ; I can only point them out here, reserving a return to them in a special work. I have said that, when the state of equiUbrium has been once attained, population would become station- ary, or at least vould oscillate around a fixed state,

50

ON MAN.

in consequence of corresponding variations produced by climate and amount of food ; but since it is essen- tial to the nature of man to endeavour to increase the quantity of his produce by a greater degree of manual and intellectual labour, population may be enabled to find the means of development ; in such a manner that, if all the physical circumstances were the same in the different countries of Europe, there could not be a better measure of produce and industry than the den- sity of the population found there. The specific popu- lation is indeed the result of all the influential ele- ments of a country, and should be found carried to a limit which is in relation to all the facilities which a country could present for its development during the preceding periods.
In adopting the measure of productive power, in a first approximation, it may be interesting to know the specific population of each country, that is to say, the number of inhabitants on a square league of ground : for this purpose I shall adopt the numbers given by M. Balbi in the Precis de la Geographic Universelle de Malte-Brun, liv. 16. I thought it ne- cessary to omit the small states having fewer than one million of souls.
Inhabitants to a Square League (of 25 to the Degree.) Low Countries, ... - 1829
Lomhardo-Venetian kingdom, - 1711
AVurtemburg, - - . . 1502
England (properly so called), - 1457
Kingdom of Saxony, ... 1252
States of Sardinia, - - - 1122
France, . . - . - 1062
States of the Church, - - - 1043
Bavai-ia, 968
Prussian monarchy, . . - 792
Switzerland, .... 783
Hungary, .... 750
Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, . - 747
Spain, - - . . - 641
Denmark, ..... 616
Portugal, - . . - 446
Turkey, ..... 324
Kussia, .... 161
Sweden and Norway, - . - 82
The Low Countries, Lorabardy, Wurtemburg, and England, are, then, the coimtries which really support the densest populations in Europe, and consequently those which, aU things being equal, should produce the most for their suitable support. Portugal, Tur. key, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, on the contrary, have populations of less density. Now, since the people of these countries have been increasing for many centuries back, with all the facilities which their locality and institutions allowed, it is to be presumed that if they are not the same in the different countries of Europe, there have been some obstacles to their propagation, either in the lands not being equally fertile, or because it has been more difficult to deve- lop the trade and industry of man, or because there was not a secure basis for social institutions, or, lastly, owing to moral causes, and the other motives, the in- fluence of which on the number of births and deaths I have examined.
There is also an important distinction to be esta- blished, and which, because it has not been observed, has often thrown strange confusion into all questions on population ; namely, that it is necessary to know not only of how many individuals a people is composed, but also in what manner each individual obtains the means necessary for his own existence. There is an in- finity of shades among the people : some have a more cultivated mind, more industry, and more wants ; one individual alone consumes by himself what otherwise might support three persons, or even more ; but these three men would live miserably, and propagate a people as miserable as themselves. It would then be inaccurate to say that, because the last nation has a population three times as dense as the first, that it produced three times as much. In order tliat the figures of the preceding table may be compared with

each otiier, it is necessary to multiply them indivi- dually by a constant coefficient, being what is necessary for one individual of each nation to supply his wants.
We should also be Avrong in judging that, because one nation had a stationary population, it made no progress. The state of industry and knowledge may ameliorate the condition of the population very much, without any traces of it being discernible (namely, the ameUoration). This increase of well- being, all things being equal, is measured by the quantity of things which one individual consumes, and in an equitable division of the matter which is consumed. This constant coefficient is destined to play an important part in the theory of population. It is this which defines the limit towards which popu- lation tends in its successive growth, almost in the same manner as the point at which a body remains in cquilibrio in any medium, is regulated by its density. In general, when a population is stationary, according as the consumption of the inhabitant increases or diminishes, in such proportion may the people be said to be made richer or poorer.
Because a population is increasing, we must not conclude any longer that its prosperity increases. It is necessary, first, to consider the constant coefficient, which is the measure of the degree of comfort of the individual, just as, on the other hand, the specific population is the measure of the degree of affluence or comfort of any country. When we wish to establish comparisons between the people, it is of the greatest importance to consult the quality, if I may so express myself, as well as the quantity.
In general, statisticians continue to employ the annual increase of the population, to calculate in what time it would double itself, although experience almost constantly falsifies the results of their calculations. This inquiry, which leads us into the hypothesis that there is no obstacle to the development of a people, can scarcely be directly applied to old Europe, any more than we should expect to see the results of experience accord with those of the theory of the fall of bodies through a vacuum. These calculations, for the most part, are only suited to satisfy curiositj', since they belong to an hypothesis which cannot be realised, or at least is available only within very nar- row limits.
If a country, by virtue of its increasing civilisation, takes a new impulse, and from the increase of its pro- duce carries onwards the boundary which limits the extent of its population, it would be in the most favourable circumstances, by a geometrical progres- sion, that it would first tend to reach that boundary ; but this rapidity of increase would soon abate, from the effect of obstacles, and would soon be extinguished. The same applies to a decreasing population ; but the motion takes place in the opposite direction. Analysis suppUes us Avith some formula, which very accurately express these different states.
Comitries most happily divided, scarcely present a population increasing in a geometrical ratio. England, however, is a striking example, which ought to occupy the highest degree of attention. After havmg been stationary, or even retrograde, at the commencement of the last century, its population then began to in- crease progressively, undergoing various oscillations mitil the middle of the century, when, receiving a second impulse, it began to take an arithmetical ratio. A fresh and more energetic impulse was given to it at the commencement of the present century, and it has not since ceased to increase in a geometrical ratio ; so that it has passed through states contrary to those of a population which tends to its limit, and where the obstacles go on increasing. Here the obstacles have been diminishing in consequence of the immense progress of industry, and the introduction of such an incredible quantity of machinery, the products of which represent a population which England is far from jiossessing.

ON MAN.

51

Years.

Population.*

Decennial Increase.

Annual Increase per cent.

Period required tor the Popula- tion to double itself.

17(1(1, -

5,1,34,.')16

— 68,179

— ()-13

— 500 years.

171(1,

5,06e,ai7

+279,014

+ 0-.')4

+ 129 ..

1720, -

5,.'M5,."?51

342,642

{)(i-2

112 ..

173(1,

.5,087.993

141,712

0-25

278 ..

1740, -

5,829,705

209,979

0-35

197 ••

l7r.o.

0,0.39,684

440,046

0-70

ion . .

17C0, -

0,479,730

747,856

1-09

63 ..

1770,

7,227,586

587,241

0-78

89 ••

i7«o, -

7,814,827

725,911

0-89

77 ■•

1790,

8,540,738

646,438

0-73

9G ■■

1800, -

9,187,176

1,220,380

1-25

50 ••

1810,

10,407,.';50

1,550,(H)5

1-39

49 •■

1820, -

11,957,565

1,883,186

1-46

48 ••

1830,

13,840,751

The same ratio of increase does not take place twice successiA'ely during the period inchided in this table, except for late years, when a geometrical pro- gression is very marked, the value of Avhich is 1-38. From 1760 to 1800, the progression was arithmetical, and the constant difference had an annual value of 67686'1. Availing myself of these numbers, I have calculated the successive values of the poiJulation, placing by the side of my results the observed values.

Periods.

1760, 1770, - 1780, 1790, - 1800, 1810, - 1820, 1830, -

Population.

Observed. Calculated. Difference.

6,479,7.30 7,227,580 7,814,827 8,540,7.38 9,187.170 10,407,556 ll,»57,ai5 13,!t40,751

0,479,7:10 7,15«,.5!»1 7,8Ti,45.3 8,510,314 9,187,176 10,531,900 12,073,400 13,840,751

— 70,995 + 18,6.36
— 30,424

+ 124,.'144 + 115,835

These differences between the calculated and ob- served results do not exceed the limits of the fluctua- tions Avhich attend the results of different years ; the greatest difference of one period of ten years does not amount to 125,000 inhabitants ; this inequality does not amount to l-80tli of the population.
We are about to find a second very instructive example, and a much less complicated one, in what takes place in the United States of America, a new country which rose to liberty by one effort, proud of the industry of its inhabitants and the fertility of its soil. Popvdation immediately developed itself there with a rapidity most astonishing, and unknown alto- gether in this old Europe ; immigration also added still fui'ther to the excess of births over deaths. But this rapid increase was soon met by obstacles which mul- tiplied, and the rapidity of increase, great as it was, became uniform. It is an arithmetical and not a geometrical progression which is observed. Such are the facts presented by the popiilation of the United States, which has been so often quoted as an example, and wlvich has not been attended to with sufficient scrutiny. I quote the printed numbers of Professor Rau.f Tliey are, moreover, conformable to those which have been given by other statisticians.
Years. Inhabitants. Annual Increase.
1780, - . . 2,051,(KX( 6-2 in 100
1790, - - 3,929,326 30 ••
1800, - . - 5,306,035 3-1 ■•
1810, . . 7,239,703 2-87 ••
1820, . . . 9,654,415 1-9 ••
182.'), - . 10,438,000 19 •■

The value of the population is given according to the numbers

of Mr nickman. Pre/are to the Abstract, ^c, 1831, p. 45. Mr Rickman, at p.-ige 24, gives as the annual increase for the periods 1801, 1811, 1821, 1831, the values 1-41, 1-57, and 1-54; the difference of my results may be occasioned by the method of calculation employed. I thought proper to compare the annual increase, not to the population of the first year of each period, but to that of an average year of this period.
t BulMin lie M. Fenusac, Fdv. 1831. See also the numbers given by M. Warden in the Biillttins <lf In Sochi<.' VhUoiinith'ijxie, 1832. ,

Inhabitants.

Annual Increase.

2,051,000

6-3 in 100

3,959,220

3-7 ••

5,867,440

2-8 ••

7,775,660

2-2 ••

9,683,880

1-9 ..

10,037,990

I shall first observe, that the population has made almost regular increases from year to year, so that its successive values form an increasing arithmetical progression, of which the difference between one year and another may be considered as of the value of 190,822.* Proceeding with this hypothesis, we shall have —
Y'ears. 1780, 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1825,
Thus, although in fact population has received con- siderable increases, things are still in the same state as in 1780; there is as much room and food for new comers, because, nearly every year, about 190,822 individuals come to occupy the wastes Avhich remain to be inhabited. These increases are less sensible when we calculate them, as is generally done, by com- paring them to the population. The population is, indeed, less prolific, because the care taken to fill the places which remain vacant, is divided amongst a greater number of persons.f
In the greater number of the countries of Europe, population is increasing, and it is according to the value of the annual increase that statisticians have established their calculations to determine the period at which each of the populations would be found to have doubled. I here quote the results obtained by two gentlemen whose names are esteemed in science.

Countries.

Ireland,
Hungary,
Spain,
England,
Prussia,
Prussia on the)
Rhine, i
Austria, Uavaria, Low Countries, Kingdom of)
Naples, ) France, Sweden, - Kingdom of »
Lombardy,} Russia,

According to Professor Rau.

Annual Increase.

2.45 2-4 1(» l(i5

1-3 108 0-94
0-83 0-63 0-.58
0-45

Period requu-ed in which to Double.

28 years. 20-2 ~ 41-9 ~ 42-3 „

530 64-6 74-8
83-5 110-3 118
152 8

According to M. Ch. Dupin.

Increase.

107 2.70

101
1-24 Ml
005

1-05

Period required in which to Double.

42-0 years. 26-0 -

690
03-0 1050

060 -,

♦ Representing this difference by d, and P standing for the popu- lation in 1700, and x for the number of years which have elapsed, we have for the population of this x\.\\ year Vx = P + rf.r : it is according to this formula that the numbers of the following table have been calculated. It also follows that the increase a relative to the population, had, as a general value, or for a period of n years after the rth ,
2(f
" ~ Px + P.i- + n
It is according to this formula that the successive increases of the population have been calculated. If by means of lines we represented the degree of increase of the population in proportion to the years, we shall have on one hand a straight line, and on the other an hj-perbola. The asymptote marks the limit towards which the increases tend.
t The theoj-y would, moreover, prove, that at first the pojiula- tion has been smaller than the table indicates, for at the end of the last century it should have been more numerous. I hear, indeed, from ]M. Warden, that the United States, from poIitic;»l nititivcs, and in order to acquire niore importance, have, during the time of war, exaggei-ated the amount of the population, especially in the interior of the country, where strangeis can exercise less inquisitive control.

52

ON MAN.

If the doubling of the population were indeed to take place according to this table, we should certainly have to fear a dreadful catastrophe, owing to the means of subsistence not being able to follow so rapid a development ; but we have already seen that it is only in very rare cases that a continued and rapid increase can take place. If such catastrophes could happen, we should already have seen them long ago in Europe. No doubt, the mortality may be acci- dentally increased by famines, pestilence, and other plagues ; but these evils, the mfluence of which civi- lisation tends to diminish, may take place in countries which have not yet reached their bound.
The calculation of the annual increase of the population is not the only source of deception in estimating the doublmg of populations. The subject is still open to great errors in other respects. It will almost always be impossible to agree upon these mat- ters, unless we quote the years and the numbers ac- cording to which the increases take place. Many authors only estimate the mcrease of population from one or two years of observation, and are thus exposed to the greatest errors. This is mixing the influences which we wish to determine, with those resulting from an infinity of causes, which may often cause the former to be entirely misunderstood. It appears to me, that, in order to pronoimce with any degree of certainty on the state of a country, we must at least employ the results of ten years' observation ; that is to say, of periods dm-ing which institutions have remained the same, and no remarkable events have taken place. Thus we might hope to find out the influence of acci- dental causes, and only retain what results from the nature of the country, its institutions, and the indus- try of the people. It is especially necessai-y to avoid taking any numbers of critical years, and those years immediately succeeding them. At the present day, Europe is enjoying a respite after long and bloody wars — after more or less stagnation of commerce; and, under the influence of more liberal institutions, it is easy to understand that produce should become more abundant, and population increase; but does this give any reason to suppose that the increase shall continue the same? It appears to me, that tliis would be a great error, and I do not fear to appeal tlie point to experience.
It is very remarkable that a population is more numerous, if it have been constantly stationary dur- ing a certain number of years, than if, during the same period, it has been alternately increasing and decreasing, when the ratio of the increase itself lias been equal to the ratio of the decrease, the efiect of one -j^ear not compensating that of another. This seems, at the first view, to be a paradox; we may nevertheless be assured of its truth. If we seek to find what becomes of a given number of individuals after m + n years (m indicating the years during which the population has been stationary, and n those dur- ing which it has received an increase or decrease of a determinate quantity), we find that the num- ber of survivors continues the same, in whatever manner the years m + n have succeeded each other. Thus, whether a population increases regularly dur- ing ten years, and then is stationary for twenty more — whether these two periods succeed each other in an inverse order, or are intermixed — a given number of individuals who shall be born, will present the same number of sm'vivors when the thirty years have passed over.*
2. Of Tables of Population. Populations present very great differences, accord- ing to the manner in which the individuals who com- pose them are grouped, either by families or houses ; however, when considering only one country, these

Recherches Statistique siu- le Royaume des PaysBas, p. Cl,

el scq.

differences are less apparent. In the country of Bel- gium, for example, we have about five individuals to one family, and this number is a little smaller in town. "We also calculate, almost exactly, in each province and in the country, 106 famihes to 100 houses, whilst we find 125 to 174 in towns.
We observe, also, that in the country of Belgium the individuals of both sexes are nearly balanced. It is not so in towns ; the number of men is every where smaller than that of women. This difference may be owing to the greater mortality of men, as well as to the more frequent employment of female domestic servants. In the country, on the contrary, male ser- vants are most sought after for cultivating lands.
If we divide the population of the two sexes into three classes, namely, unmarried, married, and wi- dowers, we shall have, still preserving the distinction of town and coimtry —

In 1000 Men.

In 1000 Women.

111 TOWTI-

%

2

1

I

i

s

o

I

Flanders, East,

G52

311

37

643

281

76

West,

C46

317

37

638

278

84

Brabant, -

629

332

39

625

2a4

91

llainault.

642

3IG

42

604

307

89

Liege,

035

323

42

624

293

83

Anvers,

tX>5

312

33

646

276

78

Namur,

063

2!)7

40

622

291

87

In the Country.

Flanders, East,

687

27G

.36

661

272

67

"West,

671

293

.-«>

645

288

67

Brabant, -

652

313

35

623

311

66

Hainault,

647

317

36

611

318

71

Liege,

646

312

42

618

305

77

Anvers,

672

289

39

639

289

72

Namur,

634

331

.35

596

332

72

Whence we see that,
1. In general, two-thirds of the population are un- married ; the other third is composed of married per- sons or widowed.
2. Taking 1000 individuals of each sex, the unmar- ried males are rather more numerous than the un- married females: it is the same with the married men.
3. The unmarried are still more numerous in country than in toAvn ; so that we find the greatest number of unmarried persons out of 1000 in the country, who are also males.
4. The number of widows is almost double the number of widowers.
This latter result, which is very remarkable, be- comes more striking when we compare the number of widowers with that of widows.

AVidowers to 100 Widows.

Provinces.

City.

Rural Districts.

Flanders, East,

44

53

AVest,

39

.TS

Anvers,

38

55

Brabant,

37

53

Hainault, ...

46

60

Namur, . - -

45

47

Liege,

46

52

Thus the number of widowers, compared with the number of widows, is incontrovertibly more numerous in tOAvn than in country, and especially in the pro- vinces of Brabant, Anvers, and Western Elanders.
This circumstance may be owing to men marrying later in to%vn than in country. Indeed, Are shall ob- serve that the three provinces which haA-e just been pomted out, are those which, all things being equal,

ON MAN.

53

have the greatest part of their population shut up in the cities. Men have also more facihty of passing from the state of widowhood tlian women.
The distribution of the population accoi'ding to age, has long occupied the attention of statisticians more than any other element. Tables of population are of two kinds — the one kind are obtained directly by a census, the other are deduced from tables of morta- lity. When we may rely on the accuracy of the cen-

sus, the former are always preferable to the latter, and more faithfully represent the actual state of the population.
The table which I here present is the result of a great census made in Belgium about the end of 1829 ; it has been calculated from original documents, and I think I can guiirantee its accuracy. In the lie- clierchcs siir la Reproduction et la Mortalite, all the documents belonging to it may be seen.

TABLE OP THE POPULATION FOR BELGIUM. 1 ,^10,000 Persous are taken aa a basis, and classed according to the indications of the Table.

>Ien

Women.

At,

Age.

Uniuurriel.

.Married.

Widowers,

Total.

Unnuirricd.

Married.

Widows.

Total.

years.

.317.202

14f>,lG4

17.M9

481,315

o>

cars.

,^^5,930

146,053

36,702

518,685

1 ..

3li3.l>S8

lUi.IW

I7,!M9

467.171

1

—

322,212

146,053

36,702

504,967

2 -

288,!)!I7

146,1(4

17.949

453,110

2

„

.108.695

14(;,033

36,702

491,;i30

.t --

276,3(»

14(>,1(>4

17.949

440,482

3

„

290.379

146,053

36,702

479,1.M

4 ~

2li;i,U15

146,1(M

17,949

427.!e8

4

„

284.201

146,053

3(i,7(e

4(«.!l'.!t

2jl,3a9

14(i,164

17.fM9

415,502

.■J

„

272.087

146,053

36,702

454,1!42

f, ~

230,160

146. 1G4

17.949

4U1,279

„

200,449

146,053

3<;,702

443.2(14

8 -

216.910

146,104

17,!M9

381,<23

8

„

238.803

14<;,053

36,718

421,618

10 „

193,861

146.164

17.949

330,974

10

„

218,646

146,053

36,7te

401,401

12 ~

176,439

14(;,1(M

17,!>49

»10,532

12

„

199,828

146,a'-.3

36.702

382,583

14 "

IM.irjJ

146,1('4

17,!H9

.t>>,1.16

14

„

181,6!13

146,033

36,702

364,4;«

Ifi -

137,837

146, KH

17.949

301 ,'XM

16

-.

102, .164

146,049

36.702

343.115

2(1 -

ll4.tiU8

146,1(72

17.915

2<»<,llO

20

„

128,083

145,634

36,6f>4

310,431

(ii.s-io

142,847

17.f02

220,979

25

^

89,884

139,707

36,600

266,231

.10 "

39,nia

12<),fi77

I7,6.a7

1U6,.'5.-B

30

„

63,823

123,892

26,219

22,i,!);U

aa ~

23,4C.3

l<«.onrt

17.1.T9

151 ,.100

3j

..

47,243

102,702

35,421

lHJ,42li

4U -'

18,187

89,973

16,488

124.040

40

„

36.216

81,499

34,<I24

13I,7:!9

4.'. "

ia,7.«

71.931'

15,371

101.240

43

„

28,249

01,419

31,916

121,. '584

2(1

10,311

54,7<t)

14,-I60

79.471

60

^

21,837

44,218

29,1(j7

y.';,242

53 -

U,4I4

44,(120

13,4(12

63.856

53

„

18,089

34,223

26,7tl9

7.'>,( 21

.VI -

fi,!»;2

35,531

12,296

M.4fl9

3(J

„

15,095

2(i,417

24,;«i5

03,((!»7

.w -

5,I04

i?7.7«7

11,164

44,645

59

„

12,5.13

20.090

21,719

54, .114

til ..

4,430

20,764

9,693

34.887

02

„

9.948

14,6?2

18.608

43,228

ta

3,434

15,120

8,242

20.?J6

65

„

7.749

10,301

15,683

.■)3,783

07 -

2,(117

11, .WO

7.112

21.528

07

^

6.IM!)

7.685

13,410

27,130

tfl --

2,317

9,(>20

0.113

17,430

09

„

4,940

5,732

11, .11(7

22,l'.'>n

71

1,772

0.540

5,liiO

13.412

71

^

3.773

4,034

9,175

17.002

7a -

1.3B1

4,976

40U6

10.053

73

„

2,994

2,963.

7,571

13,528

75 "

1,U27

3.375

3,31iJ

7.991

75

„

2,234

2,030

6,930

10,214

7U>

2,3IU^

2,5,10

5,618

77

^

1,589

1,300

4,309

7,238

7'j

4«L>

1,517

l,iM3

3.B44

70

„

1,'|R5

814

3,102

5.001

Ul ~

,au5

(131

1,191

2.327

81

„

680

451

1.908

3,09;)

ai ,.

lOU

516

801

1,518

83

„

454

259

1.350

2,063

tu

123

313

510

935

85

^

27fi

144

864

1,284

V, ..

70

ICl

300

637

87

^

154

78

5(e

734

«i -

30

80

17a

291

CD

^

08

41

299

428

!M)

26

48

123

1!>7

90

^

00

27

210

303

S/1 -.

17

3i

79

128

91

„

39

17

143

199

Vtl ~

14

26

57

97

92

^

29

14

109

152

aa

11

19

41

71

93

^

18

13

70

107

IM ~

/

15

31

53

94

^

12

10

'A

70

•I.'; ~

11

22

.'W

95

^

10

6

38

M

u;

4

8

16

20

90

^

6

6

24

36

vj ..

1

_>;

10

16

97

^

3

3

18

24

98 -

1

4

11

98

_

2

2

10

14

09 »

1

5

C

99

^

1

1

5

7

Uu ~ and ) upwards, '

3

3

100

~ and I jwnrds, '

1

1

2

4

u

Without staying, for the present, to bring forward
. ine results which may be deduced from this table,
1 shall examine how far two tables of population, ob-
tnined by a census and from the list of mortality, can
agree with each other.*
When a population is stationary, that is to say, when we have annually as many deaths as births, the tables of mortality are considered as the true tables of population. Thus, according to the general table given above, of 100,000 births, we found 77,.528 chil- dren of one year, 70,536 of two years, 06,531 of three

WeiT>.iy consult some writings on census, recently published,

, ■ • ■ — c<vi,Tuj(j/"Wi« Pop«/<Tfion, by Mr Babbage. Etfin.
J l^lU-r lo hit Grace the Duke nf Hamilton and
I: riing th< Parochial Regittert nf Scotland, by Mr J.
Cleliind : tiUogow. 1834, 8vn. NoU-s by M. le Baron do Keverbcrg. liclng the Appendix to the Rechfrcht$ $»r la Population, let Xuis- vncft, le$ liecf. IfC, e>\ Ufl(>i<i>ii:

years, and so on ; and the sum of all these individuals formed the whole population, which, according to the same table, had raised itself to 3,261,073 souls. If we then successively cut off from this simi the num- ber of births, the number of individuals of one year old, of two years, &c., the remainder will express the number of survivors at these different ages. In this manner, we should form a table of population ; but to render it comparable to that which lias been ob- tained directly by the census, we should also require to take 100,000 as the b.isis, instead of 3,264,073, and reduce all the other numbers to a proportion Avith it. The following table has been obtained in this indirect manner from the table of mortality, supposing the population stationarj-. It is found to correspond with the table of population obtaincrl by the census, and such as hits Ix'cn given above, but without preserving the distinction of places and sex. We may judge of the errors wliich these tables present.

54

ON MAl^f.

Table of the Population of Belgium.

Deduced

Obtained

Deduced

Obtained

Age.

from the

Directly

Ago.

from the

Directly

Table of

by the

Table of

by the

Mortality.

Census.

Mortality.

Census.

Birth,

100,000

100,000

67 years,

6,404

4,868

1 year,

96,937

97,214

69 ■•

5,194

3,951

2 years,

94,562

94,446

71 •■

4,116

3,041

3 ..

92,401

91,962

73 ..

3,179

2,418

4 ••

90,361

89,489

75 ..

2, .379

1,820

5 •.

88,400

87,034

77 ••

1,724

1,2€8

6 ••

86,487

84,648

79 •.

1,205

884

8 ..

82,768

80,274

81 ••

316

543

10 ••

79,143

76,138

83 ••

630

358

12 ..

75,590

72,314

85 ..

327

222

14 •■

72,094

68,657

87 ■•

190

127

16 ••

68,648

64,707

89 ■■

104

72

20 ••

61,932

57,854

90 ••

76

50

25 ••

53,952

49,323

91 ••

65

33

30 ••

46,506

41,047

92 ..

39

25

35 ..

39,624

33,673

93 •■

27

18

40 ••

32,992

27,639

94 ..

19

13

45 ..

26,908

22,283

95 ..

12

9

60 ..

21,289

17,471

96 ••

8

6

63 ..

18,154

14,488

97 ••

4

4

SO •■

15,220

12,039

98 ..

2

2

.VJ . .

12,495

9,899

99 ..

1

I

62 ..

9,9.03

7,811

100 & up-

65 ••

7.746

0,058

wards,

1

1

The table of population deduced from the table of mortality gives results which are generally greater than those of the table obtained directly by the cen- sus. Thus, it indicates that in a population of 100,000 souls, there were 5.3,952 individuals who wei'e more than 25 years old, and the other table gives only 49,.32.3 individuals having more than this age. How does this difference arise, and how may it be ex- plained ?
According to several distinguished authors who have written on this subject, it would be sufficient (as we said above, if tlie population were stationary, that is, the number of births annually being constantly nearly equal to that of deaths)* to calculate the table of population from that of mortality. We shall here remark, that it would undoubtedly suffice, in the greater number of cases, where the population is sta- tionary ; but this single condition is not enough : it is also necessary that the same number of deaths cor- respond annually also, in order that the proportion of the survivors may remain nearly the same at the diffi^rent periods of life, and that the numbers entered on the tables of mortality for each year may be re- produced almost identically. To perceive the neces- sity of this condition, let us suppose that we form a table of mortality for a triennial period, during which the population shall have been stationary ; and let us suppose, moreover, from some cause, that the mor- tality during this period affijcted individuals of fifty years in preference, and, as a compensation, sparing those newly born, that afterwards all may be re-esta- blished in the usual order. It would happen, that the population table which we deduce from this table of mortality, will not truly represent the actual state of things : it will indicate too great a population for the fiftieth year, and too small a one for the children.
We may begin to see that a population may be stationary, without our being able to deduce from its bills of mortalitj', calculated for a certain number of years, a table of the population. We see, on the con- trary, that this calculation may be made without in- convenience, in the case where the population was not stationary. Indeed, let us suppose a stationary population, and also admit that the tables of mortality may annually present numbers identically the same ; it is evident that, by multiplying each of these num- bers by a constant ratio, greater or less than unity, that these multiplications wiU have no other effijct than to make an increase or decrease, in the same

Lacroix — Traits El^mentaire du Calcul des Probabilit(Js,

p. 210 : 1833.

ratio, of all the numbers of the table of mortality, and consequently those of the table of population.*
In this manner, the bases merely of the tables will have varied : now, the base which we employ is quite arbitrary ; we have adopted 100,000, so that we might have numbers which we could compare with each other, and with those of other tables. Thus, all has been done as if we had multiplied by a constant ratio each one of the numbers which are placed in the tables, whilst really the population was increasing or de- creasing.
After what has been said, we see that the necessary conditions to enable us from a table of mortality to deduce a table of population, are, that the deaths at each age preserve annually the same proportion to each other, whe- ther the population be stationary, increasing, or decreasing.
Applying the preceding to the tables of population given above, we conceiA^e that the differences which they present do not simply arise from the circum- stance that in Belgium the population is in a state of increase, but because the mortality has not each year struck the same ages in the same proportions ; and no doubt also owing to the years having not been equally fruitful. It is necessary to observe, on the other hand, that, under the French government, cer- tain parts of the population were decimated by wars, and consequently must present vacuities.
3. Can Data on Population Furnish any Marks of the Prosperity of a People ? In seeking to measui'e the prosperity of a people, the movements of the population have often been made use of. The possibility of arriving at satisfac- tory results, by following such a course, would un- doubtedly deserve to be deeply examined. It is a question of great interest ; but I confess the data alone of the population do not appear to me to be - sufficient to resolve the question. Local influences, climate, customs, institutions, &c., are elements which we can scarcely neglect, Avhen comparing one people with another : perhaps there would be less danger when comparing a people with itself at different pe- riods, during which these elements have not under- gone any sensible variation.f

Some lines of calculation will better enable us to comprehend

this mode of reasoning. Let us designate by the letters
a^, a", a^, a*, a^. Sac, the deaths observed from to 1 year, from 1 to 2 years, from 2 to 3 years, &c. Moreover, let us designate by A, A', A^, &c., the numbers written in the table of mortality opposite year, 1 year, 2 years, 3 years, &c., so that
A = n + ai + a2 + a3 + «< + &:c. Ai = ai + a2 + a3 + a* + &c.
A2 = a2 + a3 + a* + &c.
A3 = a3 + rt* + &c.
&c. We shall have, for the corresponding ages of the table of popu- lation —
2 A = A -t- Ai + A2 + A3 -(- A* + &c.
2 Ai = Ai -f A2 4- A3 -h A* -1- &o.
2 A2 = A^ -h A3 + A4 -h &c.
2 A3 = A3 -f- A-4 + &c.
&c.
If we now multiply by n each of the numbers of the deaths, we
shall have, for the numbers of the tables of mortality —
«A, mA', n\.-, jiA3, nA^, &c. ; and for the numbers of the table of population —
Ji2 A, m2 Ai, n2 A2, »i 2 A3, &c. But in certain cases we may have jjP=' 1, = 1, -=^1, with an in- creasing population, stationary or decreasing ; in both these eases, the table of population and the table of mortality will continue to present the same numbers for the same ages, if we take the same base as the starting-point.
1 1 shall here bring forward, in a great measure, an article whicli I inserted in the Revue Encyclopcdique for August 1830.
The Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, during the Session June 7, 1834, put the following question to the meet- ing: — To determine in what the misery of different countries con- sists, and by ichat signs it is nMnifested ; to examine the causes tvhich produce it.

ON MAN.

55

We might be exposed to serious errors in not taking notice of the number of marriages and births of a nation ; for if it be true that disheartening circum- stances sometimes add evil to evil, as in Ireland, and since moral degradation is a great stimiilus to precocious marriage,* it may still happen that mor- tality only makes greater ravages ; and one of the most fatal scourges of a people is to see its genera- tions renewed with a degree of rapidity' which does not allow it to preserve iiseful men. Now, it generally happens that the births are regulated by the number of deaths ; that is to sa_v, the countries which produce the greatest number of children, are precisely those in which the mortality is the greatest. When repro- duction is greater than the limits of prudence, it appears that tlie weakest part of tlie population is the first to feel the consequences, the excess of the population passing rapidly from the cradle to the tomb. If, therefore, tlie number of births could be useful to show the degree of prosperity of a people, it would be more particularly in considering it in rela- tion to the mortality. But, as I have said, the mere number of births appears to me absolutely insuffi- cient.
I should have more distinct confidence in the num- ber of deaths, if it only established a measure by which we might be assured of a population having attained or exceeded the limits Mliich it could not cross witliout condenming itself to pauperism. M. D'lvernois has very clearly sliownf the iitility of it on tills he.id ; and the publication of the work which he announces under the following title is nnich to be desired — On the Averayc Moiltditi/ Considered as a Measure of the Comfort and Cirilisation of a Nation. This universal measure, says the autlior, I ilatter myself I have found in the mortuanj uumher of the people, by which I understand that which indicates whether the proportion of deaths aniuiidly, compared with the total number of living persons, increases or diminishes. Perhaps we mjiy be wrong in precal- culating the results ; but if we observe that this mea- sure does not change when the total amount of those alive remains the same, as well as that of deaths, we may have some fear of its precision. A population may remain numerically the same from different causes, and present a greater or less numl)er of use- ful men, without our being able to say, for that reason merely, that its comfort also remains the same. If so, we should estimate a child as equid to a useful man.
To take one example only. If, from any cause whatever, the mortality in a nourishing coimtry were to attack useful men more particularly, and spare the children, the number of deaths and that of births remaining otherwise the same, it would infallibly happen, after some years, that this population would be deteriorated, and would have lost many of the elements of prosperity ; and yet the loss which it had experienced would not in any manner be detected by the measure employed. The mortuary figure would remain the same ; and a considerable number of use- ful and productive men would be replaced by unpro- ductive children.
Certainly we cannot deny that verj- strict relations exist between the happiness of a country and the movements of its population ; the thing is, to ascer- tain how to express them. It seems to me that on this head we ought to make an important distinction. We may consider the question in two points of view. We may propose, when considering a people, to ex- amine which are the disastrous years — those during which it has suffered more or less ; or, on the other hand, we may examine, in an absolute manner, what is the number of useful men at disposal — in a word, what is its strength, which is also one of the principal

Soe an article by yi. D'lvernois inserted in the Bibliotheque

I'nivrrtelle (te Genere, March lfi.Ti>. t UjhUothcque Universclle, 1«3',.

elements of its prosperity. In the first case, the num- ber of deaths would almost alwajs be employed with considerable success ; for a disastroiis year is generally accompanied and followed by numerous privations, even amongst the most highly favoured people, and privations are mortal to the human species. Thus, if we only knew that 1817 was a year of famine for Belgium and a great number of coimtries, we should attain our end without trouble, because the number of deaths was greater than for the years which pre- ceded or followed. This increased mortalitj- was also felt in the mendicity houses, in which it was almost double wliat it had been heretofore, as also in the liospitals and asylums for foundlings.
As to the second manner of considering the ques- tion, I have endeavoured to show why the number of deaths merely appeared to me insufficient. It is important, indeed, to know not only how many deaths take place in the population, but also at what age these deaths occur. Some writers have employed, in such estimates, the duration of the average life, others the duration of the probable life ; and they have sought to establish their valuation according to the changes which the one or the other of these values imdergoes. But here we meet with an obstacle nearly similar to the one I have before pointed out ; namely, that the duration of the probable life, as also that of the average life, may have a value of different kinds. This inconvenience is especially felt, when we employ the number which expresses the i)robable life, since, in fact, we only consider the period at which a cer- tain number of individuals of the same age arc re- duced to one-half; and we do not express whether those who died first were able to make themselves useful during a longer or a shorter time, neither does it establish any thing with respect to those who sur- vive.
Taking the figure which expresses the average duration of life, or the average of the ages to which a certain nuinlx-r of individuals have attained, whom we suppose to have l)een born at the same time, we also give the same value to one year of the life of an infant as to that of a man whose labours have been profitable to society.
There is one difficidty to which the preceding questions are liable, and which deserves particular attention, because very important and interesting considerations are connected with its solution — consi- derations of high moment to statistics and political economy. M. D'lvernois, whose labours have been so beneficiid to these sciences, has kindly called my attention to this difficulty, and asked my advice on this delicate point : he was desirous of knowing if two nations, who, as regarded the ratios of births and deaths, might stand at precisely the same numbers, might not have two averages of life, by virtue of the eventual difference in the order of mortality for the age of their dead.*
For the sake of simplicity, let us suppose a people who have each year the same number of births and deaths, and let us examine if the average duration of life may not vary from year to year ; this question returns, in fact, to the same point as that which was proposed above. If we formed a table of mortality after the deaths of one year, and deduced the average duration of life from it, I suppose that we should find it 30 years exactly. The year following, if the mor- tality took place in the same manner and in tlie same proportion, the duration of average life would still be .30 j-ears. But if, in the lists of deaths of this second year, we substitute an infant of one year for a man of forty, which will not afiect the proportional num- ber of births or deaths, we shall find, however, when taking account of the infant substituted for the fuU-

In insertinR my answer in the Bibliolheqim Vniversclle de

Omciv, March IR'H, M. IJ'Ivernois announces that he had como to the same conchisions as myself, and that he received similar results from M. Villcrme.

56

ON MAN.

grovm man, that the average duration of life became rather shorter, since the sum of years which had been lived would be reduced by 39 years. "We see already, that if the tables of mortality and the duration of average life were only calculated according to the observations of this year, they could not present the same identical results as for the first year. Average life would be shorter ; but it is evident that society would have gained, since it preserved an useful man instead of an infant.
We conceive that, if instead of one such substi- tution, a greater number were made, average life, calculated according to the deaths of this year, Avould be found diminished in a very sensible manner ; and nevertheless we should have cause to be glad at Avhat at first appears a paradox. In fact, we should have preserved useful years to the state, in exchange for some years which are expensive to it.
But it may be objected that these 39 years are not lost to the sum of the years lived, and that the indi- vidual of 40, Avho has been replaced, will lengthen the average duration of life, when he dies, by the whole period which he has gained by the substitution ; and, indeed, if the period of time according to which we cal- culate the average duration of life is also extended, so as to comprise the death of the individual in question, it is evident- that this debt of 39 years has only been deferred, and that the sum of years lived is not found affected. Thus, the average life remains the same ; but it is always correct to say, that even then society has been benefited, since, for a longer or a shorter time, useful years have been substituted for expensive ones.
If, by a concurrence of circumstances which civi- lisation ought to produce, such substitutions are made as those we have just been considering, not for one year only but for several, and if this state of things should continue increasing, we conceive that it would become impossible, still pi-eserving the same propor- tional numbers of births and deaths, to preserve the same average life : it must begin to diminish. How- ever, how is it that siich extraordinary results are not met Avith ? It is, I think, because the substitutes are never sufiiciently numerous, nor their duration long enough, to leave sensible traces amidst the other influencing elements.
However, this teaches us hoAV necessary it is to guard against the inductions which we might draw from the average duration of life, calculated from few years of observation, and among a people in progress

or decay. By extending the preceding reasoning, Ave readily arrive at the foUoAving conclusions : —
1. A people may annually have figures of exactly the same A'alue, as proportional numbers of birtlis and deaths, without the average life continumg the same.
2. When, all things being equal, the mortahty spares the perfect men and takes off the children, the duration of the average life diminishes, and vice versa : it being understood that we calculate the ave- rage life from the number of deaths.
3. The number of births, deaths, and of the average life, may preserve the same value, Avhilst, indeed, the population experiences great losses, or receives great benefits, Avhich remain unobserved.
4. To estimate suitably Avhat a population gains or loses, it is necessary, when making tlie division of years, to establish the average life, to take into ac- count the quality of these years, and to examine whe- ther they are productive or not.
Wlien, for example, it is intended to estimate the fbrces which a state can command, in considering the problem in a purely physical point of vicAv, as has been done, it appears to me that the most certain Avay Avould be, to compare the number of useful men Avith those who are not so. The elements of comparison, in this case, Avould require to be extracted from the tables of mortality, or rather from accurately con- structed tables of population ; and it Avould be neces- sary to inquire hoAv many children there are, not in a condition to be iiseful, in a given number of indivi- duals, and how many of the old men conti'ibute to the benefit of society : we might divide a population into tAvo parts, the one being less, and the other more than 15 years of age. I alloAV that I here suppose that a man cannot render himself more useful at 30 or 40 than at 16 or 80 ; but this is an inconvenience Avhich Ave also find in other methods of \'aluation, and which, moreover, we might caiise to disappear, by attributing more importance to certain years of life tlian to others, if extreme accuracy did not become illusory in such a case. To give us a somcAvhat accurate idea at first, of the manner in which the population is composed, I have here collected the most accurate data from some of the principal coun- tries previously considered. We shall find the num- bers classed separately belonging to the two cate- gories Avhich I have established between productive individuals and those whose maintenance may be considered as a charge to society.

Engl.ond

Great Britain :

Ireland :

England :

and part of

France :

Belgium :

Sweden :

United States :

Ages.

1821.

1821.

1821.

AVales :

before 1789.

1829.

1820.

i&m

Marshall.

JMarshall.

Marshall.

1813 to 1830. Rickman.

Annuaire.

Annuaire.

Marshall

Marshall.

Below 5 years,

1647

1535

1472

1487

1201

1297

1307

1800

5 to 10 • •

1385

1355

13(10

1307

981

1089

1010

145.5

10 to 15 ■•

1209

1218

1119

1114

939

946

894

1243

15 to 20 ••

1046

1219

1000

992

897

883

899

1112

20 to 30 ■•

1558

17G0

1583

1574

1638

1680

1711

1781

30 to 40 ••

1180

1150

1176

1181

1404

1341

1362

1091

40 to 50 • •

878

771

931

934

1161

1017

1087

688

50 to 60 •■

545

6U0

663

659

893

7.93

fi55

430

60 to 70 ■•

348

273

460

456

577

604

686

253

70 to 80 ••

160

96

227

226

255

279

240

110

80 to 90 ••

40

23

62

63

.50

66

41

31

90 to 100 • •

3-4

3

5-5

5

4-3

4-9

1

4

Above 100 • •

0-1

0-5

0-3

0-2

0-2

0-1

0-2

Below 15 years,

4241

4108

3891

.3908

3121

3332

3211

4498

Above

5758-5

5895-5

6105-8

6092-2

6879

6668

6782

5500-2

Ratio, -

1-36

1.43

1-57

1-56

2-20

2-00

211

1-22

The results of this table, although in some degree foreseen, surprised me very much. I confess I did not expect to find so great a difference between the numbers of France, Belgium, Sweden, and those of

England and the United States. In the former coun- tries, the adult population is double the other, Avhilst in the latter it is only one-fourth or one-third more. The United States, especially, appear to be in an

ON MAN.

57

extremely unfavourable condition, since they, of all countries we have been considering, present the fewest adults in the population.
The great disproportion -which has been pointed out, is more especially owing to the rapid increase of population in England and the United States of late j-ears : the greater number of the individuals proceeding from this great development of fecundity, are still little advanced in the career of life ; so that there will be a greater numlx^r of persons not adults. The prodigious increase of population which has been observed in the United States, has taken place within little more than 30 years ; we also see that the num- ber of individuals imder this age is comparatively superior to that of other countries. It is the same in England and Ireland in ascending from 20 to 30 years : Sweden, France, and Beiguim, on the contrary, pre- sent populations which have slowly increased, and wliich may tiius pretty well represent the usual pro- jwrtion of adults in ordinary times. I do not think that, up to the present time, suffl- iont attention has been i)aid to the great number of cliildren which too rapiil an increase of popidation throws into a country, and the smaller intrinsic value wliich this population momentarily receives from it, which must be a very powerful obstacle to ulterior development.
In France, Belgium, and Sweden, for example, of three inhabitants, two at least iu-e in a state lor re- production, whilst in the United States only one in two, or more accurately, six out of eleven.
In conclusion, it is i)roduction wliich regulates the jio.isi6le limit of the inhabitants of a country. Civi- lisation narrows this limit, and tends to increase the produce which belongs to each individual, so as to increase his well-Wing, and secure him the means of existence. As to medicine, it is limite<l to close cer- tain passages to the tomb, but only l)y enlarging others; for it cannot increase the list of the living, except in causing the supernumeraries to live at the expense of society. *' Esculapius himself could not, by his art, confer inmiortality on one-half of men, except by con- demning them to abstain froni reproduction, unless by doubling the mortality of the other half, or by pushing production to the point of supplying the new wants which wouKl arise." * Yet it woulil be also misrepresenting the immense benefits which have accrued to humanity from medicine, to deny its power in lengthening the average life of man ; but this grand conquest, due to the progress of knowledge, can oidy ]>e maintained by the knowledge and foresight of men, who prevent, by celibacy, new births and new food for death.f When there takes place no sudden change, nature annually levies upon us the same tribute of deaths, from which each of lis seeks as much as pos- sible to withdraw : each is desirous to belong to the privileged class ; but the effect of this kind of fraud is not so much to diminish the amount of tribute, as to transfer it to those of our neighliours who are less favourably placed in their social position. J
The average diu-ation of life, could it be ascertained exactly, would furnish us with a measure of the pru- dence and hygienic state of a countrj- : the consump- «

[" Esculapo lui-m6nie ne pourrait, par son art, donncr rim-

mortality a la moitiddes hommos, qu'enlescondamnant k ne point se rcproduire, k moins do doublcr la niortalitd de I'autre moitid, ou de porter la production an point de foumir auz oouvcaux be- Boin3 qu'il aurait fait naltre."]
t By prolonging the average duration of life, the medical Rciences substitute useful years for unproductive ones. Tlie adult man has a lont;er career, produces more, and society has fewer infants to feed ; so that, in tliis point of view, medical sciences really increa.se production and render a new service. This re- mark w.Ts made to me by a friend, and I mention it here because I believe it to be true.
t M. Villennd has observed to me, %vhilst this work was in the press, that he has advanced the same idea, but under another form, in his work on epidemics.

tion of the inhabitant would give the state of civi- lisation and the exigencies of cHmate ; and the pro- portional number of inhabitants, keeping in view this latter measure, would give that number which repre- sents its production.*

BOOK SECOND.
DEVELOPMENT OF STATURE, AVEIOHT, STRENGTU, Ac.
Apparentlt but little interest is attached to the determination of the stature and weight of man, or to his physical development at different ages; nor, until the present time, has any one particularly at- tended to this subject. ^Man has only been studied in his most conspicuous relations ; the correlative study of his qualities, and the numerical determination of the modifications which are consequent upon age, have been neglected. This state of things leaves im- mense voids in science, and the result is that we gene- rally want the necessary means for solving a great number of interesting questions, especially relating to the natural history of man. For example, we are almost totally ignorant of the ratios which may exist between tlie laws of development of his different fa- culties, and what are the elements which predominate at such or such an age : hence the critical periods of life can only be determined in a very indefinite manner.
The researches which have been made to measure the height and weight of man, especially relate either to the period of birth or to the period of complete development ; but the intermediate ages have scarcely been attended to. Physiologists have connected the first of these determinations with a question in legal medicine ; they have even anticipated the period of birth, and sought to value the size and weight of the firtus. Natural philosophers, who studied man as a mechanical agent, have rather lieen occupied with the determination of his weight when he has acquired complete development. La Hire has made some very remarkable researches of this kind, which prove that the subject now occupying us has a much deeper interest than that resulting from mere curiosity.
To show how little advanced is the state of the study of the progressive development of man, let us suppose that we want to establish the age of an indi- vidual, from the aggregate of his physical qualities: we may be allowed to say, that we shall not find in science any assistance for the determination of this question — we shall be reduced to mere empirical conjecture. However, legal medicine presents nu- merous examples where such determinations become necessary. We may ask, no doubt, if it will ever be possible to obtain them, especially for advanced ages? This fear, well founded as it may appear, ought not, however, to lead us to reject such re- searches : that would not be very philosophic. If to the data furnished by the habit of observation, and the tact resulting therefrom, we can join physical qualities susceptible of measurement, prudence bids us not neglect them. When a physician is called to examine the body of an infant found Ufeless, and when, in a legal inquiry, he, from simple inspection, establishes the presumed age of this child, it is evi- dent that he cannot but impose his judgiiient on those who read the inquiry, however erroneous it may other-
♦ M. Cliitti. who makes social econnmij consist in obtaining the greatest poisiblo utility, with the least possible labour, has given the following mea-sure of riches : — " The degree of the riches of a people, as well as those of an individual, is indicated by the ratio between the sum of the wants and the sum of the available funds which he possesses to satisfy them."— Caur* d'Economic Socialc nil Mutic (Ic Sruxclles, 3d Lixliirc.

58

ON MAN.

wise be, since there are no elements existing for the verification of it. If, on the contrary, to the assist- ance of the estimate which has been made of the age, ig joined the height and weight of the child, and some other physical qualities susceptible of computation ; and if, moreover, there were exact tables which might enable one to ascertain, at different ages, the values of these physical qualities, and the limits within which they are foimd connected in individuals regularly formed, the judgment given of the age would be capable of verification — it would even become use- less, if the elements of verification admitted of great accuracy. Such appreciations, then, ought not to be neglected by legal medicine, since they tend to substitute precise characters and exact data for con- jectural estimates, which are always vague and often fatdty.
Thus, apart from the interest which is presented by tlie determination of man at different ages, and in researches relating to the average man, it may present another important element, as we shall see more per- fectly farther on, for the solution of the following pro- blem of legal medicine : To determine the age of an individual after death, from the aggregate of his physical qualities. In this sense, weight Avould be one of the elements which it would be necessary to connect with the distinguishing of individuals ; and this physical character naturally takes a place near that of the stature.
Researches on the height of man, and on his deve- lopment, may have another useful end, that of en- liglitening governments on many points ; as, for ex- ample, as regards the fixing of the age of recruits.
There is another element, the determination of which is equally important, and which, also, is but little known, namely, the strength. I do not flatter myself that I have fiUed up the voids which science presented on this subject, but I shall think myself happy if my researches may induce other persons to attempt it.

CHAPTER I.
OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT,
I DO not think that, before Buffon, any inquiries had been made to determine the rate of human growth successively from birth to maturity ; and even this celebrated naturalist cites only a single particidar example ; neither has he examined the modifying influences which age exerts on height. The only researches at all precise which science possesses, refer to the length of the child before birth, and to that of the fully developed man.*
Chaussier, Avho invented the mecometre, an in- strument adapted to measure the length of cliildren, thought that we might view as regular the increase in length of the child for six months before its birth ; and he estimated this increase at two inches per tnonth. In the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, the length of the foetus is estimated by the following numbers : —
Metres. At birth, .... 0-487 to 0-541
One month before birth, . - 0-433 to 0-487
Two months ■■ - - 379 to 0-433
Three months ... - . o-3(Xj to 0-379
Four months • • - • 0-216 to 0-300
Five months ... - - 0-162 to 0-216 1
The medium length of the child at birth would then be 0-.5 14 metres : this estimate differs but slightly from that obtained at the Foundling Hospital in Brussels, by means, also, of Chaussier's mecometre. On mea- suring the length of fifty male and as many female

See on this latter subject an excellent memoir of M. Villerme,

inserted in the first volume of the Annates d'Hygiene.
\ [The French metre is equal to 3 feet English and -28118 of a decimal ; or 3 feet and 2-lOths.]

children immediately at birth, the following numbers were obtained :* —

Length.

Boys.

Girls.

Total

From 16 to 17 inches Fi-ench,

2

4

6

.. 17 to 18

. 8

19

27

• • 18 to 19

28

18

Mi

• • 19 to 20

• 12

8

20

.. 20 to 21

1

1

With regard to the mediums or averages and the limits, they have given the following values for the two sexes : —
Value. Boj's. Girls.
Minimum, 16 inches 2 lines. t 16 inches 2 lines.
Medium, - 18 6 •• nearly. 18 •• 15 •• nearly.
Maximum, 19 - ■ 8 - • 20 • • C • •
From these results it follows, that, from the period of birth, the height or length of one sex is sui>erior to the other ; being, for boys, 0-4999 ; for girls, 0-4896 ; giAang thus in favour of boys a trifle less than half an inch.
By uniting these numbers to those which have been obtained in the junior schools of Brussels, the Orphan Hospital, boarding-houses, and in public life, in respect to j'oung persons of different classes, I have been able to construct the following table, comprising the rate of groAvth from birth to 20 years : the height of the shoe is not included : —
Table showing the rate of Growth in the two Sexes.

Ages.

Boys.

Gills.

Difference.

metres.

metres.

metres.

Birth,

0-5f»0

0-490

0-010

1 year,

0-698

2 years, ...

0-796

0-780

0-016

3 •■ - -

0-8(i7

0-853

0-014

4 .. .

0-930

0-913

0017

5 ■• . .

0-986

0-978

0-008

6

1-045

1-035

0-010

7 .. . .

1091

8

1-160

1-154

o-oo;;

9 •• . -

1-221

1-205

O-Olf)

10

1-280

1-256

0-(h24

11 ..

1-334

1-286

0-048

12

1-384

1-340

0-044

13 ..

1-431

1-417

0014

14 ..

1-489

1-475

0014

15 ..

1-549

1-496

0-053

16

1-600

1-518

0-082

17 ..

1-640

1-553

0-087

18

1-564

19 ..

1-665

1-570

095

20

1-574

Growth terminated,

1-684

1-579

0-105

"VVe observe by this table that, towards the age of 16 to 17, the growth of girls is already, relativeli/, almost as much advanced as that of boys from 18 to 19. J Moreover, the annual growth for boys is about 56 miUimetres [somewhat more than two inches] between 5 and 1 5 years of age ; whilst for girls it is only about 52 miUimetres [or rather less than two inches.] In the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales, in the article Giants, M. Virey attributes the lower sta- tiu-e of woman to the circumstajjice of her ai-riving sooner at tlie age of puberty, or having reached per- fection, and also to her having less vital energ}'. We may add, that her animal growth, up to the age of puberty, is also less rapid than that of man.

I have been greatly aided in numerous researches into the

height, weight, strength, and other phj-sical qualities of man, by Messrs Guietto and Van Esschen, Professors in the School of Medicine at Brussels, as well as by M. Plataw. Without their assistance, it would have been impossible for me to have obtained all the measurements in the various charities, hospitals, public schools, Prison of Vilvorde, &c. t [The French line is equal to the 12th part of an inch.] i [The proposition may be easier understood by stating it in this way : A girl is relatively as tall at 16 as a boy is at 18, the sex and full growth of each being taken into account.^

ON MAN.

After having spoken of what reUites to the sexes, it must be interesting to consider the influence of a town or a country residence upon liuniau growtli. Already Dr Villernic, in tlie second part of the Annales d'Hi/yitne, had proved, contrary to tlie generally re- ceived notion, that the inhabitants of towns are tidier

than those of the country. I have arrived at the same conclusion in respect to the inhabitants of Bra- bant. E.xtracts from the government militia registers, which I communicated at that time to Dr Villerme, were published in the fifth number of the Annales d'Hijgiinc ; they gave the following numbers : —

A rrond issetncnts.

1823.

1824.

1825.

182C.

1827.

Average.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

1 jTtnissels, ....

1-0719

i-«;j|i

l-(i(ai

1-6647

1-6528

l-6(i33

IKural Communes,

H).J25

1-6317

1-6343

l-r>35.3

1C2<)6

1-6325

2 (Louvain, .... 'Iltural Communes,

1-6424

1 ■(»!!)

i-raao

1-W60

i-6.3;m

1-6303

1-62<J(!

1-622;)

untn

1-614.'.

1-6127

1-6177

3^fNivelles, .... • Rural Communes, ...

u<as.m

l-()4-16

l-(w81

1-6.184

i-6;m

16428

1-C2(i4

■l-62(i<)

1-6409

1-64.")1

l-6(»53

l-(323

Annual (Cities, ... Averages.* 11 ural Communes, -

l-fi514

l-<;478

l-(»37

l-64!»7

HreiB

1-6485

i-Cias

l-iiMi

1-6280

1-6309

1-62-25

1-6275

General Average,

-

-

-

-

-

1-G380

The averages of each year were taken from 400 individuals for Brussels, and from 150 for Louvain and Nivelles. Those of the rural parishes were de- duced from 400 individuals for each district. Thus, the general average for the whole province was drawn from ;3.">00 individuals living in towns, and from (iuoo living in the country.
By these numl)crs, we sec that the inliabitant of towns is taller than the inhabitant of the country; and in arranging the cities ami rural district.s ac-cord- ing to the resixrtive height which man attains in them i;i his nineteenth i/ear, the order would be as follows : — Brussels, Nivelles, Louvain ; and the same order for the rural districts around these towns. In spite of the ditferences we have thus remarked as taking place at the age of Hi, it might still haiijien that the inha- bitant of the country might attain a greater height than the inhabitant of the town previous to the com- pletion of his full growth, in such a way that the growtli of man in cities might Ix; at first more rajjid up to a certain point than in the country, and might even be nearly terminated in cities, whilst in the country the growth would be very far from having attained its complete development. Ami these remarks coin- cide pretty nearly with the de<luctions of Dr ^'illcrnle, in resiHJct to the height of man in France. The doctor remarks, that " human height becomes greater, and the growth takes 3)lace more rapidly, other circum- stances being equal, in projHjrtion as the country is richer, the comfort more general, houses, clothes, ;ind nourishment better, and labour, fatigue, and priva- tions during infancy and youth less; or, in other words, the circumstances accompanying misery put ofi' the period of the complete development of the body, and stint human stature."
It becomes, then, important to determine the epoch at which human growth terminates ; and the govern- ment registers for Brussels, being examined with this view, gave the following results. These registers refer to a great levy made about eighteen years ago ; I have divided them into three series, each compris- ing 300 individuals : —

13 Years. *

25 Years.

.10 Years.

1-6630 metre.

liaaj metre.

1 -(KM metre.

l-C(Si5 ~

Ui-Xi ,.

1W!73 -

1-66-20 _

l-iiim ~

1-6817 ~

1-6648 ~

1-6750 „

1-(»M1 ~

SleUium,
Thus we see that human g^o^^'th,* as regards height, does not terminate at 19, or even invariably at 25. I

[The transLitor had observed some years ago, that the male

human height had evidently not att.iined its maximum previous to at least .TO years of age, and probably not even then. This he was led to remark by observing large numbers of students, who, leaving college at the age of 20, 21, or 22, have retume<l seven or eight years aftcrw-ards. Kxamination pi-oved that these persons had grown very considerably, not only in breadth but also in height.]
li

have to regret exceedmgly that the state of the govern- ment registers does not allow of my making similar researches in regard to the inhabitants of the country ; we might then have known if the growth in townis terminates more rapidly- than in the country, and also if man, when fully developed, is tallest in the country. When we class the Ooo individuals of whom I have spoken above, in the order of their height, we come to the following results : —

Heights.

Number of Individuals

of 19 Years.

of 25 Years.

of 30 Years.

From 15 to 16 decimetres,
• • 16 to 17.
• • 17 to 18,
18 to l!l, ■ • 19 to 211,

32
17.3
92
3

17 174 103
1

15 163 lf»9
12 1

300

.TOO

300*

Thus, at 19, .3 individuals only were more than 18 decimetres [above 5 feet 10 inches] high ; at the age of 2"), there were G ; and at the age of .30 tliere were 13.f It seems to me that we are entitled to conclude, from the whole of these results, that human growth, in respect to height, does not terminate in Brussels even at the age of 25, which is very much opposed to the generally received opinion.
According to M. IIargenvilliers,J the average height of conscripts of 20 years, taken for all France, is 1615

[The value of the decimetre in English measures is 3 inches

and ■'Xf} decimal parts, or nearly 4 Knglisli inches.]
t In the preceding numbers were eonipri-scd the men who were rejected, or had le-ave to withdraw from the corps, as of midcr size.
X Inquiries find Connderations on the Formation and Recruit- ment of the French Army : I8I7. M. A'illermd, in his Memoir on the Height of Man in France, quotes the opinion of Tenon and also some facts, which show that, during the time of the Empli-c, coiTtinual wars had lowered the human stature.
[A question naturally arises here, whether the stature was actu.illy lowered, or the ynung conscripts merely called on before their time of full development ; but the remark of Dr Villerm^ suggests other considerations, well worthy the attention of st.itis- ticians— such, for example, as the effects produced in Prussia, by the maintaining of a standing army of somewhat more than 2<X),000 men in tinio of peace, it being admitted that these are the finest and best proportioned men in the kingdom. For we have first the witlulniwal of the very choicest of the m:ile popu- Uition from the exercise of the arts and the cultivation of science, at precisely that period of life when they are best fitted for such pursuits ; and, secondly, the effects uixm the population in respect to the restraints upon marriage, and the preference given by the soldier to a debauched and irregular life. The same rctn.irks, modified, apply to all other European nations, none of them being without standing armies of greater or less magnitude.]

60

ON MAN.

metre [4 feet 10 inches nearly] ; and of 100,000 there were as follows : —

Under 1'.570 metre,
1-570 to 1-598 • •
1-598 to 1-C24 •• -
1-C24 to 1-651 •■
1-G51 to 1-678 •• -
1-678 to 1-705 • •
1-705 to 1-732 •• -
1-732 to 1-759 ••
Above 1-759 •• -

28,G20 11,580 13,990 14,410 11,410 8,780 5,530 3,190 2,490
100,000

We might consider the inhabitants of the ancient department of Bouches-de-la-Mcusc, Avhich Avas partly formed of Holland, and of Avliich the Hague was the chief place, as affording the limits of the statm-es ob- served in France from the time of the Empire. The average height of conscripts for the years 1808, 1809, and 1810, raised before the age of 20, was 1-677 metre.* On the other hand, in the ancient department of the Apennines, of which Chiavari was the chief place, the country mountainous, without industrious occu- pations, extremely poor, and where the men toil from a very early age and are ill fed, the average stature of the conscripts for the same three years, was 1'560 metre. " The diflference of these residts," says IM. Vil- lerme, " is striking. In the former place, where the stature is highest, there were but few excused or re- jected even for diseases ; on the contraiy, in the latter place, where the stature is very low, there are many excused even for this latter cause ; so that aU the advantages are in favour of men of liigh stature." f
It is remarkable that the inequality of statures is not merely observed between the inhabitants of town and country, but is also felt in the interior of towns between individuals of ditFerent professions, and hav- ing different degrees of affluence, as M. Villerme has shown for the dilFerent arrondissements of Paris, where tlie stature of men seems to be, all other things being equal, in proportion to the good fortune, or at least in inverse propoi'tion to the difficulties, toils, and privations experienced in infancy and j-outh.:J: Of 41 young persons between 17 and 20 years of age, mea- sured at the Athenffium of Brussels, 13 were found between 16 and 17 decimetres, 26 between 17 and 18 decimetres, and 2 between 18 and 19 decimetres ; so that the j^oung persons between 17 and 18 Avere double the number of those between 16 and 17 deci- metres ; whilst, in the interior of the town, the num- ber of the former is not equal to the latter, even at the age of 30 years.
The young girls measured in the Female Orphan Hospital of Brussels, and Avho, during their infancy, have been brought up in the country, are generally smaUer than girls of the same age, in easy circum- stances, who have been measured in town.
In the Prison {Maison de Detention) of Vilvorde, by forming three groups, each of 23 individuals for each sex, the average results have been —
For Women. 1-572 met. 1-581 • • . 1-585 ■•

General average, - 1-664

1-579

Sur la Taille, &c.

t [The translator is firmly persuaded that Dr Villermd and 51. Q,uetelet, have failed to detect the real cause of difference of statiu-e in those two departments : it is a question purely of race, and not of feeding or locality. The taller conscripts were Saxons, drawn from the departments of Holland and the Mouths of the Mouse ; the shorter conscripts, foimd in the Apennines and around Chiavari, were the descendants of the ancient Celtic population of that country. The difference in stature, then, depends, in this instance, in a great measure on the diflference in blood, or on the race of men : it has existed for thousands of years, and wiU continue so, altogether independent of locality, feeding, or government.]
i Annalcs d'Hygifene, No. 2, p. 3/0.

J.Icn.

Women.

1

3

- (5

X

42

27

- 19

3

1

Classing them according to size, we find—
Sizes. From 14 to 15 decimetres,
• • 15 to 10
• • 10 to 17 ■ 17 to 18
• ■ 18 to 19

These results show that the prisoners Avcre gcne- rallj shorter than fully developed uidividuals mea- siu'ed in Brussels ; their average stature being nearly equal to that of yomig persons of 19 years of age, and it m.ay correspond witli the average stature of the inhabitants of the province.
With the view of appreciating the modifications which painful toil in manufactories may produce on the development of children, ;Mr J. W. Cowell has made different observations at Manchester and Stock- port ; he has inserted the details in tlie first volume of Factory Reports, and has kindly assisted me in obtain- ing the results, which I have reduced to the metrical measure. The girls and bo3-s have been measyrcd Avith their shoes on ; no deduction has been made for this circumstance : hut, as the observations were made on the Sunda)', the thickness of the soles for boys AA'ould probably be from one-half to one-third of an inch (English), and for girls from one-eighth to one- sixth of an inch. This being laid doAvn, the folloAving are the values obtained :* —
Average Stature of Children of the Lower Orders, at Manchester and Stockport.f

Boys

Girls

Ages.

Working in

1 not AVorking

^^'orlving in

not Working

Factories.

in Factories.

Factories.

in Factories.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

9 years.

1-222

l-2:«

1-218

1-230

10 ■ .

1-270

1-286

1-20U

l-2.-)4

11

1-302

1-296

1-299

1-323

12 ■•

1-355

1-345

1-304

1-303

13 ••

1-383

1-396

1-413

i-ao.o

14

1-437

1-440

1-467

1-479

15 ■•

1-515

1-474

1-480

1-502

16 ••

1-565

1-605

1-521

1-473

17 •-

1-592

1-027

1-535

1-542

18 ■•

1-008

1-775

1-593

1-645

It appears, from these numbers, that the statures of male and female children do not differ much in Belgium and England : Ave also see that, until the age of puberty, there is no great difference in size of the children of the loAver orders, Avliether they Avork in factories or not. But for the latter years of the table, there is a A'cry sensible difference. Will it be found that the groAvth in factories, after puberty, is dimi- nished, or only retarded? or, which seems more pro- bable, does not the ameUoration remarked for the loAver ages proceed from the usefid changes Avhich have already been made, from the apprehension of parliamentary inquiries ? %
When, in England, Ave chose the terms of compa- rison from rather higher classes of society, Ave find the stature of men higher than in France or the Loav

[It has been suggested to the translator, by a gentleman Avell

acquainted with the manufacturing districts of Yorkshire and Lancashire, that Avooden clogs, and not shoes, seemed almost universally worn by the manufacturing population of these counties, more especially of Lancashire. Now, the soles and heels of these clogs are of great thickness : a question then arises with respect to Mr Cowell's measurements. If this class of the population wear clogs on Sundays, this circumstance may par- tially affect the value of Mr Cowell's statements.]
t The number of children measured Avas— factory boys, 410 ; others, 227 : female factory children, 6.52 ; others, 201. Very few non-factory children, of the ages of 16, 17, and 18, have been measured.
% It has been found, by this inquiry, that in some districts tho children were forced to work standing upright, Avith the legs fastened in tin pipes.

ON MAN.

61

Countries, at least for youiig persons between 18 and 23 years of age. The following arc the results of 80 measurements made on students of the University of Cambridge, in groups of 10 each :* —

Ten indhnduals,

Average, -
Height of one person, -

58 feet 3i tnchcs.
50 ~ 6J ~
58 ~ 9
57 ~ 74 ~
3C - 94 ~
57 ~ »i ~
58 ~ 3

58 5 feet 9 3-5th incbes.

Table of the Growth of Man.

Ages.

I have enumerated different causes which influ- ence the growth of man in town, but their num- ber increases when the researches embrace a large extent of territory ; thus, the complete development of stature stops more suddenly in very hot or vcrj' cold countries than in those of a moderate tempera- ture ; more euddenly in low i)lains than on moun- tainous heights, where the climate is severe. The kind iif food and drink fartlier influence growth ; and individuals have been known to grow considerably by changing their mode of life, and making use of moist food calculated to distend and increase their organisation. Some diseases, and particularly fevers, may also excite rapid and extraordinary growth. The case of a young girl is related, who, Ixjcoining unwell {ftcnilant ses nienslrue.i) by an attack of fever which she had, actjuired a gigantic stature.f Lastly, it lias also been remarked that lying in bed is favourable to growth, and that a man in the morning is some- what taller than in the evening ; during the day, he undcrg(X'6 a degree of depression. J
I shall now pass to a more particular examination of the law of growth of man, from birtli to complete development. The numl)ers on which my results are basetl, have lx<n collected at Brussels, and as nmeh as possible from individuals of different classes : by the side of the observed values, I have written down the calculated ones, according to an empirical for- mula, which I shall e.\i)lain subsequently.

It Is A rufitom at C'ambridf:<> to mcasnre and nvigh the young

persons coming to the university, with great accuracy, at a mcrc-honfi) wureliouso, where a book is kejit for tlie purpose of entering the dntu. It is from tliia book that, tlirough the kindness of Mr AVhewcU, the accomjuuiying numbers have been taken.
t ^eo Diiiiimiuiire ff( Mfiliciiif, article Gcant, by Virey.
t [M. Quetelet bus unaccountably omitted, in tlie above para- pniph, tlie great cause productive of differences in stature of men and animals — to wit, difference in race or blood. The diminutive Bosjeman of Southern Africa, the athletic Caffre, rea< Iiinii the full Kumpean stature, and the gigantic Boor, the descendant of the Saxon race, are as nearly alike in respect to foixl and climate as may be ; the extraordinary differences, therefor*, whiih these men present, are asoribable to one cause alone — a difference of blood or origin ; and the historic evidence derived from ancient Rome, and fr.m the equally authentic figures depicted in the tombs of f:gjptian Thebes, prove that these differences caused by blood or race are now neither greater nor less than they were at least 40fK> jears ago, thus, as it were, setting at defiance all minor causes, such as food, climate, loca- lities, 4c. ^^*llether the Hun resides in the fertile plains of Hun- gary, the shores of the Caspian, or the frozen regions of fkamdi- navia or of Lapland, the general stature of the race remains per- fectly unaltered.
In respect to what M. Quetelet observes regarding the influence of rest and horizontal position on the stature, it is a fact well C8tablishe<l that, by such a position, in bed for example, the clastic fibro-cartilaRcs connecting the spinal bones together, seem to recover their full depth, and the stature may gain an inch or more thereby. Recruits for the army and deserters avail them- selves of a knowledge of this fact, and occasionally succeed in milking their identity difficult to be tstablLnhed.]

Birth,
1 year,
2 _
3 „
4 ~
(i „
7 ~
« -
9 ~
10 ..
11 ~
12 ~
13 ~ U ~ 13 ~
16 ..
17 ~
18 ~
19 « 25 ~ 31) -

Statiu^

Stature from

Difference.

Observed.

Calculation.

metres.

metres.

metres.

(1-500

0-5<10

0000

0G98

0-698

0-000

0-796

0791

-f 0005

0-8G7

0-WM

-t- 0-003

0-930

0-928

-f- 0-002

0-986

0-988

— 0-002

1-045

1-047

— 0-002

^

1-105

^

1-100

1-162

— 0-002

1-221

1-219

-J- 0-002

1-280

1-275

-f 0-005

i-3;h

1-330

-1- 0004

1-3M

1-385

— 0001

1-4.11

1-439

— 0-ooe

l-4lt!»

1-493

— 0-004

1-549

li>46

-4-0-003

1-COO

1-5!U

-f- 0-006

1-640

UM

-f 0-006

^

H»8

„

1-66.-.

1-660

— ooot

H!75

1-680

— 0-005

1-684

1-QW

o-ooo

I have endeavoured to render the preceding results sensible by the construction of a line, which indicates the growth at different ages, but in one-tenth of the real proportions.
Tims, supposing that the new-born infant sets out from the point o, and proceeds along the axis oA, reaching in succession the points I., II., III., IV., &c., at the age of 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., years, his head will always l)c at the height of the curve oB, at the different points 1, 2, 3, 4, &c. We see that—
1. The most rapid growth takes place immediately after birth : the cliild in the course of one year grows 2 decimetres [7 8- loth inches] nearly.
2. The growth of a child diminishes as its age in- creases, until towards the age of four or five years, the period at which it reaches the maximum of probable life. Thus, during the second year after birth, the growtli is only one-half of what it was during the first; and during the third year, only about one-third.
3. Proceeding from the fourth or fifth year, the increase of stature becomes almost exactly regular until about the sixteenth year, that is to say, until the age of puberty, and the annual increase is 56 millimetres [2 2-lOth inches] nearly.
4. After the age of puberty, the stature still conti- nues to increase, but only inconsiderably : from the sixteenth to the seventeentli year, it increases 4 cen- timetres [1 5-lOth inches];' in the two succeeding years, it only increases 24 centimetres [or a little less than 1 inch ; in exact numbers, 0984].
5. Tlie full growtli of man does not appear to be attained at iiis twenty-fifth year.
In what has just been said, I have only spoken of absolute growth : if we compare the annual growth with the stature already acquired, we shall find that the child increa.ses in size two-fifths from birth to the end of the first year; during the second year, one- seventh ; during the third year, one-eleventh ; during the fourth year, one-fourteenth ; during the fifth year, one-fifteenth ; during the sixth year, one-eighteenth, &c. ; so that the relative growth is continually de- creasing from the time of birth.
The curve representing the growth of females, would be a little under that of males, and would be nearly equidistant from it, until the age of eleven or twelve years, when it temls more rapidly to become parallel to tiie axis oA.
It remains for me to speak of the formula by which I have calculated the numljers shown in the table given above. Ix;tting the co-ordinates ;/ and 2 repre- sent the stature and the age corresponding to it, we have the following equation : —
y __ . ' + ^'
y"*" 1000 (T—y)

=: a.T +

I + t X

62

ON MAN.

i and T are two constants which indicate the stature of the child at birth, and that of the fullj^ developed individual: their values for Brussels are 0-500 and 1-684 metre. The coefficient a of the first term in the second number, will be calculated according to the different locahties, from the regular growth wluch annually takes place between the fourth and fifth, to the fifteenth or sixteenth year : for Brussels, its value has been made equal to 0-0545 metre. I think that, in giving these three constants, we may use this for- mula vnth considerable advantage for other locidi- ties.
If we make t = 0-49 metre, T = 1-579 metre, a = 0-052 metre, agreeably to the observations above quoted for calcidating the law of the growth of women for Brussels, we shall have-»-

!/ +

y

1000 (1-579 — ?/)

0-0521 X +

0-49 + J.-

By using this formula, I have calculated the nmu- bers which appear in the third column of the follow- ing table -. —
Law of the Growth of \\^oman.

Ages.

Birth,
1 year,
2 .. -
3 ..
4 .. -
5 ..
6 .. -
7 ..
8 .. -
9 ..
10 ..
11 . .
12 ..
13 ..
14 . .
15 . .
16 . .
17 ..
IS ..
19 ..
20 . .
Growth terminated,

Stature Obser\'ed.

metres. 0-400
0-780 0-853 0-.013 0-078 1-035 1-091 1-154 1-205 1-256 1-286 1-340 1-417 1-475 1-496 1-518 1-553 1-564 1-570 1-574 1-579

Stature Calculated.

metres. 490 0-0.90 0-731 0-852 0-915 0-974 1-031 1-086 1-141 1-195 1-248 1-299 1-353 1-403 1-453 1499
i-sai
1-555 1-564 1-569 1-572 1-579

Difference.

metres. 0-000
— O-OOI + 0-001
— 0-002 + 0-004 + 004 + 0-005 + 0-013 -1- 0-010 -t- O-OfiS
— 0-013
— 0-013 •+ 0-014 + 0022
— 0-003
— 0-017
— 0-002 0-000
+ 0-001
+ 0-002
0-000

The differences between the observed numbers and the calcvdated ones, are greater than in the table (already given) of the groAvth of man. It may be owing to the circumstance, that the observations have been less numerous, and made on fewer of the diffe- rent classes of society, for the one se.x than for the other. What appears to give additional support to my conjecture is, the manner in Avhich the loositive and negative signs succeed each other in the diffe- rences of the observed and calculated numbers. More- over, it is remarkable that the formula may be entirely determined, when we have been enabled to give the statures of an individual corresponding to three diffe- rent ages, sufficiently distant from each other.
Although the equation of which I liave availed myself in the calculations, is of the third order, it resolves itself, like those of the second, into an un- known one, when we give the successive values of the other. Considered as belonging to a curve, it points out to us that there still exists another branch than the one we are occupied with ; for to each value of the abscissa x, there are two values of?/.
The curve of growths oB has an asymptote parallel to the axes of the abscissfe, situate at a distance from this axis equal to T, which is the height of man fully developed ; moreover, this curve, proceeding from tlie point 0, which corresponds to birth, towards the thir- teenth or fourteenth years, is sensibly confounded with an hyperbola ; for in these limits, the second term of

the first order is so small as to be considered nothing, so that we shall have —

1/ = ax +

t + x T+Tx'

The curA'e oB does not merely indicate the growth of man from birth to complete maturity, but also those of the other side of tlie axis Oo ; that is to say, for the months which precede birth, the results which it pre- sents are conformable to those observed with regard to the foetus. This concordance is not always manifested until towards the fifth or sixth month before birth, which is the age at which the embryo becomes a foetus. It is, moreover, true, that before this period the child is in a state which hardly yet appears to belong to human nature. The curve singularly represents this state, if we give any significance to it ; for between five and six months before birth, it suddenly passes under the axis oA, and the values of statures, positive as they were, become negative : the curve in the negative region is lost in infinity, approaching an asymptote which corresponds to a value of x = — | ; or, in other words, at nine months before birth, the period of conception. Without occupying ourselves with the statm-e of the infant while it is still an embryo, or altogether imformed, if av& confine our cal- ciUations to the growth of the foetus about five months before birth, we shall find the following results, by the side of which are written the results of measure- ments given in the Dictionnairc des Sciaices Medi- cales : —

Age of the Infant.

Stature Calculated.

Stature Observed.

Birth,
1 month before birth,
4

metres. 0-50O 0-404 0-419 0-.361 0-281 0-165

metres. From 0-487 to 0-541
- 0-4a3 to 0-487 ~ 0-379 to 0-433 -, o-»xt to 0-379
- 0-216 to 0-3110
- 0-162 to 0-216

The calculated values fall, for each montli, between the limits of the results of the observations. IMore- ovcr, it is well to observe that these results do not carry the same degree of exactness as those obtained after birth, because of the uncertainty of the period of conception, as Avell as the varying duration of preg- nancy. What is most important for us to observe here, in my opinion, is the law of continuity which exists for the groAvth of the child immediately l^efore and after birth. Admitting the appro.ximative cal- culations of M. Chaussier, it will l)e found that the Joetus increases almost as much in length in one month, as a child between six and sixteen years does in one year.
In Avhat has preceded, I have endeavoured to point out how the development of the stature of man and woman takes place : it now remains for me to say some words on the diminution whicii this element undergoes by age. From a great number of obser- vations, of which we shall make greater use when speaking of the corresponding diminution of weight, it appears that it is chiefly towards the fiftieth year that the decrease becomes most apparent, and tOAvards the end of life it amounts to about 6 or 7 centimetres [2 3-lOth inches, or 2 6-lOth inches]. From the number of individuals who have been measured, those have been carefully excluded who were much round- shouldered, or who could not make themselves straight during the observation.

Ages.

Stature of IMen.

Stature of 'Women

40 years, -

1-684 metre.

1-579 metre.

50 . .

- 1-674 . .

1-536 ..

GO . .

1-639 . .

1-516 . .

70 ..

- 1623 ..

1-.514 . .

80 ..

1-613 . .

1-506 ..

90 ..

- 1-C13 . .

1-505 . .

ON MAN.

G3

It may \->c asked if the diminution of stature towards tlie end of life is not rather apparent tlian real, and if it be not owing to the circumstance that longevity is general]}' shorter for individuals of great stature. At least, it would be interesting to examine if the size of man has any influence on the duration of his life.
I shiUl endeavour, in a few words, to present such of the rcsidts of my researches as appear to me most interesting : it is almost unnecessary to observe that these results only apply to Brussels and the province of Brabant.
1. The limits of growth in the two sexes are un- equal : tirst, Iwcausc woman is born smaller than man ; second, because she sooner finishes her com- plete development ; third, because tlie annual increase which she receives is smaller than that of man.
2. The stature of tlie inhabitant of towns, at the age of 19, is greater than that of the country person by 2 to 3 centimetres [7-lOths to 1 inch nearly].
."J. It does not appear that tlie growth of man is entirely completed at 2') years of age.
4. Individuals who live in allluencc generally ex- ceed the average heigiit : misery and hard lalxjur, on tlie contrary, appear to l>e obstacles to growth.
.'). The growth of the child, even from several months before birth until complete development, fol- lows such a law of continuity, that the increase dimi- nishes successively witii age.
(i. Iktween the oth and ICth years nearly, the animal growth is pretty regular, and it is one-twelftii of the growth of the foetus during the months before birth.
7. Subsequently to the .^Oth year, man and woman undergo a diminution of stature which becomes more and more marked, and may amotmt to from 6 to 7 centimetres [2 .'{-lOths or 2 u-loth inches] nearly, about the age of 80 years.

CHAPTER II.
OF TOE DEVELOPMKNT OF THE WEIGHT, AND OF ITS RELATIONS TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HEIGHT OF THE IIODY.
1. AVclght anil Iloiglit at Different Ages.
Uesearches on the height and weight of new-born infants have been made at the Foundling Hospital of Brussels. To ascertain the weight, tiie ordinary biJance has been used ; but in the different observa- tions, the weight of the swaddling clothes has Ixeii taken. The average values obtained for 03 male and .06 female children, arc as follows : —

Male chiKlron, Female children,

Weight. 3-20 kilogramnies. 2-91

Height. 0-4f«; metre.* 0-4aT . .t

Tims, from the time of hirtli, there is an inequality in the weight and height of children of the two sexes, and this ine(/ualiti/ is in favour of males. The height cor- responds nearly with what I have found from other observations.
By classing the infants who furnished the preced- ing average values according to their total weight, we find —

Infants Weighing From H) to 1-5 kilog. .. 1-5 to 20 .. . . 2 (» to 2-5 . . . . 2-5 to .30 . . . . 30 to 3-5 . . . . 3-5 to 4-0 . . .. 40 to 4-5 ..

Hovs. Oirls. Total.

.»

1
1 7

1 1
10

- 13

14

27

28

Zi

.■il

- 14

7

21

r>

3

«

G3

56

119

♦ Here those cliililrcn only have l>cen nieastired whose weiglit hart t)ccn nscertaincil. The number of observntion.s is greater than I could avail myself of in my former researches.
t [The kilogramme is, as nearly as powible, 2 l-5th lbs. Eng- lUi.]

The extremes were as follows : — Boys. Minimum, - - 2-34 kilog.

Maximum,

4-50

Girls. M2 kUog. 4-25 ..

Professor Richter has made researches similar to the preceding at the Foundling Hospital of Moscow ;* and, according to his observations, of 44 new-born children, the sexes of whom are not stated, the ave- rage value was 9 1-1 5th pounds in weight, and 18^ inches (Paris) in length. I regret that I do not know the value of the weight which he employed. The height, which is 0"501 metres, new measure, is almost precisely the same as we have found for boys. The extremes obtained by M. Richter were as follows : —

Weight.

Height.

Minimum,

.0 pounds.

15 inches

Maximum,

- 11 ..

21 ..

Thus, the weight of boys varies as 1 to 2, as I have found at Brussels. The extremes of length do not differ so much, and ])resent v;Uues which diflTer very little from those which we have obtained.
Moreover, the extremes, at least of weight, may differ as much as the averages. We read in the Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicates, article Fcttus — " The researches made at the Foundling IluspitiU, on more than 20,000 infants, prove that one infant, born at the full period and well-formed, general!}' weighs Cr} pounds. Only a very small number of infants have Ix-'en seen at this hospital weighing lOi pounds, or others weighing only 3 pounds, or 2 pounds and some ounces." This value of Gj pounds, or 3*059 kilogrammes, obtained from so great a number of observations, agrees verj' nearly witli the value — 3()55 kilogrammes — obtained for Brussels, leaving out of consideration the distinction of the sexes : the extreme values likewise present very little difference.
It is remarkable that learned men who have made observations on the weight and height of new-bom infants, should have attended so little to the distinc- tion of the sexes. Although our results arc not de- duced from so large a number of observations as could be desired, yet we think we may conclude, with suffi- cient probability, that the average values of the -weight and height of children of the two sexes present a very sensible difference.
From all the researches which have been made on the relations existing between the Aveight and the age of the fatus, it apjMiars that the ratios preseut so much uncertainty, that we can scarcely make any use of them.
It is M. Chaussier, if I am not mistaken, who has made the remark, that an infant diminishes a little in weight immediately after birth. This curious remark deserves to be carefully verified : unfortunately, I have only Ijeen able to procure seven series of observations, which do not extend beyond the seventh day after birtli. The average calculations for each day present the following values : —

Afterbirth, On the 2d <Liy,
. . M ..
.. 4tb . . .5th . .
. . fith . .
. . 7th . .

Weight of the Infant. 3126 kilog.
3-057 ..
3017 . .
30.35 . .
SiOf) . .
3-035 . .
3-OCO . .

It really appears, then, from these numbers, that the weight of the child diminishes a little immediately after birth, and"tliat it does not Ijegin to increase in a sen- sible manner until after the first week.

Synnps, Pr.oxis Medico Obstctriciir : 1810.

64

ON MAN.

Thus we see that, from birth, there is an mequality in the weight of children of the two sexes : hoAv- ever, we shall examine if this inequality is pro- duced again at different ages, and examine the modifications which it undergoes. I have already stated the analogous results for height ; nevertheless, I thought it would be useful to state again the new numbers which have been obtained from the indi- viduals of both sexes, on whom observations Avere made to determine the weight. It Avas interesting to place these tAvo elements, during their progi-es- sive development in the same individual, opposite each other.
In estimating the weight, I have generally used the balance of Sanctorius. Since this balance is not so sensible when slightly charged, and also since great care is required in placing the bodies to be weighed by it, children of tender age haA'e been almost con- stantly Aveighed in the arms of persons whose weight had previously been taken.
Tlie observations on children from 4 to 12 years of age, have for the most part been made in the schools of Brussels and at the Orphan Hospital. The weights of young persons have been taken more especially in the colleges and at the Medical School of Brussels. For more advanced ages, indiAiduals of different classes

have been taken, though those of the loAver orders liaA'e been least numerous.
For old men, the Aveights have chiefly been taken in the large and magnificent hospital recently erected at Brussels. The tAvo folloAving tables point out the results, such as they are, for men and women.
The first column gives the ages; the second and third point out the average A-^alues of the height and Aveight Avhich correspond to these different ages. The values of the height are almost the same as those previously giA'en, except for individuals Avho are more than 16 or 17 years of age; which no doubt arises from indiA'iduals of the loAver class having been less numerous in these than in the former observations. Indeed, I haA'e already shoAvn that young persons who apply themselves to study, and persons in the aflluent classes generally, are taUer than others. In the third column, the ratios of Aveight and size for different ages are calculated, their A-alues being considered as abstract numbers. Tliese ratios are not deduced im- mediately from the numbers contained in the two preceding columns, but are the average of the ratios calculated for each individual. In the last place, the four last columns point out the maximum and mini- mum of height and weight at each age, for individuals Avho are Avell-formed.

Table of the Size and "Weight of Man at Different Ages.

Table of the Size and Weight of Woman at Different Ages.

Ratio of

Size Observed.

AVeight Observed.

Ratio of

Size Observed-

AVeight Observed.

Ages.

Size.

AVeight.

AA'eight to Size.

Ages.

Size.

AVeight.

AA'^eight to Size.

Max.

Min.

Max.

Min.

Max.

Min.

Mas.

Min.

met.

kilog.

met.

met.

kilog.

kilfig.

met.

kilog.

met.

met.

kilog.

kilog.

Birth,

0-496

3-20

6-19

0-532

0-433

4-50

2-34

Birth,

0-483

2-91

G-15

0-655

0-438

4-25

1-12

1 year,

0-696

1000

14-20

0-750

0-682

]i-no

.0-00

1 year,

0-690

9-30

13-50

0-704

0-660

10-5

8-3

2 ..

0-797

1200

15-00

0-824

0-730

13-50

10-50

2 ..

0-780

11-40

14-50

0-798

0-720

12-0

8-3

3 ..

0-860

13-21

15-.'36

0-875

0-840

13-fjO

12-10

3 ..

0-850

12 -45

14-70

0-895

0-795

15-8

10-5

4 ..

0-932

15-(I7

16-32

0-965

0-840

18-20

12-50

4 .. -

0-910

14-18

15-10

0-.050

0-810

15-8

11-5

6 ..

0-990

16-70

16-98

1-080

0-915

18-50

14-00

5

0-974

15-50

15-70

1-1185

0-876

17-5

13-3

6 ..

1-046

18-04

17-44

1-115

0-9G0

20-40

15-80

6 ..

1032

16-74

10-24

1-085

0-956

20-3

13-3

7 ..

1-112

20-16

18-31

1.162

1-109

24-50

17-20

7 ..

1-096

18-45

16-85

1-177

1-050

23-4

16-0

8 ..

1-170

22-26

18-92

1-260

1-120

28-50

19-00

8 ..

1-139

19-82

17-45

1-380

1-050

23-4

16-0

9 ..

1-227

24-09

19-68

1-325

1-1.50

29-00

22-20

9 ..

1-200

22-44

18-65

1-.380

1-110

25-7

18-3

10 ..

1-282

2612

20-37

1-325*

1-163

32-00

22-70

10 ..

1-248

24-24

19-45

1-380

1-160

28-3

20-3

11 ..

1-327

27-85

21-58

1-405

1-215

33-80

25-00

11 ..

1-275

26-25

20-60

1-385

1-160

39-8

21-6

12 ..

V359

3100

22-80

1-450

1-270

36-30

25-00

12 ..

1-327

30-54

23-00

1-4/6

1-160

42-3

21-6

13 . .

1-403

35-32

25-30

1-490

1-300

39-50

34-60

13 ..

1-386

34-65

24-50

1-580

1-160

42-8

21-6

14 ..

1-487

40-50

27-49

1-030

1-.330

45-00

37-00

14 . .

1-447

38-10

25-35

1-580

1160

51-0

32-0

15 ..

1-5.59

46-41

29-88

1-658

1-380

61-50

37-00

15 ..

1-475

41-30

28-10

1-638

1-160

55-2

.32-0

16 ..

1-610

63-39

33-00

1-730

1-430

61-50

40-00

16 ..

1-600

44-44

29-62

1-638

1-160

57-6

320

17 ..

1-670

57-40

34-25

1-790

1-407

65-50

45-00

17 ..

1-544

49-08

31-75

1-688

1-284

61-6

18 ..

1-700

61-26

35-67

1-7.00

67-00

45-00

18 ..

1-5G2

.53-10

34-05

1-740

79-9

19 ..

1-706

63-32

37-00

1-800

70-00

48-20

20 ..

1-570

54-46

34-70

20 ..

1-711

65-00

37-99

1-838

72-70

25 ..

1-577

55-08

35-26

25 ..

1722

68-29

39-66

1-890

98-50

, ,

30 . .

1-579

55-14

35-90

30 ..

1-722

68-90

40-02

40 . .

1-555

50-65

36-50

40 ..

1-713

68-81

40-03

50 . .

1-536

.58-45

38-15

1-4-14

90-5

.39-8

50 ..

1-674

67-45

40-14

00 . .

1-516

56-73

37-28

1-436

60 ..

1-639

65-50

40-01

70 ..

1-514

63-72

35-49

1-431

93-8

70 ..

1-623

63-03

38-83

49-i

80 ..

1-506

51-52

34-21

iVoi

1-408

72-5

38-0

80 ..

1-613

61-22

37-96

1-820

1-467

8300

49-7

The numbers in the preceding tables arc such as have been obtamed from direct observation ; but thcj' must be subjected to tAvo corrections — in the first place, because the persons have always been Aveighed in their dresses ; and, secondly, because observations have not been made on all classes of society.
The first cause of error Avhich has been pointed out, may be removed, or at least diminished to some extent. The aA'erage Aveight of the clothes at different ages may be determined very precisely, and then it is only necessary to subtract its value from each of the corresponding numbers of the table of Aveights. Erora different experiments, I think Ave may admit, as near the truth, that the average Aveight of tlie clothes at different ages is one-eighteenth of the total weight

When a number is repeated, it ie because the maximmn of

this year was less tlian that of the preceding. The inverse takes place in the cohimn of the minima.

of the male body, and a twenty-fourth jiart of the total weight of the female. With this value, I have corrected the numbers of the preceding table, except for ncAv-born infants, because the numbers had already undergone this correction, from direct experiment, immediately after weighing them [the infants].
The second cause of error raaj'^ also be remoA'ed : indeed, Ave shall soon see, that of individuals of the same age, the Aveight may be considered as having a pretty constant relation to the size of the body. It Avill be sufiicient, then, to knoAv the ratios inserted in the fourth colunm of the preceding tables, and to have a good general table of the groAvths, to deduce the corresponding table of the Aveight. It is in making use of the tabic of growths given above, and constructed Avith elements collected from all classes of society, that I have calculated the following table, in which I have also made the necessary correction for cloth- ing :—

ON MAN.

G5

Tublc of the Development of the Ileight and Weight.

iWen.

Women.

Ages.

Height.

Weight.

Height.

AVeight.

metres.

kilog.

metres.

kilog.

Birth,

0-500

3-20

0-490

2-91

1 year, -

0-698

9-45

0-690

8-79

2 «

0-791

11-34

0-781

10-67

3 -

0-864

12-47

0-852

11-79

4 ~

0-928

14-23 ■

0-915

13-00

5 ~ -

0-988

15-77

0-974

14-36

6 -

1-047

17-24

1-031

1600

7 ~ - -

1-105

19-10

1-086

17-54

8 ~

1162

20-76

1-141

19-08

9 ~ -

1-219

22-65

1-195

21-36

10 ~

1-275

24-52

1-248

23-52

11 - - -

1-330

27-10

1-299

25-65

12 ~

laas

29-82

1-353

29-82

13 - -

1-4.39

34-38

1-403

32-94

14 -

1-493

38-76

1-453

36-70

15 ~

1-546

43-62

1-499

40-37

16 -

1-594

49-67

1-535

43-57

17 --

1-634

52-85

1-555

47-31

18 ~

1-658

57-85

1-564

51-03

20 ~ -

1G74

60-oe

1-572

52-28

1-680

62-93

1.577

53-28

30 - - -*

1-684

63-65

1-579

54-33

40 ~

1-C84

C3-67

1-579

55-23

50 ~

1-674

63-46

1-536

56-16

60 ~

1-639

61-94

1-516

54-30

70 ~ - -

1-G23

59-52

1-514

51-51

80 „

1-613

57-83

1-506

49-.37

90 - -

1-613

57-83

1-505

49-34

To render the preceding results more apparent, I liave constructed two lines, -which represent the increase of weight which men and women undergo at different ages : these Unes have, for abscissae, the ages, and for ordinates, the corresponding Aveiglits. We perceive, at the first glance, that, at equal ages, man is generallu heavier than woman ; about the age of twelve years only are individuals of both sexes nearly of the same weight. This circumstance is owing to the development of tlie weight being inconsiderable in both sexes, until the time of puberty, when, on the contrary, it becomes very apparent. I^ow, since puberty takes place sooner in woman, this acceleration causes a temporary dis- appearance of the inequality of weight which existed between children of both sexes, and which is, for chil- dren between one and eleven years of age, from one kilogramme to one and a half. The ditference of weight of the sexes is more considerable in adult per- sons ; it is about five kilogrammes between the six- teenth and twentieth years, and more than seven after this period.
3Ian reaches his maximum of tveight about the age of 40, and he begins to waste in a sensible manner about the age of 60 ; at the age of 80 he has lost about six kilo- grammes [16 lbs. troy]. His height has also diminished, and this diminution is about seven centimetres [2 7-lOths inches].
The same observation applies to women: in old age, they generally lose from six to seven kilogrammes in weight, and seven centimetres in stature. I have taken care not to include ricketty indi\'iduals in these valuations, or badly formed persons, or even those who were round-shouldered, and unable to stand up- right for many minutes.
Woman attains her maximum of tveight later than man; she weighs the most about the age of 50 years: setting out from about the age of 19, the development of her Aveight is nearly stationary, until the period of procreation is passed.
The extreme limits of the weight of weU-formed individuals have been 49*1 and 98-5 kilogrammes for men ; and for women .39*8 and 93'8 kilogrammes.
The limits of height have been 1-467 and 1-890 metres for men; and 1-444 and 1-740 metres for women.
The average weight at 19 years, is nearly tliat of old persons of the two sexes;
When man and woman have attained their complete

development, they weigh nearly exactly twenty times as nmch as at birth; whilst the height is only about three and one-fourth times what it was at the same period.
One year after birth, children of both sexes have tripled their weight ; boys weigh 9-45 kilogrammes, and girls 8-79 kilogrammes. At 6 years, they have doubled this latter weight, and at 13, they have quad- rupled it.
Immediately before puberty, man and woman have one-half the weight wliich they have after their com- plete development.
I am indebted to the kindness of M. Villerme for tlie communication of the unpublished researches of Tenon on tlie weight of man, which appear to have been made in 1783. Tliey were made in a village in the environs of Paris— the village of Massy — where Tenon had his country house. These researches, which comprise observations on 60 men between 25 and 40 years of age, and as many women of the same ages, give the foUowuig results : —

JMaximmn.

Jlinimum.

Average.

kilog.

kilog.

kilog.

Weight of man,

83-307

51-398

62-071

woman,

- 7-i-038

36-805

54-916

In all these observations, the weight of the clothes has been subtracted, and care has been taken not to include any female Avho was pregnant.
If we now compare these numbers Avith tliose I obtained at Cambridge, made on men from 18 to 23 years of age, weighed with clothes, we shall find, dividing into series of tens the 80 individuals whose weights were obtained — ■

1st series,
2d -
3d ~
4th ~
6th ~
6th ~
7th -
8th ~

Stones.

Poimd

108

9

111

^2i

114

6S

101

Oi

102

5

107

12i

103

6i

112

2i

Average,

107

Wliicli gives, for the weight of one individual, about 151 pounds, or 68-465 kilogrammes, which is nearly the weight of a man of 30 in Brabant, when weighed with his clothes on.
If, on the other hand, we compare the weight of children of the lower classes in England, we shall find the following results, which have been communicated to me by Mr J. W. Cowell, taken on 420 boys work- ing in the factories, and 223 not Avorking in fac- tories ; and 651 girls working ia factories, and 201 not working in those places.
Average Weight of Children of the Lower Orders.

Boys

Gu-ls

Ages.

Working in

-1 notAVorking

( AVorking in

1 notAVorking

Factories.

in Factories.

Factories.

in Factories.

kilog.

kilog.

kilog.

kilog.

9 years,

23-47

24-15

23-18

22-87

10 -,

25-84

27-33

24-85

24-68

11 -

2804

26-46

27-06

27-72

12 -

29-91

30-49

29-96

29-!W

13 -

32-69

34-17

33-21

32-97

14 «

34-.95

,35-67

37-83

37-83

Ip -

4(1-06

39-37

a9-84

42-44

16 ~

44-43

50-01

43-62

41-33

17 -

47-3<i

53-41

45-44

46-45

18 -

4812

57-27

48-22

55-32

These numbers Avere collected at Manchester and Stockport ; the children were Aveighed in summer, and consequently were lightly clothed, and they had nothing in their pockets. We see here again, as in

66

ON MAN.

the height, that it is only after puberty that, at equal ages, we observe a ditference in weight. The com- parison of Aveights seems to be rather in favour of Belgic children ; it is true that those of England Avere taken from the lower orders.
2. Relations between the Weight and Height.
If man increased equally in aU his dimensions, his weight at different ages would be as the cube of his height. Now, this is not what we really observe. The increase of weight is slower, except during the first year after birth ; then the proportion Avhich we have just pointed out is pretty regularly observed. But after this period, and until near the age of puberty, the weight increases nearly as the square of the height. The development of the weight again becomes very rapid at the time of puberty, and almost stops at the twenty-fifth year. In general, we do not err much when we assume that, durhig development, the squares of the iveight at different ages are as the fifth powers of the height; which naturally leads to this conclusion, in supposing the specific gravity constant, that the transverse growth of man is less than the A'ertical.
However, if we compare two individuals who are fully developed and well-formed with each other, to ascertain the relations existing between the weight and stature, we shall find that the u-eight of developed persons, of different heights, is nearly as the square of the stature^ Whence it naturally follows, that a transverse section, giving both the breadth and thickness, is just proportioned to the height of the individual. "We furthermore conclude that, proportion still being at- tended to width predominates in individuals of small stature.
Taking twelve of the smallest individuals of both sexes, and twelve of the largest, of those who have been submitted to our observations, we have obtained the following values as the average of stature, and the ratio of weight to the stature : —

Uelation of Stature to AVeight.

Men.
The smallest, The largest,
"Women. The smallest, The largest,

1.511 metre. 1-822 . .

1-456 1-672

Ratio of AVeight to Stature. 36-7 kUog. 41-4 . .

35-6 ,38-0

Thus, the stature of men and women, fully deve- loped and weU-formed, varied in the proportion of five to six nearly: it is almost the same with the ratios of the weight to the stature of the two sexes ; whence it naturally follows, as we have already said above, that the weight is in proportion to the square of the stature.*
Now, let us suppose that we have tlie individuals gi'ouped, not according to age, but to stature, and that we have taken the average of the weight of each group, for example, and that we proceed by ten cen- timetres at a time : avc shall have groups of children at first, then groups of children witli whoiu some adult persons are classed, which will be the case with men commencing at 1"47 metres nearlj% and women at 1'41 metres. If we afterwards reduce these num- bers to a tabular form, we shall arrive at the follow- ing results, the weight of the clotlas having been subtracted : —

Calling t and T the statures, and p and P the con-esponding

weights of the smallest and the largest individuals, we have, in fact, almost exactly, < : T ; : 5:6, by the numbers of the first
p V column, belonging to men, and . • ^•- 5 : 6 for those of the
}, i>
second ; from which we find that t : T : : -i- : — , ci-, in other
T'
words, <2 : T- : : p: V. It is the same with the numbers belonging to females.

Men.

Women.

Stature.

Weight.

Ratio.

Weight.

Ratio.

At Birth, -

3-20

6-19

2-91

6-03

(J-GO metre,

6-20

10-33

„

„

0-70 ~

9-30

13-27

9-06

12-94

0-80 ~.

11-36

14-20

11 -21

14-01

0-yil -,

13-50

15-00

13-42

14-91

1-00 ~

15-90

15-90

15-82

15-82

1-10 ~

18-50

16-82

18-30

16-64

1-20 ~

21-72

18-10

21-51

17-82

1-30 «

26-63

20-04

26-83

20-64

1--10 ~

34-48

24-63

37-28

26-63

1-50 -

46-29

30-86

48-00

32-00

i-(;o „

57-15

35-72

56-73

35-45

1-70 -

63-28

37-22

65-20

33-35

l-iiO -

70-61

39-23

„

„

l-f|0 -

75-56

39-77

~

--

We see that, statures being equal, woman weighs a little less than man until she attains the height of 1 metre 3 decimetres, which nearly corresponds to the period of puberty, and that she weighs a little more for higher statures. This difference, for the most part, proceeds from aged females being mingled with groups of a moderate stature sooner than males are ; and, at equal statures, as we have already stated, aged persons weigh more than young ones.
To apply the preceding to determine the age of a noii-adult person, from a knowledge of the weight and stature onl}^ let us suppose the height of the person to be 1"23 metre, and the weight 24 kilogrammes, he being, moreover, of the male sex. We shall imme- diately see, from the preceding table, that he is heavy in proportion to his stature ; the table before informs lis that, by taking the height alone, he ought to be a Uttle more than nine years of age, and considering the weight alone, he should be under ten ; so that we may pronounce, with great probability of truth, that the individual in question must be between nine and ten.
3. Weiglit of a Population. — Weight of the Human Skeleton.
The following table may serve to determii:e the weight of a population composed of men, women, and children, or of a population composed of individuals of certain limited ages : it has been formed by taking the numbers belonging to eacli age from a population table, and multiplying them by the weight of indi- viduals of this age.*
Table of tlie Weight of a Population of 10,000 Souls.

Ages.

Jlen.

Women.

Tot.-il.

kilog.

kilog.

kilog.

to 1 year,

0-894

0-803

1-697

1 to 2

1-462

1-324

2-786

2to 3 ~

l-5ft4

1-372

2-876

3 to 4

1-676

1-485

3-161

4 to 5 ~-

1-864

1-658

3-522

5 to 6 «

2-017

1-765

3-782

6to 8 ~

4.251

3-786

8-037

8 to 10 -

4-768

4-318

9-086

10 to 12 -

5263

4-827

10-090

12 to 14 «

6-332

5-977

12-.309

14 to 16 ~

8-805

7-801

16-606

16 to 20 -

18-902

17-700

36-602

20 to 25 -

25-292

23-.308

48-600

25 to 30 „

25-603

22-770

48-373

30 to 40 -

.39-396

39-.548

78-944

40 to 50 - . . -

28-720

31-470

60-190 ,

.50 to 60 "

24122

24-634

48-756

60 to 70 - - - -

23-620

16-458

40-118

70 to 80 ~

9-620

7-808

17-428

80 and upwards,

2-320

1-998

4-318

Total, -

236-471

220-810

4.)7-281

Tlie population table made use of in these calculations is one

which will be found above, taken from the Recherdies sur la MortalUi ct la Ufprodiuiion. nnixclles : 18.32.

ON MAN.

67

Tims, taking at once a population of 10,000 souls, without distinction of age or sex, the weight will be 457,000 kilogrammes nearly, 236,000 being that of the male portion. Thus we see that the average vwight of an individual, without reference to age or sex, is 45'7 kilogrammes nearly ; and, considering the sexes, 47 kih- gramvies for a man [125 9-lOths lbs. troy], ajid 42^ kilogrammes for a ivoman [74 lbs. troy]. The whole population of Brussels, which amounts to 100,000, would weigh 4,572,810 kilogrammes ; or nearly four and a half times as much as a cube of water 10 metres square : and the whole human race, computed at 737,000,000, would not weigh as much as 33 cubes of water 100 metres square : a value Avhieh at first sight appears small, since such a volume of water might be contained in a basin having a surface of less than one-third of an acre [hectare'], and a depth of 100 metres.
To the preceding data, I shall add some measure- ments of the human skeleton, which have been com- municated to me by MM. Van Esschen and Guiette. They Avill throw additional light on our present sub- ject.

Dimensions.

Numher of Slceletons.

No. 1.*

No. 2.t

No. 3.%

No.4.§

No. 5. II

kilog.

Idlog.

kilog.

kilog.

kilog.

AVeights, -

4-2

4-4

5-7

5-2

3-0

met.

met.

met.

met.

met.

Statures,

1-685

1-640

1-067

1-7.55

1-500

Height of head, -

0-13U

0-134

0-136

0-135

0-135

~. of spinal column,

0-590

0-560

0-563

0-550

0-470

^ of pelvis.

0-210

0-1G6

0-182

0-225

0-152

Length of the upper) extremities, i

0-779

0-735

0-754

0-790

0-662

Length of the lower) extremities, >

0-917

0-870

0-885

0-970

0-800

The two last skeletons, belonging to females, did not present any essential difference from the three first, which were males.
We see, from the preceding table, that tlie weight of a skeleton prepared some years, scarcely exceeds the weight of a child at birth.
From tlie foregoing, we deduce the following con- clusions : —
1. From birth there is an inequality, both in weight and stature, between children of the two sexes ; the average weight of a boy being 3-20 kilogrammes [8 5-lOths lbs. troy], that of a girl 2-91 kilogrammes [7 7-lOths lbs. troy] ; the stature of a boy is 0-496 metres, and that of a girl 0*483 metres.
2. The weight of a child diminishes a little towards the third day after birth, and does not begin to in- crease sensibly until after the first week.
3. At equal ages, man is generally heavier than woman : about the age of 12 years only are the indi- viduals of both sexes of about the same weight. Be- tween 1 and 1 1 years, the difference in weight is from one kilogranmie to one and a half; between 16 and 20, it is six kilogrammes nearly ; and after this period eight to nine kilogrammes.
4. When man and woman have attained their full development, they weigh almost exactly twenty times as much as at birth ; and their stature is about three and one- fourth times greater than it was at the same period,

No. 1. Natiu-al skeleton of a man of about thirty-five years

of age, prepared seven years.
t No. 2. Skeleton of a man about twenty -five years of age, pre- pared six years.
t No. 3. Skeleton of a man. Age and date of the preparation unlmown.
§ No. 4. Skeleton of a woman. Age and date of the preparation imknown.
I! No. 5. Skeleton of a woman aged fifteen years, prepared one ye.ir.

5. In old age, man and woman lose about six or seven kilogrammes in weight, and seven centimetres in stature.
6. During the development of individuals of both sexes, we may consider the square of the weight, at different ages, as proportioned to the fifth power of their stature.
7. After the full development of individuals of both sexes, the weight is almost as the square of the sta- ture.
From the two preceding relations, we infer, that increase in height is greater than the transverse in- crease, including breadth and thickness.
8. Man attains the maxinmm of his weight at about 40, and begins to waste in a sensible degree about the 60th year.
9. Woman attains the maximum of her weight about the age of 50. During the period of reproduc- tion, namely, from the 18th to the 40th year, her weight scarcely increases in a perceptible degree.
10. The weight of individuals who have been mea- sured, aud who were fully developed and well-formed, varies within extremes which are nearly as 1 to 2 ; whilst the stature only varies within limits which, at the most, are a,s 1 to 1^. This is inferred from the following values, furnished by observation : —

Maximum. AVcight of man, 98-5 kilog.
woman, 93-8 ~ Statm-eof man, 1-890 met. ~ woman, 1-740 ™

49-1 kilog. 39-8 - 1-407 met.

03-7 kilog.
55-2 ~ 1-084 met. 1-57.9 ~

1 1. At equal statures, woman weighs a little less than man before reaching the height of 1"3 metres, which almost corresponds to the period of puberty ; and she weighs a little more for higher statures.
12. The average weight of an individual, without reference to age or sex, is 45*7 kilogrammes ; and, taking sex into account, 47 kilogrammes for man, and 42 "5 kilogrammes for woman.

CHAPTER III.
OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF STRENGTH OR POWER.
The measure of strength is one of the elements which we are most anxious to ascertain with some degree of precision; not merely because this subject of in- vestigation has occupied the attention of many ob- servers ; but since their principal object was to ascer- tain the useful effect of power, what they have done has a characteristic nature, which distinguishes their results from those which I propose to determine with a scientific purpose. Thus, Desaguiliers, De la Hire, Gueuyveau, Coulomb, Schulze, &c., have chiefly in- vestigated the relations which exist between the speed and the burden carried, in respect to a man employed either in carrying burdens or drawing them. I shall not enter into the details of the results which they have obtained, since they can be found in the prin- cipal treatises on practical mechanics. What is of most importance for us to know here is, I think, what relation the intensity of power which man can dis- play (either with his hands or loins, without subject- ing him to a day's labour), Ijears, in its development-, to the age of the person : this latter question is com- posed of more complex elements.
To determine the different degi-ees of our physical power, different instruments have been proposed, the least imperfect of which is undoubtedly the dyna- mometer of Eegnier.* However, this instrument still

[The dynamometer cannot well be described in mere words.

All that can be said of it is, that it is an instrument so contrived as to exhibit, on a dial-plate, the measure of strength resident in the arms and loins of the parties subjected to trial. 51. Quetelet's observations may make tliis point more clear.]

G8

ON MAN.

leaves much to be desired ; and, fiilly perceiving its defects when I commenced the experiments which I am now about to state, I was far from supposing they were so great as they really are. The most consi- derable results from its form ; indeed, the dynamo- meter is managed with varying degrees of facility, and estimates of power, varying in accurac}^ are given, according to the size of the hand and length of the fingers. This defect is especially apparent Avith chil- dren : it is almost necessary to employ different instru- ments for different ages. These inconveniences led me to think of a dynamometer, in which the two steel plates to be brought into apposition should, with a maximum of power, assume that position in the hand which was most favourable to its development : un- fortunately, other labours have prevented me from prosecuting these attempts, and undertaking a new series of observations. Therefore, I must confine mj'self to giving the results obtained with the dyna- mometer of Eegnier, premising that they do not pre- sent that degree of accuracy which I was anxious to give them.
I think ^ve may even already suspect the imper- fection of the dynamometer, from the discordant re- sults obtained by different experimenters who have used it.
According to Eegnier, a man from 25 to 30, is in possession of his greatest strength, and by pressing strongly with both hands, makes an effort equal to 50 kilogrammes [134 lbs. ti'oy], and raises a weight of 13 myriagrammes [260 lbs. troy, nearly]. He retains this power until nearly 50, Avhen it begins to decrease.* The strength of woman has been considered as equal to that of a man of 15 or IG, or to two-thirds of the power of an ordinary man.
Eegnier has also found that, b}'- trying first one hand and then the other, that the right hand is gene- rally stronger than the left ; and the sum of these is commonly equal to the power of both hands acting together.
Other experiments have since been made by Peron, who has stated the results in the accomat of his voyage to Australasia. Eansonnet has also made dynamo- metric experiments in the roadstead of Havre, on 345 individuals belonging to the companies of two frigates and a brig which lie commanded. Collecting the values obtained by these different observers, we have the following table : —

Persons experimented on.

French, from 25 to 30 years, •• 25 to 45 •■
Natives of New Holland, Jliilays of tlic Island of Timor,

Observers.

Regiiicv, Ran sonnet, Viron,

Strength.

JIanual. Lnnibar.

liilog. 500 40-3 CO-2 61-8 597

Average. 130 14-2 221 14-0
ie-2

The degrees of strength of the French, according to these observations, Ave sec differ very much : the results of Pcron differing especially from those of Eansonnet and Eegnier.f It would appear that Peron has made a mistake in reading the degrees of the dynamometer ; at least this seems to be the case, from the correction which has subsequently been made by Frcycinet and Eailly, who were of the number of persons experimented on by Peron, and Avho are found to have a lumbar power sensibly smaller than that placed opposite tiieir names in the table. According

Dklionnaire des Sciences Mcdicalcs, article liynammnelre, et

description et Usar/edu Dynamomclre. (Journal deVEcolcVolytech- tiiqiie, Prairial, an G.)
■f M. Ransonnct has kindly favoured me with some accounts of the observations which were required of him, and made witli an instrument tlie accuracy of whicli he cannot wai'rant, not having had an opportunity of testing it himself.

to M. Frcycinet, instead of the lumbar powers stated by Pcron, Ave must read as folloAvs : —
15'2 myriagr. instead of 22-1 , for the French. 10-1 . . . . 14-8, . . TSlew Hollanders.
11-3 . . . . 16'2, . . Malaj's of Timor.
However the case may be, by considering the values of Peron as relative, it Avould appear that the strength of the French sailors was greater than that of savages ; and this result agrees with the accomrts of many voyagers.
Dynamometric experiments require the greatest precaution. I have seen the same persons obtain exceedingly different results from successive efforts. A cause of frequent error, when sufficient precaution is not taken in using the instrument of Eegnier to measure the lumbar poAver, is, that the needle is made to move as much by pressing the instrument between the knees, as by pulling. Indeed, it is difficult to pull Avithout bringing the knees toAvards each other, and thus pressing the elUptic spring in the direction of its small axis, where it yields most readily : the position in which we are placed to pull, and the height of the statm'e, have likewise some influence. It is also necessary to keep trying the accuracy of the in- strument, especially toAvards the bottom of the scale, because it is generally not so sensible for small Aveights.
I regret that I could not increase my observations to the extent I desired ; and I bring forward my re- sidts Avith diffidence. The number of individuals of each age experimented upon was at least 10 : these persons generally belonged to the better class ; and those below 25, of the young men, were generally taken in the colleges, and at the Medical School of Brussels : the young Avomen, also, were taken from the schools and the Orphan Hospital.
It is Avell, in measuring the power of a person, to take the average of several successive observations, because avc find the results vary slightly ; and gene- rally the first effort is more poAverful than the second, the second than the third, and so on, until avc arrive at a certain limit ; but the difference is not very great after the first few trials.* We may find a difference of one or tAvo degrees, or more, betAveen the first efibrt and the extreme ; consequently, these observations admit of great chance of error.
Observations on the Lumbar Power, estimated by means of the Dyuamometex'.

Ages.

G years,
7 ••
B ..
9 ••
10 ..
11 •■
12 ••
13 . .
14 ..
15 • ■ k; • . 1/ .. IH •• 1!) •• 2(» .. 21 ■• 25 .. .30 . . 40 .. 50 . . CO . .

Lumbar Power.

Men.

mynag. 2-0 2-7
4-0 4-6 4-8 .VI
c-y
H-1
(18 10-2 12-G 13-0 13-2 13-8 140' 15-5 15-4 12-2 10-1
0-3

Women.

2-4 30 .3-1
3-7
4-0 4-4 5-0 5-3 5-9 G-4 G7 6-4 G-8 7-2 77

Ratio of the
Strengtli of
Men and
Women.

1-.3.3 1-48 1-30 1-28 1-57 1-62 1-Gfi 172 l-!)7 ]'94 20G 203 2-05 2-01

In this table, I haA'e not included boys under six, and girls imder eight years of age, because of the difficidty of teaching them how to handle the dyna-

M. Edwards has told me, that after dinner he has generally

observed the contrary with strong persons, the first eflTort being somcAvhat less inten.se than the succeeding ones.

ON MAN.

C9

mometer, and the errors which would have resulted therefrom. It is necessary to aU the preceding ralues, to add the weight of the dynamometer, which is certainly a part of the resistance to overcome : this amounts to one kilogramme.
If we had extremely sensible and suitable instru- ments for measuring the lumbar power of children, it is evident that we could not begin to make use of them before the age of two years, since before this period the child cannot stand upright alone, nor carry an additional weight. It is to be observed that, of all the individuals figured in the table, the lumbar power is sufficient to raise a load or overcome an obstacle exceeding the weight of the individual. Tlie load a man can carry relatively to his weight, increases with his growth \mtil maturity, and the perfect man can raise more than double his own weight.
The lumbar power of females differs less fi'om that of males during childhood than after complete deve- lopment. During childhood, the lumbar strength of boys is about one-third more than tliat of girls ; to- wards the age of puberty, one-half; and the strength of a developed man is double that of a woman.
Professions produce a very sensible difference. I have seen labouring masons and carpenters move the d3Tiamometer 20 degrees or more. The average of several servants, between 20 and 40 years of age, has given me a value of 10 or 11 degrees.
To measure the poAver of the hands presents the greatest obstacles. It seems to me that it is almost impossible to rely on the accuracy of the results, im- less the observations have been made with the greatest care, and by one and the same person. The first and greatest obstacle proceeds from the uneqiud size ot the hands, and the difficulty of grasping the instru- ment. From all the corrections which I have made, I think I may rely on the accuracy of my own results ; and, nevertheless, they differ so much from those ob- tained bj' the observers quoted, that I dehberated some time in using them, the more so since they are, like all the measures taken with Kegnier's dynamometer, subject to undergo a previous correction, owing to the unequal size of the hands. To show how important this correction is, I made difierent trials with the dynamometers, placing my hands in different positions, and I have obtained extremely dissimilar A'alues. We may judge better from the following : —
The dynamometer I have used is made, like all others, of a spring almost of an elliptic form : the lengths of the greater and lesser axis are 30 and 5"5 , centimetres respectively ; the dial and the index are so placed that the hands, when most approximated, are still 2 '5 centimetres distant from each other; and pressure is made at a certain distance from the small axis, where the maximum of eflect is produced. We obtain, therefore, only a part of the action which might be produced by pressing both extremities of the smaU axis. IMoreover, it appears that the dynamometer I have used has been graduated, taking this distance into account. I was then desirous to know what would be tlie effect produced by increasing the dis- tance between the hands, and I have obtained these values : —

Distance of the Hands. 25 mill.
ar, •.
45 ..
65 ..
75 .. -
85 ■■

Degrees of the Dynamometer.
80-5
640
54-5
49-5
44-0
380

Thus, by placing the hands so that they were each, when least distant, one centimetre from the dial, and consequently 45 millimetres from each other, I only produced an effort of 54-5 instead of 80'5 — a difference of 20 degrees. Now, many per?ons, trying their

manual strength by the dynamometer, generally place their hands in the manner I have stated ; they must then give very erroneous results. Women and chil- dren, especially, have another disadvantage in using the dynamometer, for the opening which they are obliged to allow their hands does not permit them to press -with the power they are capable of. Also, I think the values I have obtained for them are gene- rally too low.
Observations on the Power of the Hands, from Experiments with the Dynamometer.

Power of Men

Power of AVomen

Ages.

\vith

with the

with the

with

with the

with the

both

Right

Left

both

Right

Left

Hands.

Hand.

Hand.

Hands.

Hand.

Hand.

kilog.

kilog.

liilog.

kUog.

Idlog.

kilog.

6 years,

10-3

4-0

20

7 ••

140

70

40

8 ••

11-8

36

2-8

9 ••

20-0

8-5

5-0

15-5

4-7

4-0

10 ••

26-0

9-8

8-4

16-2

5-6

4-8

n ••

29-2

10-7

9-2

19-5

8-2

6-7

12 ..

336

13-9

11-7

230

lO-l

7-0

13 ..

390

16-6

150

26-7

11-0

81

14 -.

47-9

21-4

18-8

33-4

13-6

11-3

15 ..

57-1

27-8

22-6

35-6

15-0

14-1

16 ..

63-9

32-3

26-8

37-7

17-3

16-6

17 ••

71'0

362

31-9

40-9

20-7

18-2

18 ••

79-2

386

35-0

43-6

20-7

19-0

1!) ••

79-4

35-4

35-0

44-9

21 G

19-7

>o ■.

84-3

39-3

37-2

45-2

22-0

19-4

21 ..

86-4

430

38-0

47-0

23-5

20-5

25 • .

88-7

44-1

400

eo-0

24-5

21 '6

30 • •

89-0

44-7

41-3

40 •.

87-0

41-2

38-3

50 ••

740

36-4

330

47-0

23-2

20-0

«() . .

56-0

30-5

260

From this table we may infer, that the manual power of men, at different ages, is greater than that of women. The difference is generally smaller at earlj^ periods than afterwards : thus, before puberty, the ratio is 3 to 2, and it afterwards becomes 9 to 5. We also see that the hands, acting together, produce a greater effect than the sum of the effects they produce acting separately ; this appears to be partly owing to the weight of tlie instrument, which is carried twice, and in an inconvenient manner, when the hands are used in succession. Lastly, the strongest hand is that one we use habitually, at least considering masses of people. The right hand is about one-sixth stronger than the left.
Now, if we compare the power of pressing, which I have observed, Mith that of IVIM. Regnier, Eansonnet, and Peron, we shall find the greatest differences, and which I can only attribute to the manner in which the hands were placed on the instrument, and the consequent space betwLxt them. I have tried the in- strument in different ways, and I think I may be cer- tain that the indications are accurate, especially those for the average power of man. Those values which I ought to mistrust are those obtained for women and children ; they appear to me to be less than they ought to be, for the reasons above stated.
According to the researches of MM. Regnier and Eansonnet, the average strength of man is not more than 46"3 or 50 kilogrammes [184 lbs. troy] ; that is to say, that it does not come up to his weight; whence it follows, that a man could not lift himself by the pressure he can exercise with his hands. Now, experience evidently disproves such a residt. Among the sailors experimented upon, there was probably not one who could not hold himself suspended, for some minutes at least, at tlie end of a cord firmly fixed at the other end. According to Pcron, the manual force would be 69'2 kilogrammes : this value approaches nearer the truth. What I liave found for a developed man is 89 kOogrammes [238 lbs. troy], nearly 19 kilogranmies more than the weight of a man

70

ON MAN.

ill his dress ; so that a man may hold at the end of a cord, and bear at tlie same time a weight as heavy ; moreover, the thickness of the cord, or the form of the object which he holds, will necessarily influence the result of the experiment.*
We also see, from the values which I have obtained, that it is about the age of 9 or 10 years tliat a man begins to acquire sufficient power in his hands to hold himself suspended for a time. Woman, at any age, does not appear capable of exercising a power equiva- lent to her weight ; yet many women, from exercise and habits of "labour, at length exceed this limit. Thus we see yoimg girls, by practising gymnastic exercises, acquire the power of raising themselves by means of cords to different heights. It would appear, then, although my values are very superior to those of the observers quoted, that they are rather below than above the truth, at least for children and women.
'V^^len the power of the hands is tried several times in succession, it happens, just as with the lumbar strength, that, all things being equal, the subsequent efforts are never so energetic as the first ones. Thus the degrees of poAver diminish successively, and tend to a limit. The second effort is generally weaker by 4 or 5 degrees than the first ; the difference is not so great afterwards.
Trying my strength at different periods of the day, I have not observed any very great differences. The greatest effect I have been able to produce was observed on coming from a public lecture, at a time when I was slightly indisposed by an accession of fever. I was able to bring the needle of the djTiamometer nearly 1 degrees beyond the point it haljitually reached. In general, the strength was greater after dinner than before -, it appears to vary Avith different times of the day, and especially Avith the hours of refreshment. IVIy experiments are not so numerous as to enable me here to bring forward numerical results of sufficient accuracy ; and, for the same reason, I have been obliged to defer establishing the ratios betAveen tlie stature, weight, and strength of men at different ages. But it appears to me that affluence, abundance of food, and moderate exercise, favourablj' assist the develop- ment of the physical powers ; Avhilst misery, Avant, and excess of labour, produce the contrary effect. Therefore, the man Avho finds himself in affluent cir- cumstances, not merely possesses the advantages of fortune, as well as longer life and less liability to dis- ea.se ; he has also better opportimities for the proper development of his physical qualities.

CHAPTER IV.
l.NSPIRATIOX, PULSATION, SWIFTNESS, &C. 1. Inspiration and Pulsation.
In individuals Avho are Avell-formed and enjoying good health, the number of inspirations and beats of the heart are generally confined Avithin certain limits, Avhich it may be interesting to know, as aa'cII as the average value Avhich they have at dillerent ages. The authors Avho have Avritten on this subject generally give results Avliich are A'cry discordant, for early ages especially. Kepler appears to have been the first Avho thought of determining the number of pulsa- tions in a given time; and Ave may be astonished that, in our own time, avc have not more accurate results than those found m the most eminent physio- logical Avorks.
The following are the numbers which different authors have given for the beats of the heart in one minute : —

It Avould be curious to examine how long an individual could

continue suspended by the pressure of his hands only.

Kumber of Beats of the Heart,

according to

Ages.

c

1

Diet, df

-Magendie.*

Rochoux. t

Adelon-t

md.

vol. 21.

Birth, -

130 to 140

140

1.30 to 140

140

I year,

120 to 130

120

2 „ -

100 to 110

100

110

U)0

3 „ - -

90 to 100

90

Puberty,

80

80 to 00

Manhood,

70

Old age,

60

" The number of pulsations of the foetal heart, in a given time," says M. Paul Dubois,§ " cannot always be easily determined ; but Avhen it can, as is usually the case, Ave find tlie number from 140 to 1 50 a-minute, and very frequently 144 ; it is very natural to think that the number of pulsations should be quick, in- versely as the age of the foetus, and yet our researches do not confirm such an opinion. Indeed, we may affirm, that, from the end of the fifth month, at which period the pulsations of the heart may be readily counted, until the end of gestation, the rhythm [mea- sure] of the double beats has appeared exactly the same to us."
M. Billard has given results which generally do not much agree Avith those Avhich have been quoted. Ac- cording to this observer, of 41 children, between 1 and 10 days old, and apparently enjoying good health, he has found —
18 having fewer than 80 pulsations per minute.

2

,,

80

1

,,

89

4

^,

100

10

„

~ 110 to 129

1

„

130

2

„

„ 145

2

„

150

1

„

~ 180

Thus, in one-half of the infants, the pidse Avas al- most the same number as of adults ; and there were others, the beats of whose heart exceeded in number those of individuals of a more advanced age. These children presented no appearance of disease.
Of 36 children from 1 to 2 months old — 14 presented 80 to 85 pulsations.
1 -. 60 to 62
2 ~ 90
2 - 94 to 95
5 - 110 to 112 -
2 - 114
7 „ 125 to 130 ~
3 ~ 140-147 to 150 ~
Of 20 children from 2 to 3 months old— 14 presented more than 90 pulsations. 2 - „ 100 «
2 ~ - 70 -
2 „ ~ 70 to 80 ~
It Avoiild be Avrong to affirm that children uniformly present a more frequent pulse than adults. ||
It does not appear that the number of inspirations per minute has been examined with as much care as the pulsations. Authors, in general, have not and cannot agree on this point. Ilaller said he made 20 inspirations per minute ; Menzics says 14 ; Davy ob- served on himself 2G ; Thomson, also on liimself, 19 ; Magendie, 15. But we generally say that there are 20, and that every fifth inspiration is deeper than the others.^

Physiologic. Ed. 1825.

t Diet, de IMedicinc, 1827.
t Pliysiologie, vol. iii. p. 417.
§ Rapport sur 1' Application de I'AuseuItation a la Grossesse.
II [Notwitlistanding these observations, there can be no doubt whatever that the pulsations of the heart, counted at the wrist, are uniformly much more numerous in children under six years of age than in adults.]
t Dictionnaire des Sciences Mcdicales, Art. Respiration.

ON MAN.

71

I sIihII noAV present the results of experiments made at Brussels, both on inspurations and the heating of the heart simultaneously.
And first, according to the observations made on 18 male and as many female children, immediately after birth, the following results were obtained : —

Pulsations.

Inspirations.

Aver.

Max.

Win.

Aver.

Max.

Jlin.

Bi)\s, - GUIs, - -

136 135

165 163

104 108

44 44

70 68

23
27

Therefore, it appears that difference of sex does not influence these phenomena, at any rate at birth.
The following is a classification of the preceding numbers : —
Inspirations.
25 to 30, -
30 to 40,
40 to 50,
50 to 60,
60 to 70, Pulsations. 104 to 115, 116 to 125, -
126 to 135, ... 136 to 145,
145 to 155, ... 155 to 165,
I think these results susceptible of greater accuracy. Considering the number of inspirations and pulsations in men, at difi'erent ages, I have found, per minute, for the average and extreme values, in nearly 300 indi- viduals, as follows : —

Boys.

Girls

3

1

3

5

5

8

5

3

2

1

2

1

6

7

6

5

1

2

1

Ages.

Pulsations.

Inspirations.

Aver.

Mnx.

Min.

Aver.

Max.

Min.

Birth, 5 years, 10 to 15, 15 to 20, 20 to 25, 25 to 30, 30 to 50,

136 88 78 69-5 69-7 71-0 700

165 100 98 90 98 90 112

104 73 60 57 61 59 56

44 26
20 18-7 16-0 18-1

70
32
24 24 21 23

23
16 14 15 11

Isations.

Inspirations

135

44

78

19

77

17

74-5

It does not appear that there is a determinate ratio between the pulsations and inspirations ; however, in many individuals, and I am of the number, it is as 4 to 1.
The observations made on women have been less immerous than those made on men. Moreover, it does not appear that the difference of sexes is at any period more marked than about the time of birth ; perhaps there is a slight acceleration in females, at least this appears from the following numbers : —
Ages. Birth,
15 to 20 years, £0to25 ~ - 25 to 30 - 30 to 50 - -
The temperament, the state of the health, and a crowd of other circumstances, must cause the number of inspirations and pulsations to vary considerably in different individuals. Wakefuhiess and sleep have also great influence.* From a considerable number of

[It is sufficiently singular that the cliief eause modifying the

number of pulsations of the heart, during the twenty-four hours, escaped tlie notice of M. Quetelet. He takes no account of the singular influence exercised in accelerating the pulsations hy the slightest muscular exertion. The condition of sleeping or waking, to which he ascribes considerable effect, has little influence on the pulse, further than as regards a quiescent or non-quiescent state of the body. He seems also inclined to ascribe to sleep those effects which have long ago been proved to be solely attri- butable to another cause, viz., a diurnal revolution in the num- ber of pulsations of the human heart. — See Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal for 181'.]

observations made carefully on a male child betAveen 4 and 5 years of age, I have found that, when awake, the number of pulsations was 93-4, and the number of inspirations 29-3; whilst for the same child, during sleep, I counted 77*3 pulsations, and 21-5 inspirations, on an average.* The ratio of these numbers is 1 to 1-21 for the pulsations, and 1 to 1-36 for the inspira- tions. Similar observations have been made on a young girl between 3 and 4 years old, and on a woman of 26 years. All these observations have presented the fol- lowing average values : —

Pulsations.

Inspirations.

Ages.

6 <

8 ■a <

Ratio.

6

1 <

Ratio.

Girl, 3 to 4 years, Boy, 4 to 5 - Woman, 26 to 27,

102.3 93-4
77-5

92-0
77-3 C7-0

Ml 1-21 116

30-2 29-3 27-0

24-8 21-5 20-3

1-22 1-36 1-30

It results from these observations, that sleep causes a more sensible modification of the number of inspira- tions than of the beats of the heart. In general, it diminishes both numbers, the first in a ratio which may be considered as 7 to 6, and the second in the ratio of 4 to 3 nearly. It is very important to con- sider the state of tlie individual in these researches, and not to make the observations wlien the person is excited by walking quickly, or by passions and emo- tions of the mind, and still more if the person is not well in health. To observe accurately the number of inspirations is very difiicult, and particularly if the individual knows that he is the object of observation. I have seen many jiersons unable to make sucli obser- vations on themselves. We must also consider the time of tlie day : for instance, in the evening we are generally more excited than in the morning, and the beats of the heart, as well as the inspirations, are more rapid.f Neither is it indifferent whether we observe tlie person before or after a meal. Observing myself at quiet moments, but at different times of the day, I have found the average number of the beats of the heart to be 66"2, and the average number of inspirations 15'8. The first number lias varied between the extremes of 74 and 56 : this latter value has been observed imme- diately before dinner, and the former after a public lecture, about one hour after reaching home. The mmiber of inspirations has varied between 17 and 14'.5.
MM. Leuret and ^litivie, avIio have recently jjub- lished an interesting -work on i\\e frequency of the pulse in the insane,^ have sought to determine the influence of temperature and changes of the moon on tliis fre- quency ; but their observations Avere not sufficiently numerous to deduce a numerical appreciation of so feeble an element. On the other hand, comparing young people and old persons, they have found that, contrary to the generally received opinion, the pulse of the first is slower than the second : thus they have comited in one minute,

In young persons, — old persons, ~ insane women.

65 pulsations. 74 ~ 77 ~

The observations were made in the morning, whilst the persons Avere stiU in bed, and the pulse conse- quently beating slower than durmg the .day. MM. Leuret and Mitivio have also thought that the average number of pulsations was fewer in winter than in

[These observations of M. Quetelet are of little comparative

value, from his having neglected to state the iwsition of the child during the waking state, and the time of day or night.]
t [The reader is requested to suspend his judgment in respect to these observations imtil he has perused the documents in the appendix. Certain important elements in these observations have, as we have already said, been overlooked by M. Quetelet.]
I Paris, Crdchard : 1832. 8vo.

n

ON MAN.

summer, and that the variations do not correspond to changes of temperature.*
2. On Swiftness, and the Activity of some other Physical Qualities of Man.
There are several other physical qualities of man besides tliose I have just considered, which are like- wise susceptible of measurement, and which have been little attended to hitherto. What is generally the best known is the swiftness and the length of the stride of man ; but at present, the data for different ages are wanting, and especially when consideration is had to the weight and size of individuals.
A foot traveller can pass over six kilometres [7158 yards] an hour, and continue a long distance, which IS at the rate of 100 metres [119 yards] a-minute. We calculate the length of the step at eight decimetres [31-496 inches] : thus the traveller makes 125 steps per minute, and 7500 ste^js in an hour. He can walk at this rate 8h hours a-day, and continue as long as he likes, without injuring his health or strength. Then, as a fact, we suppose 51 kilometres [55,743 yards] the average distance which a traveller can walk each day, without overstretching his powers. The average weight of a man in his ordinary clothes is 70 kilogrammes [187 lbs. troy]. Thus, the pedestrian carries each day 70 kilogrammes a distance of 51 Icilometres ; or, which amounts to the same thing, .'5570 kilogrammes the distance of one kilometre.
According to M. Ch. Dupin, from whom I borrow the preceding details,f the mihtary step is computed to be as foUows : —

Length.

The Soldier makes jier minute — ■

Common step," -

6o cent.i

76

Quick march,

05 ~

100

Charging,

-

125

1 regret that my own observations do not allow me to treat this subject at present in more detail, or to present a summary of the results obtained by observers who have endeavoured to ascertain the i>ractical effect of speed combined with strength. We find, in general, that Avherever the energy of man can be excited, em- ployed as a machine, the physical qualities he can put in force have been measured with more precision. His other qualities have been less studied: thus, we know little of the average speed of man in running ; we also know very little of the height and length of his leap, Avith the exception of the cases of those men who possessed those qualities in aia extraordinary degree.
I have been endeavouring to sum up Avhat relates to the height and extent of the leap, in some results which it may be useful to know. However, I ought to premise, that since these results for young ages have been obtained from individuals, several of whom were studying gymnastic exercises, the values may be greater than they otherwise would be. The leaps Avere made without taking a run, and on a plane and horizontal surface. The length Avas estimated by measuring the distance from the toes.
^ Length Height
° ' of the Leap. of the Leap,
metres. metres.
11 years, • - - 1-52
12 ,- - - - 1-60
13 - ... 1.66 o-(i4 U - - - • 1-77 0-70
15 - - - - IW O-OO
16 ~ - - - 2-OC 0-83
17 ~ ... 2-fi4 0'81
18 ~ - - - 2-14 1-00
19 to .TO, - - - 2-18 093 ."5010 40, - - - 1-78 0-88

[The observations of MM. Leuret and Mitivi^ have been

refuted in this coimtry— first by Dr Knox, in 1014, and aftor>vards by Dr Guy, in 1836. — See Anatomical and Physiological Memoirs and Medical Gazette, likewise Guy's Hospital Reports.']
t G^om^trie et Mdchaiuque dcs Arts et Metiers, tome iii. p. 75 : 1836.
i [26 5-lOths inches.]

The height of the leap was estimated by the height of an obstacle over which the person could leap, with his feet close together, and without taking any run.
Estimatmg the length of the leap at two metres, [6 5-lOths feet] we see that it is about triple that of the ordinary or quick step of soldiers.
I ought, according to the plan I have laid down, to present a great -number of other data here, which are capable of being measured, and which vary according to the ages of the persons. I ought, in some manner, to meet those views relative to man which have been put forth by Mr Babbage, with whom I have fre- quently had the honour to meet during my experi- ments. Mr Babbage, in wishing for a table of constants, had in view a measurement of every thing in the different kingdoms of nature which is capable of measurement. This gigantic plan has not deterred his countrymen, who are not accustomed to shrink from difficidties, when, by surmounting them, they can enrich science : thus, the British Association, at the meeting which took place in Cambridge in 1833, set aside a certain sum to encourage the efforts of those Avho seek to realise, in some measure, the ideas of Mr Babbage. I have not laboured on so grand a scale as my erudite friend ; I have only been consi- dering man : but in another view I have rendered the problem more comiireliensive, by seeking to determine the modifications which age induces on physical quali- ties, Avhich cannot be considered as constant until man is fidly developed, and Avhen he has not approached the iJeriod of decay.
I recollect that Mr Babbage, in a conversation which we had together on the subject of his constants, told me that he had been investigating how many times a man could do certain things in one minute of time : for example, how many steps he coidd make, how many strokes of the oar the rower makes, how many blows the smith gives with his hammer, how many stitches the tailor makes, &c. ; and that he had ob- served that these numbers do not vary much in the different countries which he had visited. These con- stants partly depend on our organisation, and more especially on some of the fiiculties, as inspirations, pulsations, stature, &c. It would be interesting to determme the ratios Avhich exist between the different constants, and see if they obey simple laws.
Gretry remarks somewhere in his memoirs, that the step of man is easily regulated by an air he sings, the measure being quicker or sloAver. Pythagoras long ago perceived a certain harmony in the number of blows struck by the forger; this harmony was undoubtedly purely numerical, like that which he guessed at" concerning the motions of worlds, and which, indeed, has been acknowledged by Kepler, who was impressed with the same ideas of harmony as the founder of the ItaUan school. I again repeat, that to judge of the mutual dependencies of each of our facidties, and to determine to what extent they are influenced by each other, it is necessary to have studied them successively with care, before establish- ing relations Avhich require subsequent impartiaUty and discernment. Not until then shall we be able to know man, and the effects of all the causes by Avhich he is influenced, Avhether these causes be extrinsic to him, or whether they depend merely upon his will and his organisation. ,

BOOK THIRD.
DEVELOPMENT OP TUB MORAL AND INTELLEC- TUAL QUALITIES OP MAN.
1. Of the Determination of the Average Man with Regard to Moral and Intellectual Qualities.
We have been enabled to perceive, in the two preced- ing books, that an appreciation of the physical qua-

ON MAN.

73

lities of tlio average man does not present any real difficulty, Avhether we can measure them directly, or whether they only become appreciable by their effects. It is not so with the moral and intellectual qualities. Indeed, I do not know that any person had thought of measuring them, before the essay I wrote on the development of the inclination to crime at different ages. At the same time, I endeavoured to mark out the course which it is proper to foUow in such re- searches, and the real difficulties which present them- selves, wlien we attempt to arrive at each particular result. Perhaps it wiU be useful to give a summary recapitulation of my ideas on the subject, before pass- ing to the application of them.
Certain moral qualities are A'ery analogous to phj'- sical ones ; and we may value them, by admitting that they are proportioned to the effects Avhich they produce. Thus, we cannot hesitate to say that one operative has twice or thrice the activity of another, if, all things being equal, he performs double or triple the amount of labour which the other one does. Here the effects are purely phj'sical, and like the compres- sion of the spring in the estimation of mechanical forces : we have only to admit the hypothesis that causes are proportioned to the effects i^roduced by them. Bixt in a great nimiber of cases, this apprecia- tion becomes impracticable. pVhen the activity of man is exerted on immaterial labours, for example, what standard can wc adopt, except the works, such as books, statues, or paintings, produced? for how can we obtain tlie value of the researches and thought which these works have required ? The number of the works can alone give an idea of the productive power of the author, as the number of children brought into the world gives us the fecundity of a female, without taking into account the value of the •work produced.
If, like the fecundity of females, the different qua- lities of men were manifested by deeds to Avhich we could assign a value, we conceive that these qualities might be appreciated and compared with each other. Thus, we shoidd not be astounded at hearing, that one man has twice the courage of another, but only one-thii'd tlie genius ; but, since such an appreciation has nothing definite and exact, Ave confine om'selves to saying that a certain individual has courage, or has not courage, or is even a coward ; which in mathe- matical language would be expressed by saying that his courage is positive, zero, or negative. We say that one man has more courage than another. This opinion is formed, when, after having seen both the individuals in question in action, we think one infe- rior to the other, without being able to form an exact estimate of their degi'ee of courage. Here we see how arbitrary this is, and how much such estimates are matters of debate. It might also be considered absurd in any one to attempt to express by numbers the relative courage, genius, prudence, or evil propensities of two individuals. Yet, let us examine such an im- pression more narrowly ; let us try to find out why it is absurd ; and see if the ratio for which we contend may not be laid down in some cases.
Let us suppose that two individuals are every day placed in circumstances inciting to acts of bravery, and that each one has the same readiness to seize them: moreover, let us suppose that each year we enumerate, pretty constantly, 500 acts of the one, and 300 of the other : moreover, these acts, though more or less remarkable, may be considered collectively, as having each the same value, because they are gene- rally produced under similar ch-cum stances. This being admitted, and considering causes as propor- tioned to their effects, we should have no difficulty in saying that the bravery of these two individuals is as 500 to 300, or 5 to 3. Such an appreciation woidd have more truth, according as the observations on which it was founded extended over a greater number of years, and varied little from one other. Here,

then, the absurdity only proceeds from the impossi- bilitij, in the first place, of i3lacing two men in equally favourable circumstances to display their bravery and courage ; in the second place, of emmierating each of these acts ; and, lastly, of collecting a sufficient num- ber of them, in order that the conclusion we form may be as little removed from truth as possible. Conse- quently, the ratio is only considered as being absurd, from the supposed impossibility of determining it. However, let \is suppose the two individuals just spoken of are Frenchmen, and that one of them repre- sents the generality of men between 21 and 25 years of age, and the other the generality between 35 and 40 : moreover, instead of courageous acts, let us sub- stitute thefts, of such a nature as come under the power of the criminal tribunals, and all the rest will be realised, in such a manner that we may consider it as very probable that in France the inclination to theft is almost as five to three, in men between 21 and 25, and 35 and 40. Indeed, we may admit that men between 21 and 25, Avho, according to the French tables of popiUation, are as numerous as those between 35 and 40, have the same facility to commit theft as the latter ; and, moreover, that the tliefts coming under the judgment of the criminal tribvmals, have circumstances of equal aggravation in each. If it be objected, that we can, in this consideration, only take in the thefts which come before the tribunals, I shall say that, when we calculate the mortality or fecun- dity of a nation, we are only acquainted with the births and deaths noted in the civil records, and that a great number may be omitted. Moreover, the pro- bability of omissions is as great for individuals between 21 and 25, as for those between 35 and 40 j'ears of age.
Thus we may say, first, that the individuals wo compare are almost exactly in the same circum- stances; second, that if we do not know the abso- lute number of thefts which they have committed, at least we know the probable ratio ; third, that this ratio must be entitled to more confidence, since it is founded on the observations of several years, and varies within narrow limits merely. Indeed, the ratio of 5 to 3 has been calcidated from the results of four j-ears : for two years, it was exactly as 5 to 3 ; one time rather more, the other rather less. These dif- ferences are such, that if we measure for four daj^s in succession, the ratio of the power of two indivi- duals by Eegnier's dynamometer, the differences be- tween these four ratios and the general average will undoubtedly be greater than those which we have observed. Thus Ave may consider it as very probable, that the degrees of inclination to theft, for France in her present state, are such as avc have established.
Now, let us suppose that society, in a more perfect state than its present and real one, takes the oppor- tunity some day to register and appreciate courageous and Airtuous actions, as crimes are noAv done, will there not be some means of measuring the relative degrees of courage or virtue at different ages ? There- fore the absm-dity Avhich is now attached to an endea- \-om' to appreciate this ratio for the average man, is more apparent than real, and is OAving to the impos- sibility Avhich still exists, in the actual state of society, of procuring the necessary elements of the calculation.
It appears to me that it Avill always be impossible to estimate the absolute degree of courage, &c., of any one particular indiAddual : for Avhat must be adopted as unity ? — shall Ave be able to observe this individual long enough, and with sufficient closeness, to have a record of all his actions, Avhereby to estimate the value of the courageous ones ; and will these actions be numerous enough to deduce any satisfactory conclu- sion from them ? Wlio Avill guarantee that the dis- positions of this individual may not be altered during the course of the observations ? When we operate on a great number of individuals, these difficulties almost entirely disappear, especially if Ave only Avant to deter- mine the ratios, and not the absolute values.

74

ON MAN.

Thus we might estimate the tendency to certain vices or virtues, either for men at difl'erent ages or for both sexes, when we are only taking one nation into consideration : but the difficulties increase when we compare different nations, because many circmn- stances which iu the two former cases were the same, become very dissimilar in the latter.
To make a summary of what has been said on the possibility of measuring qualities of men which are only appreciable by their effects, I think we may emjploy numbers in the following cases, without any imputation of absurdity : —
1. When the eflects may be estimated by means of a direct measm-e, which gives their degree of energy, such as those produced by strength, speed, and acti- vity, apphed to material works of the same nature.*
2. When the qualities are such that the effects are almost the same, and in a ratio with the frequency of these effects, such as the fecundity of females, drunken- ness, &c. If two men, placed in similar circumstances, became intoxicated regularly, the one every week, and the other twice a-week, we should say that their propensity to intoxication was as 1 to 2.
3. Lastly, we may also employ numbers, when the causes are such that it is necessary to pay as much attention to the frequency of the effects as to their energy, although the ditRculties then become very great, and indeed sometimes insoluble, owing to the few data at present possessed by us. This is what we observe especially in regard to the moral and intel- lectual qualities, such as courage, prudence, imagi- nation, &c. The question generally becomes simpli- fied, Avhen the effects really vary in energy ; but these, nevertheless, under their different modifications, are in almost similar proportions. We may, then, leave energy out of the calculation, and only attend to fre- quency. Thus, comparing the state of man at 25 and at 45 years of age, in his tendency to commit theft, we may, without erring greatly, attend only to the frequency of the thefts at these different ages, because the different degrees of aggravation of these offences may be supposed the same in both cases. In such appreciations as these, the values we obtain have the greater likelihood of approaching the true values wliich are wanting, according as, all things being equal, they are more numerous — just as when we put two individuals to the proof, to form an idea of their knowledge, veracit}-, memory, &c., we mark the num- ber of mistakes they make. Moreover, as I have already remarked, these modes of appreciation are almost impracticable, when tM'o individuals are con-

Perhaps we might reduce to the same class the effects of

memory, whether considered in its readiness to apprehend or its power of retention. Fur example, two persons, the mind of each being equally calm, and constituted alike favourably for the experiment, will commit some pages of a book to memory, the one in two hours, the other in four hours : but the first person, after a :nonth, will not be able to repeat the passage in question without stopping, whilst the second finds no defect of his memory until two months have elapsed. After such an experiment, the facility to apprehend (in the two individu;Us) is as 1 to 2, and the facility to retain in the inverse ratio : the time here serves as a measure. We should siy, undoubtedly, that it is impossible to note the precise moment when we have committed the passage entirely to memory, as well as when the memory begins to be defective. But here we may act as is done in physical pheno- mena, which present the same inconvenience, when calculating the duration of the sensation of sight or lie:u'ing, or the loss of electricity by a moist medium, or the cooling of bodies. Memory seizes and loses in a gradual manner, and according to a certain law ; but there is a ratio between the facility of seizing and re- taining in different persons, independently of this law. Tliis ratio must vary very much acconling to the ago of persons. I think these variations may be ascertained by increasing the number of experiments, to correct what may have been defective in other observations. I do not think that the changes which age produces on sensations of sight and hearing have yet been studied : I do not speak of the other senses, the mode of operation of which is but little imdcrstood.

cerned, because the facts are not sufficiently nume- rous to draw any satisfactory conclusion from them ; and, moreover, the individuals may alter during the course of the observations. It is not so with the ave- rage man : indeed, we can obtain a great number of observations in a short time. It Avould be impossible, when comparing two men, tlie one between 21 and 25, and the other between 35 and 40, to determine, all things being equal, their degree of proneness to theft, or any other crime, for this proneness may not have been disclosed, even in one single action, in the course of the observations ; Avhich is no longer the case when we take all men, collectively, of the same age : the number of acts or effects is then great enough to allow us, without anj^ serious error, to neglect the different degrees of energy of these acts. Again, if we find that the number of crimes remains nearly exactly the same, from year to year, it is very pro- bable that the result obtained AviU not be far from the truth.
I think all the qualities of man which are only appreciable by their effects, may be referred to the three heads I have laid down above : I also think it will be perceived tliat the impossibility of emi>loying numbers at present, in such appreciations, is rather OAving to the insiifficiency of the data than to the inaccuracy of the methods.
If the law established for the average man is liable to some exceptions, as all the laws of nature are, j'et this will be what expresses most nearly what the state of society has been ; and nothing can be more important. At birth, man is possessed of the germs of all the qualities which are developed successively and in different degi'ees ; prudence predominates in one, avarice in another, imagination in a third : we also find some tall in proportion to their age, others liaA-ing a precocious imagination, and possessed of actiA^ty and vigour in old age. The single fact that Ave remark tlie existence of these differences, proves that Ave have some notion of a general laAv of deve- lopment, and reason accordingly. Therefore, I am not aiming at something unheard of, but onl}' to give more precision to these commonly A'ague apprecia- tions, because they rest on incomplete or defective observations, and are almost ahvays fcAV in number.
After all Avhicli has been said, I think it not only not absurd, Ijut even possible, to determine the average man of a nation, or of the human race ; the apparent absurdity of such a research only proceeds from the Avant of a sufficient number of accurate observations, so that the conclusions may present the greatest pos- sible probability of truth. In the preceding book, I have already attempted to determine the laAvs of the development of tlie physical poAvers of the average man : I am noAv going to continue my researches, and extend them to the moral and mtellectual qualities.

CHAPTER I.
DEVELOr?.IENT OF THE INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES. 1. Development of the Intellect.
The field avc aire going to traverse is immense ; in the actual state of science, Ave must confine ourselves to simple indications, A\'hich avlII serve as posts to denote the first attempts made Avith a design of taking in and observing the Avhole field. It Avill first be necessary to determine the period at Avhicli meiucry, imagination, and judgment, commence, and the stages through Avhich they successiA-cly pass in their pro- gress to maturity ; then, having established the maxi- mum point, Ave "may extend our inquiries to the Uiat of tlieir decline. I have already stated the mode in Avhich memory is to be estimated, and I shall here endeavour to shoAV hoAV Ave ought to proceed with reason and imagination. We can only appreciate faculties by their effects ;

ON MAN.

75

ill other Avords, by the actions or works which they produce. Now, in attributing to a nation, as we should to an individual, all the works which it has pro- duced, we may form an opinion both of the fecundity and the power of intellect of that nation, compared with others, making allowance for the influence of causes impeding their production. Afterwards, by bearing in mind the ages at which the authors have produced their works, we possess the necessary ele- ments to follow the development of the mind, or its productive power. In such an examination, it will be necessary to separate the different kinds of works ; placing together Avorks of art or design, music, mathe- matics, literature, philosophy, &c., so as to perceive immediately the different shades of development of the different foculties.
This research should he repeated in passing from one nation to another, to see if the laws of develop- ment vary by locality more than by the nature of the works. It will also be necessary that these examina- tions be most accurate and impartial ; we should not select, but take the works promiscuously, without classing them. This might be tedious and irksome ; but would present curious and very unexpected re- sidts.
I shall now give an example of such an analysis of dramatic works only, and I shall take France and England as the subject of observation. To exclude all idea of system, I shall only consider those works truly deserving of mention which are given in the Repertory of Picard for France, and the British Theatre for England. I know that, in attributing as much merit to the Misanthrope as to the Sicilian, and as much to Don Sancho of Arragon as to Cinna, there can be no similarity ; but here, as well as in tlie researches into crime, it happens that the greater number of the obstacles disappear, and the ratio of works of the first order to those of the second may be considered as being essentially the same, in the groups we have formed. Besides, when examining the degrees of merit of the different works in detail, we may still in some measure meet and parry this inconvenience and diffi- culty. We may still deceive ourselves in such an estimate, but generally tlie probability of error will be lessened as the observations are more numerous. We have, moreover, the valuable advantage of being able to prove the law of development, by passing from one nation to another, and seeing how the maximum is influenced by locality.
In the review I have made of dramatic works, I have thought proper to take, not the period at which the works were written, which is generally impossible, but the time when they were represented, which, on an average, will generally be two or three years later.

French Theatre.

English Theatre.

o'S

•? ^, "O

o ^

.a -d

Ages.

£ p S

i j"|

li

2°E

CO

2 £.2

2 - §
"§1 =

1^"

3 g'"

Ill

^^

?-|

^J

^.S

20 & under,

47

1

24

1

20 to 25, -

5

47

5

6

24

6

25 to 30, - -

15

47

15

8

24

8

30 to 35, -

26

47

26

9

23

9

35 to 40, - -

26

46

27

7

22

8

40 to 45, -

25

45

20

7

22

8

45 to 50, - -

28

43

30

6

19

8

iJO to 55, -

23

41

26

15

55 to 60, - -

5

a3

7

1

12

2

60 to 65, -

G

28

10

1

11

2

65 to 70, - -

4

23

8

7

70 & upwards.

2

18

5

1

7

3

The first column for each country indicates the number of principal dramatic works ; the second the V

number of authors who composed them, and who survived to the ages pointed out ; and the third column informs us how many works might have been pro- duced, all things being equal, if the number of authors had not been reduced by death. Thus, between their 65th and 70th years, 23 authors have produced four works ; and I have supposed that if the 24 others had continued to live, they would have been able to pro- duce other four, which would give a total of 8 drama- tic works. Admitting, then, that each had the same opportunity to produce, at a given age, I have multi- plied each number of the first column, which gives
47 the principal dramatic works, by the ratio — , in
a which a stands for the number of surviving authors.
Now, if we proceed to examine the results which the table presents, we shall perceive that, both in England and France, dramatic talent scarcely begins to be developed before the 21st year ; between 25 and 30, it manifests itself very decidedly ; it continues to increase, and continues vigorous, until towards the 50th or 55th year ; then it gradually declines, espe- cially if we consider the value of the works pro- duced.
Moreover, it would appear that authors were rather more precocious in England than m France : this may be owing to the manner in Avhich the numbers have been collected, and to the difficulty which French authors experience before they procure the represen- tation of their pieces.
It would be interesting to compare these results with those which have been obtained bj' considering the number and relative merit of the different woi'ks. This I have endeavoured to do in the following table, which I only bring forward as an essay, not pretend- ing that the classification of French works is accord- ing to their real merit. I have thought proper only to make three degrees of comparison of the works given by Picard as forming the French stage ; and I have quoted a small number of those which I con- ceive to belong to the first rank : —

Order of the

?-2

Ages.

Works.

1^

1st.

2d.

3d.

20 and under,

20 to 25,

1

4

7

25 to 30, - -

3

3

9

24

30 to 33,

4

8

14

42

35 to 40, - -

4

8

14

42

40 to 45, -

2

9

14

38

45 to 50, - -

6

10

12

50

50 to 55, -

3

8

12

37

55for;o, - -

3

2

8

60 to 65,

2

4

8

65 to 70, - -

1

3

5

70 & upwards,

1

1

3

Name of the Works of the First Order.

(Edipe. f Le Cid, Androm.nquc, I Britannicus. I Les Horaces, Cinna, I Polyeucte.lphig^nie. / Phedre, Le Joueur, I Zaire, Le Mechant.
Le Distrait, Alzire. C Le Misanthrope, Le N TartufFe, L'Avare, i Mahomet, Merope, C La M^tromanie. t Les Femmes Savan- ■J tes, Athalie, Le Glo- I rieux.

In the approximative estimate I have made of the relative degrees of merit of works of the first, second, and third orders, I have taken the numbers 3, 2, and 1 ; and from them I have deduced the values of the last column, which entirely confirm those given by the former table. It is also easy to see, Avhatever numbers we may employ to express the relative de- grees of merit of works, that the general results still remain the same.
Another very curious result which the tables I have formed show, although the details are here suppressed, is, that tragic talent is developed more rapidl}' than comic. The chefs-d'oeuvre Avhich enrich French comedy,

76

ON MAN.

V'crc not begun until the 38th or 40th year ; and we scarcely find any works belonging to elevated comedy before the 30th year ; though I am only speaking of the French authors included in the Kepertory of Picard. But I leave this discussion to more competent judges ; here I confine myself to just poiiating out the plan to be adopted. Others are more able to ascertain if the talent of the tragic autlior really arrives at maturity earlier than the condc author ; and if this maximum is more precocious because it is naturally connected with the time of life when the passions are in the highest state of exaltation. The best mode of ana- lysing this question will be, to ascertain the law of development of musical talent and the art of design, and things generally which excite the passions ; and, on the otlierhand, to study our fticulties, the develop- ment of which does not so much require the conjunc- tion of the passions and an exalted imagination, as observation and reflection. I shall soon present a re- markable example of analysis of the development of the passions, which tends to show that their maxi- mum of energy takes place about the 25 th year ; so that, if an art existed, the exercise of which would follow a ratio proportional to the development of the passions, and where previous studies were dispensed with, its maximum of development would also take place about the 25th year : this maximum AvUl after- \\'ards draw near to that which reason attains, accord- ing as the intervention of this faculty becomes more necessary. It wiU also be necessary to take into ac- count the time required for the studies which are indispensable in the production of works.
Our intellectual faculties arise, increase, and decay : each one attains its energy towards a certain period of life. It Avould be of the highest interest to ascer- tain those which occupy the two extreme limits of the human scale ; that is to say, those which are the first and those Avhich are the last in arriving at ma- turity : because they have the property of being simple, and not resulting from combination : thus, for example, dramatic talent is a combination of several other fa- culties, such as imagination, reason, &c. ; but, I again repeat, such an analysis requires infinite care, nume- rous researches, and great shrewdness of observation.
After liaving rapidly sketched the course to be pursued in studying the development of the intellec- tual faculties, I think it will be proper to speak of their diseases, which are dreadful affections, the in- tensity and nmnber of which seem to keep pace with the development of the mind.
2. Of Mental Alienation.
" Sloth and misconduct give birth to poverty ; innnorality and intemperate passions lead to crime ; insanity may attack the most honourable, and does not always spare the wisest men."* This opinion, put forth by a man whose name has great weight in science, will be sufficient to convey an idea of the importance I attach to any thing bearing on the sta- tistics of the deranged. If it be true that diseases of the mind increase in proportion to the development of this faculty, we shall have a new measure or stan- dard, which may regulate what I have previously attempted to establish. However, it is well to be aware that, by taking all insane persons indiscrimi- nately, we may be led to very inaccurate results. Moreover, it is right to distinguish the two classes of insane persons carefully : for, according to M. Esqui- rol, it is insanity, properly so called, witli which idiocy has been confounded, that is in a direct ratio with civilisation. Idiocy is a state depending on soil and material influences, whilst insanity is the product of society and of moral and intellectual influences. In idiocy, these causes have prevented the development of the organ, and, consequently, the manifestation of intelligence. In the production of insanity, the brain

Remarques sur la Siaiisiique dcs Alknet, iiC, par M. Ksfiuirol

(Annales d'lli/gime, Dcccnibic 1C30).

is over-excited, and goes beyond its physiological power.*
To form an idea of the influence of this fatal malady, we shall commence by a glance at some of the principal countries where its mfluence has been most decided.

Population

Countries.

Population.

Deranged Persons.

to one Deranged

Person.

Norway,

1,051,318

1,900

551

England, -

12,700,000

16,222

7a'i

Wales, -

817,148

896

911

Scotland, 1825, -

2,01)3,454

3,652

573

New York, 1821,

1,616,458

2,240

721

France, t

30,000,000

30,000

KNIO

In Norway, idiots form one-third of the total num- ber of deranged persons, and one-half in Scotland and Wales : it is tlie great number of idiots which makes the proportion of deranged persons in Scotland so much greater than it is in England. In general, we observe that in mountainous countries there are many more idiots than in level ones ; and in plains where agriculture is solely pursued, we find more idiots than in towns. In France and New York, the number of idiots is very small.
From numerous researches into the ratio in Avhich the sexes are affected, collected from several countries, having great differences in temperature, customs, and laws, M. Esquirol has enumerated 37,825 males to 38,701 females ; from which it appears that difference of sex has not much influence on mental derangement. But this is not the case with the seasons ; their influ- ence is very marked ; at least we may infer this from the following returns of insane j)ersons admitted at Charenton : —

Admissions :

Months.

1828-1829.

Admissions before 1829.

Cures.

Deatlis.

]Men.

Women.

January, -

42

21

37

11

21

February,

40

33

49

10

24

March, -

49

25

53

10

16

April, - -

50

38

58

Ki

22

May, - -

58

.36

44

15

18

Juno, - -

55

34

70

19

18

July, - -

52

.36

61

23

18

August,

45

24

64

22

13

September,

48

26

47

22

11

October, -

44

47

49

24

30

November,

47

22

35

22

22

December,

35

28

52

15

8

Total, i: -

565

370

G19

200

221

Thus, the summer months have produced the great- est number of cases : the cures have also been most numerous in summer and autumn. We may conceive that, from cases of acute insanity breaking out during tlie hot season, and being more readily cured, also, than chronic ones, the three months of autumn ought to furnish the greatest number of cures.
If Ave examine Avhat influence age has on the deve- lopment of mental alienation, Ave shaU again find very curious results. It would appear that mental aliena- tion may be divided, according to ages, into imbecility in infancy, mania in youth, melancholy in mature age, and madness in advanced age.§
The following table Avill shoAV us the degree of fre- quency of this disease at different ages. It is con- structed from the data given by M. Esquirol in the

M. Esq\iirol. The data of this chapter are extracted princi-

pally from articles inserted by this philosopher in the AnnaUs d'Hyfl'tine.
t Tlicse mmibers relating to France arc from casual not statis- tical observation. See also the Memorial Encydopedique, May 18.33.
X Tlic numbers for the five years from 1829 to 1833, given in this and tlie following table, have been kindly furnished me by M. Ksquirol, from an unpublished work.
§ Sec the article Folic of the Diet, des Sciences Mddicalcs.

ON MAN.

77

Annalcs d'Hi/glcne for April 1829. To estimate the degree of frequency of mental alienation, I have thought it necessary to count the number of indivi- duals between 15 and 20, 20 and 25, &c., years of age. In this table I have also included the number of cures, and tlieir ratio to the number of patients.* Lastly, the numbers of both the last columns are those which M. Esq\iirol has kmdly permitted me to take from liis work about to be iiublished.

At Charenton

en 8

At Charenton :

before 1829.

1829 to 1833.

Ages.

Ratio.

s ©"a

Admis-

Cures.

h1 o

Men.

AVomen.

15 to 20 years,

22

11

2-0

24

24

11

20 to 25 -,

07

30

2-2

79

65

23

25 to .TO „

86

40

2-2

109

78

31

30 to 35 -, -

90

36

2-7

134

79

47

35 to 40 -

81

25

3-3

125

65

64

40 to 45 - -

79

21

3-8

129

64

59

45 to 50 „

72

14

5-1

131

52

44

50 to 55 ~ -

52

12

4-3

108

54

37

55 to 60 ~

21

6

3-5

51

32

20

eoto65 ~ -

21

9

2-3

63

33

18

(is to 70 ~

6

1

6-0

24

14

9

70 & upwards,

14

4

3-5

45

6

7

We have already seen that, all things being equal, it is between the 30th and 50th years that the great- est number of standard dramatic works have been produced in France — that is, the period when imagi- nation and reason are most productive ; and, by a singular contrast, it is also about the same age that mental alienation is most frequent, and the cure of it most difficult. The intellectual life of man, and the diseases of Jiis mind, especially develop themselves about the age of 25 years, when physical development has almost ceased : man, indeed, at this age, is almost entirely developed in stature, weight, and strength ; and it is at this time that the greatest tendency to crime is manifested. Again, it is remarkable from another comparison, namely, that the period of repro- duction falls between the 25th and 30th years. Thus, the average man, between 25 and 30 years of age, has completed his physical development, and this is also about the period Avhen his intellectual life is most vigorous, f
M. Esquirol, in a work published in 1830, in the Annales d'Hygime, has given the following munbers, which establish a difference between sexes and ages : —

Paris.

Norway

Ages.

Men.

Women.

Total.

IWen.

Women.

Total.

rSofore 20 years,

436

348

784

188

141

329

From 20 to 25,

624

563

1,187

101

83

184

„ 25 to 30,

635

727

1,362

97

88

185

- 30 to 40,

1441

1607

3,048

214

173

387

~ 40 to 50,

1298

1479

2,777

150

155

305

- 50 to 60,

847

954

1,801

128

115

243

- 60 and -i upwards, - /

875

1035

1,910

117

140

257

Tot.al, - -

6156

6713

12,869

995

895

1890

According to a work by M. Klotz, De Vesania Prognosi, the

annual ratio of admissions to dismissions in the principal lunatic hospitals of Europe, would fall within the limits 0-330 and 0-590. In tlie generality of the establishments in Belgimn, the entries are to the exits as 390 to 1000. — Traite sur VAlienation Mentale, &c., par J. Gitislain, 2 vols. 8vo. 1826.
t M. Pierquin, in his Ariilimetique Politique de la Folie, find^ as the principal conclusion of his researches, that "crimes are always, from being proportionate to the population, also in a rela- tive proportion to the degi-ee of insanity," and seeks to refute the assertion of M. Esquirol, that insanity is a disease of civilisation. I certainly think, with him, that in general, the causes which tend to produce alienation, also influence the number of crimes, and especially crimes against persons, but without there being a direct and necessary ratio between tlie number of insane and tliat of criminals, because all crimes havo not their source necessarily in mental alienation.

We may first observe, that at Paris insane men, up to the age of 25 years, are rather more numerous than women ; after this age, the contrary takes place. In Norway, the number of insane women only exceeds that of men towards the end of hfe. In the latter coimtry, the number of insane under 20 years is 329, which is one-sixth of the total number existing in the kingdom ; whilst at Paris, the number of insane under 20 years of age, is only 784, or one-fourteenth. This difference arises, no doubt, from the great number of idiots entered in the returns of Norwegian statis- tics. If in Norway there are more imbecile persons from the time of infancy or early youth, the contrary takes place for the periods beyond 60 years of age. In Norway, scarcely one-eighth of the insane are more than 60 years old; whilst in Paris one-sixth exceed that age.
To form a better opinion of the influence of age, I have reduced the preceding numbers to 1000, and I liave compared them with the corresponding numbers of the same ages, given ui the tables of population in the Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes of France, and those of Sweden for 1820 : —

Ages.

Piu-is.

Norway.

Popu- lation.

Ins.ane.

Ratio.

Popu- lation.

Insane.

Ratio.

Before 20 years,
20 to 25
25 to 30
311 to 40
40 to .50 -
50 to 60
00 & upwards,

0-402 0-084 0-080 0-140 0-114 0-091 0-089

0061 0-092 0-1(16 0-237 0-216 0-140 0-148

0-15 1-09 1-.32 1-69 1-90 1-54 1-G6

0-411 0-087 0-084 0-136 0-109 0-086 0-087

0-174 0-097 0-098 0-205 0-161 0-129 0-136

0-42 1-11 1-17 1-51 1-48 1-50 1-56

Total. -

1-000

1-000

1-00

1-000

1-000

1-00

The numbers for France also concur to shoAV that mental aUcnation is most frequent between the 40th and 50th years. In Norwaj^ its frequency becomes great between the 30th and 40th years, and preserves the same value almost to the end of life.
These results agree well with the observation of M. Esquirol, that insanity is a disease which attends and increases with civilisation. The fortress of the miderstanding is attacked, either by too much mental labom-, or by passions and disappointments which are too acutely felt.
We cannot collect too many documents to verify, A\ath still greater accuracy, the results of the tables which I have just given. It is with this object that I now bring forward some new documents taken from a Rapport Statistique sur la Maison d'Alienes de Bon- Sauveur a Caen, during the years 1829 and 1830, by jM. Vastel.* The author classes the insane in the fol- lowing manner, according to age. In the last column, the total numbers are reduced to 100: —

Ages.

Insane.

Jlen.

Women.

Insane.

From 15 to 20 years,

10

7

3

0-03

-V. 20 to 30 -

54

33

16

0-17

„ 30 to 40 « -

94

44

50

0-29

„ 40 to 50 ~

82

32

SO

0-25

- 50 to 60 - -

57

18

39

0-17

,- 60 to 70 -

25

6

19

0-08

- 70 to 80 ~. -

3

1

2

0-01

Total,

325

146

179

1-00

Here, again, we find the same analogies, the same laws of development, proceeding, as it were, in a parallel maimer.
M. Falret has written a work on insanity, suicide, and sudden death, of which at present we only know the general contents, from a report made by M. Serres to the Institute.f The prmcipal conclusions of this

Annales d'Hygifene, Oct. 1832.

t The work of M. Falret has gained the prize for Statistics, founded by JI. de Monthyon.

'78

ON MAN.

work, on the influence of season, sex, and age, are the following :— " Of the total number of the insane, women form one-third more than men. Women are most subject to tlie attack of insanity in July; but for men this montli is in the third rank; with a re- ference to civil statistics, we tind that more than one- fourth of the men are bachelors : as to age, we find mental diseases develop themselves in men between the 30th and 39 th years, and in Avomen between the 40th and 49th years ; as to tlie nature of the afiec- tions, melancholy predominates in women, and the tendency to homicide in men. The same contrast is found in the cures, deaths, and relapses."

CHAPTER IL
DEVELOPMENT OF JIORAL QUALITIES. 1. Of Foresight, Temperance, Activity, &c.
1 HAVE already observed, that it is not so much a method which we want, when endeavouring to appre- ciate the development of moral qualities, as sufficient and trustworthy data. For example, if we are consi- dering the virtues most essential to the social state, we have scarcely any data, and those which exist, having been collected Avith intentions very different from our own, are either unfit for purposes of comparison, or utterly incomplete. For example, let us suppose tliat Ave Avant to ascertain the degree of foresight at diffe- rent periods of life, as well as the modifications of this virtue by the differences of sex, locality, profession, &c. We are obliged to recur to actions by Avhich this fore- sight has been manifested; and if Ave cannot collect them all, it is at least necessary to unite as great a number as possible, and to take care that the classes of individuals Avho are the subject of comparison are in the same circumstances. It is in choosing, class- ing, and reflecting upon the materials, that discern- ment and unjirejudiced reasoning are so essentially necessary, since the examples to be followed have not yet been laid doA\Ti. Those Avho first enter upon this field of research, Avill no doubt often go astray; but their efforts Avill be A-aluable and useful, if they are conducted Avith candour and impartiality. Nothing is more injurious to the interests of science, than to undertake such researches Avith notions previously formed.
If Avc had authentic documents respecting savings' banks, assurance societies, and the different institu- tions Avhicli encourage foresight — if these documents gave the age, sex, profession, and everj- other requisite information concerning the individuals Avho take part in the operations of these establishments — it is evident that Ave should already haA'e very satisfactory ele- ments to enable us to obtain an approximation to the values Ave are seeking. We may conceive, moreover, hoAv much discernment is necessary, in placing the IndiAiduals concerned in similar circumstances, and distinguishing those among Avhom it is impossible to establish any comparison ; not to mention other data necessary to enable us, from the time at Avhicli they Avere taken, to render all chances equal on both sides. ^Vc should be able, Avith due precautions, to make other documents, furnished by establishments of another nature, available for the same purpose, and which would serve in this manjier to verify the former conclusions. Thus, the number and value of the objects placed in paAvnbrokers' hands, Avill better exemplify the Avant of foresight of a community than any misery in its condition. For, if it be true that accidents and reverses of fortune sometimes compel men, even tlie most prudent, to have recourse to such establishments, it much more frequently happens that the deposits are placed there from want of due care and economy. The passion for gambling, tlie numljcr of failures, the frequenting of coffee-houses and low haunts, drunken- ness, and many other circumstances, Avould furnish

iiseful elements for our purpose in appreciating the Avant of order and foresight. On most of the subjects of inquiry Avhich I have just mentioned, there exist evidences Avhich are more or less complete, but Avhich are little understood in general, as I have already obserA'ed.
Drunkenness is a A'ice of Avliich Are ought to have exact records in countries Avhere the police are ac- tive ; yet it is to be regretted that they are altogether unknoA^^l to those Avho have the greatest interest in making use of them. As drunkenness is a common source of many other vices, and also of crimes — tending to demoralise and to deteriorate the species — gOA'ernments ought to favour the researches of learned men, Avho seek to ascertain the condition of the people, and Avho try to improve them. Drunkenness is influ- enced by a great number of causes Avhich are easily estimated, because the necessary data require less investigation than those relating to other analogous estimates. I am persuaded that a Avork, well Avritten, Avhich would endeavour to make knoAvn the injiuries this pestilence inflicts on society, Avould be of the greatest utility, and would furnish an explanation of a great number of isolated facts which depend upon it, and Avhich Ave are in the habit of considering as purely accidental.
In England, about half a century ago, strong drinks and liquors Avere used in excess ; and authors Avere not long in finding out to what extent this Aice led to thoughtlessness and injury in tlie nation, hoAV much the health of man suffered, and hoAv much tlie mortality increased Avith the demoralisation of the people. Their obserA^ations liave not been lost ; and a progi-essive reformation took place, commencing Avitli the better classes. This defect, formerly so com- mon, and of which they Avere almost proud, is not to be seen noAv, except in the lower orders, from among Avhom it Avill gradually disappear, as much as the na- ture of a moist climate will alloAv, Avhere cordials, taken moderately, are calculated to produce a useful effect. When climate creates a necessity, it is very difficult to prcA'ent the public from abusing it. I am obliged to j\Ir Babbage for tlie communication of some curious documents, containing a list of all the drunken persons who have been arrested by the London police in the year 1832, and AvhoAvere immediately released, because no charge Avas brought against them. Al- tliough the residts of one year cannot be A'ery useful, I have thought proper not to omit them. If avc pos- sessed an extensive series of similar documents, we should find in them the most precious memorials of the manners of the English people, and, in particular, all Avhich relates to changes in the condition of the population.
Number of Drunken Persons taken up by tlio London Police in 1832.

Months.

Januarj',
February,
IMarch, -
April,
May, -
June, -
July,
August,
September,
October,
November,
December,

Total,

1,190
i,m
1,190 1,150
1 ,2(K)
i.2-2r, i,;«5 i,.m5
1,198 1,560
i,.T(;o
1,425

15,.'i33

825
740
710
690 730
780
n<)0
9.« 975 1,UH) 880 9a5

10,290

1-44 1-59 1-67 1-67 1-64 1-57 1-37 1-39 1-23 1-42 1-.55 1-52

1-49

The number of drunken people taken up by tlie police Avas then 25,623 ; to Avhich Ave ought to add 3505 individuals brought before the magistrates, and compelled to pay a fine, as Avell as 3429 others, Avho have likewise been conducted before the magistrates, but without undergoing condemnation ; so that the total amounts to 32,557. Wc must remark, that we

ON MAN.

79

only know those cases of drunkenness which were so great as to disturb the pubhc tranquilUty. Also, in comparisons which we shordd like to establish between other towns, it Avould be necessary to be extremely circumspect, and consider the degree to which its sup- pression was carried ; or, rather, in comparing one town with itself at dilferent times, it would be neces- sary to take into account the effect of the police, and the changes they may have produced.
One would require to have long inhabited London, and to know perfectly the pecidiarities which it pre- sented in 1832, to draw all the conclusions inferable from the preceding numbers ; still there are some re- sults which it may be very interesting to point out. And, firstly, we have to notice the great number of women, compared with the number of men, Avhich is - at least as 2 to 3. This disproportion is great, and must make us think unfavourably of the moral re- straint of M'omen in the lower class, especially in a country where the sex is so well conducted in the ranks of society a little higher. This ratio varies according to the different months, and in a manner which would make us think that the variation is not purely accidental. Towards the end of winter, and at the commencement of spring, the men are compa- ratively the most numerous : the contrary takes place in simimer.
If we take the nimibers in their absolute value, we find, for men, that they sensibly increase from the commencement to the end of the year ; for women, the smallest nvunber is in spring, and 'the largest in summer and the commencement of autumn. Classing them according to the seasons, we find —

For January, Februaiy, and March,
• • April, May, and June,
• • July, August, and September,
• • October, November, and December,

JNlen. AVomen. 3:>.Y, 2275
,T.7.5 2200
aHM 2!)(X)
4345 2915

It must be remarked, that this is during the latter months of the year, when the feasts of Christmas and St Andrew take place, which are not always celebrated by the people with the greatest degree of temperance. If we seek to form an idea of the activity of a people, of the state of its industry, and of its produc- tive faculties, in the absence of direct data, we have, for the means of appreciating its revenue, the value of that which it is able to pay to government, the nature of its contribution, the quantity of imports or exports, the price of ground, of hand work, &c., but particularly the state of the population, because, as we have been able to see, the population is regtdated by the number of things produced. I shall present an example of such a valuation, a verj' poor one, no doubt, but one which will explain my idea :* —

Countries.

British Isles, France, - Low Countries, Prussian monarchy, Austrian empire, Spain, ...

Countries.

British Isles,
France,
Low Coiuitries,
Pnissian monarcliy,
Austrian empire,
Russian empire, -
United States, -

Quantity of 1 asturage.

h of territory

One Horse to

12inhab, 1!) • • 13 •• 10 •• 27 ■• 75 ..

One L, , , head of N"mt,er of Cattle to S^ecp.

2 inhab. 5 ••
3 •■ 3 •• 8 ••
U ••

2 to! inhab. ltd •• lto3 ■• lto6 •• lto3 •• Itol •■

Population.

23,400,000 32,000,0(10 6,118,000 12,464,000 .32,(100,000 56,500,000 11,800,000

Inhabitants
to one square mile.

257 208 339 155 105 37

Ratio of the Army to the Population.

229 138 142
80 118
.^7 1977

Tlie first table is taten from the Revue de Paris of M. Moreau

de Jonnes ; the numljers of the second and third tables are from the works of M. Balbi — La Monarchie Franfaisc Comparce aux rrincqiuux Elats, and L'AUn'ye de Gcoyraphic.

Countries.

a -"

Part of the Popu- lation employed

lis

!..!

in Manu-
faetiu-es.

in Agri- culture.

^"1

British Isles,

0-50

0-15

0-34

francs. 65-2

francs. 869

France, - Low Countries,

0-33
0'29

0-36
9

0-44
9

30-9 26-3

145 635

Prussian monarchy, Austrian empire,

0-27 0-23

0-18 0-09

0-C6 0-C9

17-2 10-9

29-3 45-6

Russian empire, - United States, -

0-12
9

0-06

079
9

6-6 121

21-4 34-8

If, in the beginning, we compare France to England, we shall find the first kingdom proportionally less peopled than the latter : there are fewer inhabitants in town, and also fewer employed in manufactures : the Englishman pays into the treasury twice as much as the Frenchman, and his exports are much more considerable : the proportion, as regards the two coun- tries, according to M. Ad. Balbi, is nearly as 3 to 1.
Tlie Prussian monarchy bears almost the same pro- portion to France which France does to England. It is remarkable, according to our table, thatthe coun- tries which have the largest population, are gene- rally those which have the most town inhabitants, the greatest number of hands employed in manufacture, and proportionally the fewest in agriculture ; they have fewer men in the army,, pay most taxes to the state, and have the largest debt.* Land armies appear to be numerically in inverse ratio to maritime ones : the latter require fewer men, but more expense.
In Europe, with the exception of Russia, nearly the same number of hands are employed in agricul- ture, and the surplus population turn to manufac- tures (industrie). It then becomes necessary to change the nature of the products by exportation ; and the country which has the most manufocturcs is gene- rally that which has the most exports. Manufac- tures are alwaj's and every where of more importance than agriculture, and those Avho pursue them ijossess the greatest riches and pay the most to the state ; but since the revenues from manufivctures are more uncer- tain, their wealth is less secure : we also see that the public debt rises immensely in value, and every thing which tends to confine the scope of trade, and to dimi- nish the exchange of produce, will cause a consider- able mortality.
It is to be regretted that, at the present time, we do not possess, for different countries, exact accounts of the prices of manual labour, of ground, of lodgings, of the food necessary to the life of an individual, of the carriage of letters, and the means of communica- tion for travellers and merchandise ; these accounts would give data for comparing the activity of the inhabitants and the price of time — valuable elements, but of which some people do not yet appear to under- stand the importance.
I had pro^iosed, at this place, to compare the dona- tions made for the use of the poor, of hospitals, and benevolent institutions in general ; but I must omit this investigation, from want of exact documents : I particularly regret that M. Guerry, when considering this subject in France, has only given ratios, and no absolute numbers, nor any of the sources whence he has extracted them.
It appears to be still more diflicult to speak on the influence of religious ideas, and the condition of people in this respect.
A very useful addition to moral statistics, would be to point out the dates at wliich certain practices and customs existed, and also the time when they commenced, and when they ceased. For example, at what period prosecutions for witchcraft were most

According to M. le Baron de Slorogues, states in which the

people are most given to agriculture, are those which are the least loaded with pauperism. — Recherche des Causes de la Richcsse et de la Miscre des Peuples Cicilises, p. 385.

80

ON MAN.

numerous, when they began to take place, and when they -were discontinued ; in what countries men were tortured and put to death for religious opinions, ^nth- out having disturbed the public peace, at the same time what were the extreme limits of the period, and the epochs of greatest severity ; what kind of fanaticism, either poUtical, religious, or otherwise, has prevailed at any period, in any country ; what gave rise to it, and what caused its decline ; what was its nature, intensity, and results, &c. I shall not stay longer to make such enumerations ; these are re- searches which henceforth must necessarily be con- sidered as pertaming to the history of nations, and will assist us in determining their laws of develop- ment. However, I do not think we ought to aban- don this subject without giving an example of a particular kind of mania or fanaticism, so to term it, which appears to be making sensible advances every day.
2. Of Suicides and Duels.
The destruction of man by his own hands, although generally repugnant to the notions of modern society, has nevertheless found panegyrists, and those who have proclaimed its advantages. Suicide, among some nations, continues to be branded with infamy by the public. The ancients were not entirely of this opinion : it was often practised by the most illustrious men, and has been mentioned with admiration by their gravest historians. We are naturally excited by the death of Cato, who wished not to survive the liberty of his country ; by the death of Lucretia, who wished not to survive her dishonour ; or even by the death of the criminal, who seeks to spare liis family the shame of seeing his head fall on the scaffold.
The destruction of one man by another, excites horror ; yet this dreadful crime may also, in our manners and modern institutions, present the appear- ance of a virtue under certain circumstances. We can only comprehend these apparent contradictions, by admitting that the crime consists, not in the action, but in the intention of him who commits it ; so that, if the intention was noble or generous, the action may also be considered of the same character. This is the only manner in which Ave can explain the diversity of opinions on duelling especially, which was unknown to the ancients, and which had its rise in the middle ages.
We possess few data on the number of suicides ; and what information we have on the number of duels, is so incomplete or inaccurate, that we cannot make use of it. From the table of M. Balbi, entitled La Monarchic Franfaise Comparic aux Principaux Etats (lu Globe, suicides appear to take place in the follow- ing proportions : — ■

France (1827), -

1 suicide to 20,740 inhal

itants.

Prussian monarchy, -

14,404

Austrian empire,

20,900

Russian empire,

4.'),182

United Stotes— New York,

7,707

Boston,

12,500

Baltimore,

13,(J50

Philadelphia,

15,875

According to Casper, who has paid much attention to this subject,* the number of suicides is particularly great in towns; indeed, we annually enumerate as follows : —
To 100,00f) Inhabitants 1 Suicide to
At Copenhagen, - 100 suicides lOOO inhabitants.
- • Paris, - - - 49 ■ • 2040
• ■ Hamburg, - 45 • • 2222
• • Berlin, - . M •■ 2941 • . London, - - 20 • • SfKXl • . Elberfeld, - - 20 • • 500O
The General Records of tlie criminal courts of Trance, present, from 1827, annual accounts, not only of suicides but also of accidental deatlis and duels

Bcitrage, &c., 1 vol. 12mo. Berlin : 1025.

wliich have come to the Icnowledge of the public ma- gistrate. Accorduig to these accounts, we find —

Years.

1827, 1028, 1829, 1830, 1831,

Total,

Accidental Deaths.

4,744 4,855 5,048 4,478 5,045

24,170

Suicides.

1542 1754
1904 1756 2084

9040

followed by Death.

not followed by Death.

This table gives 4834 accidental deaths, and 1808 suicides, as the annual average ; which, to a popula- tion of 32,000,000 souls, gives one accidental deatli to 7000, and 1 suicide to 18,000 inhabitants ; as to the number of duels, it may be supposed that the values in the table are too low.
A very great number of suicides takes place in the department of the Seine. They have been committed in the following manner, during the years from 1817 to 1825 inclusive : —

Years.

3

a
o
1

i

Si

ll

to
s
a

a

■^

>

M

'o
P4

1017, • -

352

160

46

35

39

36

23

13

1818, -

330

131

48

35

40

27

28

21

1819,

370"

148

59

46

39

44

20

21)

1820, -

325

129

46

39

37

32

28

14

1821,

348

127

60

42

33

38

25

23

1822, -

317

120

48

49

33

21

31

15

1023,

390

114

56

61

43

48

47

21

1824, -

371

115

42

61

47

38

40

23

1825,

396

134

56

59

49

40

38

20

Total,

320.-)

1178

461

427

360

324

280

17.^

The average number of suicides, therefore, in the department of the Seine, annually reaches 356 ; which, for a population of 860,000 soiils, gives 1 suicide to 2400 inhabitants ; Geneva gives the ratio of 1 to 3900, for the years between 1820 and 1826 inclusive.* Tlio following are the modes of destruction, according to 95 observations : — 36 individuals perished in water ; 34 blew out their brains ; 6 hanged themselves ; 5 were poisoned ; 2 died from wounds ; 2 cast themselves from an eminence. Tlius, with regard to the preference shown for particular modes, these numbers are almost the same as at Paris,
The means of destruction are not every where the same : thus, at Berlin, according to Casper, 535 sui- cides have taken place in the following manner: — 234 by strangulation, 163 by fire-arms, 60 by sub- mersion, 27 by cutting the throat, 20 by cutting in- struments, &c., 19byvolimtaryfalls, 10 by poisoning, and 2 by opening veius.f
In all the preceding numbers, one may perceive an alarming concordance between the results of the diffe- rent years, as they succeed each other. This regu- larity, in an act which appears so intimately connected witli volition, will soon appear before us again in a striking manner, as connected with crime. However, society in a country may undergo modifications, and

Ilertha, August 1820 ; and Bulletin de M. de Fdrussac, May

1829.
t Studying the circiunstances connected with suicides, duels, and certain kinds of crimes, we may be disposed to think that man is frequently actuated by a propensity to imitation. M. Chev- reul, in a letter addressed to HI. Amp6re [Sitr une Classc Parti- culiere de Mouveincns Muscidaires) , has brought forward some phi- losophical considerations of great interest, and which show how much human n."iturc deserves to be studied more deeply, in some relations which have been perh.ips too much neglected.

ON MAN.

81

thus produce an alteration in what at first presented a remarkable constancy for a short time. According to Casper,* at Berhu, between 1788 and 1797, only 62 suicides took place ; and 128 between 1797 and 1808, and 546 between 1813 and 1822. It has been re- marked, tliat suicides have become more numerous ; this conjecture would be very probable, if it be true that they are a result of civilisation, and if we consider that legislation endeavours to repress them in some countries. It is to be doubted, however, whether there are not some errors in the numbers, depending on the circumstance that statistical re- searches were made with much less care formerly than at present.
M. Casper, in his researches on the subject, has at- tentively discussed the i.ifluence of states of the atmo- sphere on suicide, and also the influence of seasons, which, despite the few observations we possess, is manifested in a remarkable manner, as may be seen in the following table, where the suicides occurring during each season are noted : —

Montlis.

J.an., Feb., & Ularch, April, May, & .Tune, July, Aug., & Sept., Oct., Nov., & Dec,

nam-

West-

1812-1«22.

burg : t

minster::):

1810-1822.

1812-1821.

ino

39

G7

ir..5

31

55

173

41

60

145

38

46

Paris : §
Si.x Years.

Here, again, summer appears to exercise a greater influence on the number of suicides than the otlier seasons, as weU as on the number of those afiected with insanity, and, as we shaU soon perceive, also on tlie number of crimes against person.
M. Casper also finds that, all things being equal, suicides in town and country have been numerically as 14 to 4. With respect to difference of sex, he has observed, for Berlin, that, of 727 suicides, 606 were committed by men, and 121 by women, which gives a ratio of 5 to 1. According to the liecherches Statis- tiqries stir Paris, the ratio for this city would be 2 to 1 nearly. At Geneva, the ratio has been 4 to 1 for the seven years from 1820 to 1826.
We scarcely possess any researches on the ages at which suicide takes place. I only know of those published by Casper for Berlin, || and those published for Geneva.^ M. Guerry has given the number of suicides for Paris ;** but only those of men, and which have taken place by suspension or fire-arms. The following table presents a summary of the documents for Berlin and Geneva : —

Ages.

Berlin :

Geneva :

1818-1824.

1820-1826.

Below 10 years,

^>

From 10 to 15 years.

- I7f

5

.. 15to20 ■•

32)

.. 20to25 ••

- 30-)

.. 25to30 ••

25 (

24

.• 30to35 -•

- 12 C

•• 35to40 ••

9J

.. 40to50 ••

32 J

45

.. 50to60 ..

.. 60to70 ••

- I7j

• • 70to80 ••

9f

21

• • 80 and upwards.

- 23

Total, - - 220 95
To have a better idea of these nimibers, it will be preferable to class them in periods, each of 10 years' duration, and to reduce the number to 1000. At the same time, we may compare them with those of Paris,
♦ Beitrage zurMedictnischenStatistik, &c. 8vo. Berlin: 1825. Sec also the researches of Dr Heyfelder, entitled Der Selbsmord, &c. 8vo. Berlin: 1028.
t Grohmann in Hufel, Journal, 1 c. i Falret, 1 c.
§ Esquirol, 1 c. II Beitragc, p. 53.
H Beitrage, and Bulletin de M. de Fcrussac, Mai 1829.

Annalcs d'llygiiine, -Janvier 18;)1,

and with a population of 1000 individuals arranged according to their respective ages.

Ages.

10 to 20 years, 20 to 30 • • 30 to 40 • • 40 to 50 • . 50 to GO • • CO to 70 • ■ 70 to 80 • • 80 and upwards,

Total,

224 251 96 156 146
77 41
9

Suicides at Paris

by
Shooting.

61 283 182 150 161 126
35 2

by Sus- pension.

68 511 94 ' 188 1 256 I 2.T5^ Ulfl [ 03

inoo

■30

474

c« 12 to ■3.S.S
g-a'S fri S

312 188 160 136 100 68 30 G

The number of suicides between 10 and 30 years of age, is extremely high at Berlin ; it would further appear, that between 30 and 40 years of age, the mi- nimum number occurs, or at least that the number of suicides, which was very great between the 10th and 30th years, then diminishes, to regain fresh intensity towards the end of life. Will not the circumstance have some influence, that a father separates himself from his family with more difficulty when his chil- dren are young than when they can already provide for their ovm necessities ? It M^ould be very interest- ing to have more documents on the motives which lead to the commission of suicide.
It is sufficiently evident, that some particular cause exists at BerUn, which induces such a great number of young persons between 16 and 20 to destroy them- selves. Removing the effects of this agency, the re- sults agree sufficiently with those of Paris and Geneva, and tend to show that the number of suicides increases with age, though we must take care to bear in mind the number of individuals of each age who are found in a population.* This tendency, in its first develop- ment, almost progresses in the same ratio as the deve- lopment of intelligence and mental alienation.
It would also appear that the hours of tlie day have some influence on suicide by suspension. M. Guerry has given the following numbers in the Annales d'Hij- gihie for January 1831 : —

Suicides.

From midnight to 2 in

the morning,

- 77

- 2to 4o

'clock.

...

45

- 4 to 6

™

. . .

58

- 6 to 8

-.

.

135

„ 8 to 10

^

.

- 110

- 10 to 12

^

.

123

- 12 to 2

„

.

32

., 2 to 4

„

-

84

„ 4 to 6

„

.

- 104

- 6 to 8

—

. . .

77

„ 8 to 10

—

.

- 84

- 10 to 12

~

-

71

1000
MM. Benzenberg and Casper have compared the number of suicides with the number of homicides and mortal blows, to infer thence the probability that an individual found dead has perished by one or the other.f The towns of Prussia give the following numbers : —
Suicides. Homicides.
1818, .... 339 27
1819, .... 453 24 182ft, .... 475 40
1821, . . . . 45C 40
1822, .... 442 45

2164

176

In the An. d'Hygime, Oct. 1829, there are two very remark-

able Memoirs by M. Devergie, one on the mode of ascertaining how long a person has been lU'o^vned, the other containing soma researches on those who have been hanged.
t Beitrage, &c., p. 94.

82

ON MAN.

This ratio is aLout 1 honiicide to 12 suicides. M. Hermann has found that, in Russia, the number of suicides is almost equal to that of homicides, and that this ratio does not vary much in the different parts of the empire, although the nimiher of suicides and homicides are far from preserving the same com- parative value to the population.* In France, the suicides are to the population as 1 to 20,000 nearly, and the homicides as 1 to 48,000 : this ratio of sui- cides to homicides is therefore nearly as 5 to 3.
In concluding this chapter, I shall lay before the reader the principal conclusions contained in the work of M. Falret on suicides, from the report of M. Serres to the Institute of France, which gives the only re- sults hitherto published. " Suicides present, in both sexes, a very remarkable contrariety, according to the results furnished by tables. Thus, the month of April, attended with the greatest number of suicides among men, is only so in the fifth degree among women ; with the latter, the month of August occupies the same rank as April does for men.
The social position of the parties presents a no less remarkable contrast. Of the men, it is bachelors who form the largest number ; and of the women, Ave find the greatest number among those engaged in the bonds of matrimony. We cannot omit to observe here the difFei'cnce between women and men, as respects the influence of concubinage on the production of volun- tary death : this influence, for women, is almost treble.
We observe still more striking differences, if such can be, between the two sexes, as respects the influ- ence of age. In men, it is from 35 to 45 that the greatest number of suicides take place ; in women it is from 25 to 35. The next period for men is 45 to 55 ; whilst in women this only holds tlie fifth rank : but, by a singular compensation, we observe twice as many suicides among young girls as among boys who have not reached their fifteenth year.
If we inquire into the mode of self-destruction which is practised, we shall see that men give a decided preference to cutting instruments and fire-arms, while women destroy themselves by poison, falls from a great height, or asphyxiate themselves by means of burning charcoal."

CHAPTER III.
OF TUE DEVELOPME.NT OF THE PROPENSITY TO CRIME. J. Of Crimes in General, and of the Repression of them. Supposing men to be placed in similar circumstances, I call the greater or less probability of committing crime, the propensiti/ to crime. My object is more especially to investigate the influence of season, cli- mate, sex, and age, on this propensity.
I have said that the circmnstanccs in which men are placed ought to be similar, that is to say, equally favourable, both in the existence of objects likely to excite the propensity and in the facility of commit- ting the crime. It is not enough that a man may merely have the intention to do evil, he must also liave the opportunity and the means. Thus the pro- pensity to crime may be the same in France as in England, wittiout, on that account, the ?«om//<// of the nations being the same. I think this distinction of importance.f

Mcimoires (le rAcademie de Piitcrsbourg, 18.30; and Bulletin

de M. dc Fdnissac, Nov. 18.11.
I This has been very clearly established by M. Alphonse de CandoUe, in an article entitled ConnUleralions sur la Staiisliiiue lies Delils, inserted in the Bibliothe<jue Unifcrsclle de Genive, Feb. 18.3(). The author regards the propensity of individuals to crime as depending on their morality, the temptation to which they are exposed, ami the greater or less facility they may find to com- mit ofJ'enccs. Of these three causes, the first belongs more espe- cially to the man ; the other two are, properly speaking, external to him. As it is with man that I am occupied, I have endeavoured, in the com'se of my researches, that the causes external to hin^ might be constantly nearly equal, so that they might be left out

There is still another important distinction to be made ; namely, that two individuals may have the same propensity to crime, without being equally cri- minal, if one, for example, were inclined to theft, and the other to assassination.*
Lastly, this is also the place to examine a difficulty which has not escaped M. Alphonse de CandoUe in the work above mentioned: it is this, that our ob- servations can only refer to a certain number of known and tried offences, out of the unknown sum total of crimes committed. Since this sum total of crimes committed will probably ever continue unknown, all the rea- soning of which it is the basis will be more or less defective. I do not hesitate to say, that aU the know- ledge wliich we possess on the statistics of crimes and offences will be of no utility whatever, unless we admit without question that there is a ratio, nearly invariably the same, between known and tried offences and the unknown sum total of crimes committed. This ratio is necessary, and if it did not really exist, every thing Avhich, until the present time, has been said ou the statistical documents of crime, would be false and absurd. We are aware, then, how important it is to legitimate such a ratio, and we may be astonished that this has not been done before now. The ratio of which we speak necessarily varies according to tlie nature and seriousness of the crimes : in a well-orga- nised society, where the police is active and justice is rightly administered, this ratio, for murders and assassinations, will be nearly equal to unity ; that is to say, no individual will disappear from the society by murder or assg.ssination, Avithout its being known : this will not be precisely the case Avith poisonings. When Ave look to thefts and offences of smaller im- portance, the ratio AviU become very small, and a great number of offences Avill remain unknown, either be- cause those against whom they are committed do not perceiA'e them, or do not Avish to prosecute the perpe- trators, or because justice itself has not sufficient evi- dence to act upon. Thus, the greatness of this ratio, Avhich wiU generally be different for different crimes and offences, will chiefly depend on the activity of justice in reaching the guilty, on the care with Avhicli the latter conceal themselves, on the repugnance Avliich the individuals injured may have to complain, or per- haps on their not knowing that any injury has been committed against them. Now, if all the causes which influence the magnitude of the ratio remain the same, Ave may also assert that the effects will remain inva- riable. This result is confirmed in a curious manner by induction, and observing the surprising constancy Avith which the numbers of the statistics of crime are reproduced annually — a constancy which, no doubt, Avill be also reproduced in the nvimbers at Avhich we cannot arrive : thus, although we do not know tlie cri- minals Avho escape justice, Ave very well know that every year between 7000 and 7300 persons are brought before the criminal courts, and that 6 1 are regularly condemned out of every 100; that 170,000 nearly are brought before courts of correction, and that 85 out of 100 are condemned ; and that, if we pass to details, Ave find a no less alarming regularity ; thus Ave find that between 100 and 150 individuals are annually
of the computation. I have necessarily been obliged to take into account natural influencing causes, such as climate, seasons, sex, and age.

In an article on Hyyiene Morale, AI. Villermc^ has fullj- shown

how fatal the rtyime of prisons may become to the unfortunate person who is often confined for slight offences, and cast into the midst of a collection of wicked Avretches, who corrupt him. " I have been told," says he, " by a person Avho accompanied Napo- leon to the Isle of Elba, that, in the particular and at that time philosophical conversations of the ex-emperor, he has several times been hoard to say, that under whatever relation we may view man, he is as much the result of his physical and moral atmo~ sphere as of his oim organisation. And the idea, now advanced by many others, which is contained in this phrase, is the most general as well as the most just that can be formed on the subject before us. — Aunales d'Hygi&ue Publiquc, Oct. 1830.

ON MAN.

83

condemned to death,* 280 condemned to perpetual hard labour, 1050 to hard labour for a time, 1220 to solitary confinement (a hi reclusioii), &c. ; so that this budget of the scaffold and the prisons is discharged by the French nation, with much greater regularity, no doubt, than the financial budget ; and we might say, that what annually escapes the minister of jus- tice is a more regular sum than the deficiency of revenue to the treasury.
I shall commence by considering, in a general manner, the propensity to crime in France, availing myself of the excellent documents contained in the Cvmptes Gencruux de V Administration de la Justice of this comitry ; I shall afterwards endeavour to establish some comparisons with other countries, but with all the care and reserve which such comparisons require.
During the four years preceding 1830, 28,686 ac- cused persons were set down as appearing before the courts of assize, that is to say, 7171 individuals annually nearly ; which gives 1 accused person to 4463 inhabitants, taking the population at 32,000,000 souls. Moreover, of 100 accused, 61 persons have been condemned to punishments of greater or less severity. From the remarks made above with respect to the crimes which remain unknown or unpunished, and from mistakes which justice may make, we con- ceive that these mmibers, although they furnisli us with curious data for the past, do not give us any thing exact on the propensity to crime. However, if we con- sider that the two ratios which we have calculated have not sensibly varied from year to year, we shall be led to believe that they wUl not vary in a sensible manner for the succeeding years ; and the probability that this variation will not take place is so much the greater, according as, all things being equal, the mean results of each year do not differ much from the gene- ral average, and these results have been taken from a great number of years. After these remarks, it becomes very probable that, for a Frenchman, there is 1 against 4462 chances that he will be an accused person during the course of the year ; moreover, there are 61 to 39 chances, very nearly, that he Avill be condemned at the time that he is accused. These results are justi- fied by the numbers of the following table : —

Vears.

Si "S

u

o
c 3 a

C 3 C
ESS
0) c3 r;

Accused of Crimes agaiust

between umbers le two ofCrinie.

Per- sons.

Pro- perty.

Ratio
tlle^
oft
kinds

18-2C,, 1827, 1828, 1829,

fi,988 6,929 7,396 7,373

4,348 4,236 4,551
4,475

4,557 4,593 4,307 4,321

62 61 61 61

1,907 1,911 1,844 1,791

5,081 5,018 5,552 5,582

2-7 2-6 3-0 3-1

Total,

28,686

17.610

4,463

61

7,453

21,233

2'8

Thus, although we do not yet know the statistical documents for 1830, it is very probable that we shall again have 1 accused person in 4463 very nearly, and 61 condemned in 100 accused persons ; this probabi- lity is somewhat diminished for the year 1831, and still more for the succeeding years. We may, there- fore, by the results of the past, estunate Avhat will be realised in the future. This possibility of assigning beforehand the number of accused and condemned

The number of persons condemned to death has, however,

diminished from year to year ; is this owing to the increasing re- pugnance which tribunals feel to apply this punishment, for the abolition of which we have so many petitioners at the present day?
t The number of accused persons absent was —
In 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829,
603 845 77C 746
I have taken tlie documents of 1826, 27, 28, and 29 only, because the volume for 1825 did not contain the distinction of age or sex, of which I make use further on. Moreover, in 1825 tlie number of accused was 1 to 42U iuhabitants, and 61 in 100 were con- demned.

persons which any country Avill present, must give rise to serious reflections, since it concerns the fate of several thousand men, who are driven, as it were, in an irresistible manner, towards the tribunals, and the condemnations Avhich await tliem.
These conclusions are deduced from the principle, already caUed in so frequently in this work, that effects are proportionate to their causes, and that the effects remain tlie same, if the causes which have produced them do not vary. If France, then, in the year 1830, had not undergone any apparent change, and if, contrary to my expectation, I found a sensible difference between the two ratios calculated before- hand for this year and the real ratios observed, I should conclude that some alteration had taken place in the causes, which had escaped my attention. On the other hand, if the state of France has changed, and if, consequent!)', the causes -which influence the pro- pensity to crime have also undergone some change, I ought to expect to find an alteration in the two ratios whicli until that time remained nearly the same.*
It is proper to observe, that the preceding numbers only show, strictly speaking, the probability of being accused and afterwards condemned, Avithout rendering us able to determine any thing very precise on the degree of the propensity to crime ; at least unless we admit, what is very likely, that justice preserves the same activity, and the number of guilty persons who escape it preserves the same proportion from year to year.f
In the latter columns orthe preceding table, is first made the distinction between crimes against persons

After tlie preceding paragraphs were written, two new

volumes of the Complcs Rendvs have appeared. As the results which tliey contain show how far my anticipations were just, I thought it unnecessary to change tlie text, and shall merely give in a note the numbers corresponding to those I availed myself of before.

Years.

^1
s g

is

o
C 3 C
5SS
IS =* o

c
c == n
"^ On

Accused of Crimes against

Per- sons.

Pro- perty.

1830, 1831,

6,962
7,607

4,130 4,098

4,576 4,281

59 54

1,666 2,046

5,296 5,560

Aver.

7,284

4,114

4,392

56

1,856

5,428

P i" a '^
•° 3 g-P

3-2
2-7

2-9

Thus, notwithstanding the changes of government, and the alterations in consequence of it, the number of accused persons has not sensibly varied: "the slight increase observed in 1831, may principally be attributed to the circumstance, that in conse- quence of renovations in the criminal court arrangements, the operation of the judiciary police was necessarily abated in the latter months of 1830 ; so that many cases belonging to this period were not tried until 1831, which has increased the figure for this year." — Report to the kinp. The number of acquittals is rather greater than in the preceding years ; and the same remark will be made further on in the case of Belgium, the government of which country was also changed.
The number of accused persons absent in 1830 was 787, and in 1831, 672 ; thus, the results of this year again agree with tliose of the preceding years.
t If the letters A, A', A2, &c., represent the nximbcrs of indi- viduals annually committed for crimes, and a, a', a^, &c., tlie corresponding nimibers of individuals annually condemned ; if we
A Ai A2 suppose, also, that the ratios ~ ' ~\' ~.2' '^c., are sensibly equal
A A^ to each other, that is to say, if — = — > we shall also have

annually nearly the same, it wiU be the same with the number of those who are guilty ; that is to say, tlie propensity to crime will preserve the same value. It is thus that the almost unchange- ableness of the annual ratio of the accused to the condemned, allows us to substitute for the ratio of the condemned of any two years the ratio of the accused for the same two years.

84

ON MAN.

and crimes against property : it ■will be remarked, no doubt, that the number of the former has diminished, wlulst the latter has increased ; however, these raria- tions are so small, that they do not sensibly affect the anmial ratio; and we see that we ought to reckon that three persons are accused of crimes against pro- perty to one for crimes against person.
Beside the preceding numbers I shall place those ■which correspond to them in the Low Countries, whilst the French code was still in force.

"V'ears.

is
11

It

o
i s o
lis

111
i S £

Accused of Crimes against

Ratio.

t
Per- sons.

1 Pro- perty.

1826, 1827,

138<) 1488

1166 1264

4302 4100

84 85

3f4 314

1085 1174

3o 3-7

Thus, the probability of being before a court of justice was almost the same for France and for the inhabitants of the Low Countries ; at the same time the number of crimes against persons was fewer among the latter, but the repression of them was also greater, since 85 individuals were condemned out of 100 ac- cused, which may be owing to the absence of a jury, tlieir duties being fulfilled by the judges. This modi- fication made in the French code should be taken into consideration. Indeed, it causes a very notable diffe- rence in the degree of repression ; for when once ac- cused, the Belgian had only 16 chances against 84, or 1 to 5, of bemg acquitted ; whilst the Frenchman, in the same circumstances, had 39 chances to 61, or nearly 3 to 5, that is to say, thrice as many. This unfavourable position in which tbe accused person was placed with us, might be cwing to the circum- stance, that the judges before whom he appeared were indeed more severe than a jury, or perhaps that they were more circumspect in acquitting a person in the Low Countries. I shall not determine which of these was the case, but simply observe, that in courts of correction the French judges are even more severe than ours, and the same is the case in courts of police.
Thus, during the four years before 1830, in France, the reports gave 679,413 an-aigned persons, or 1 to 188 inhabitants. Sloreover, of this number, 103,032 indi- viduals only were acquitted, or 15 in the 100 of tliose arraigned. There was then 1 chance against 187 that the Frenchman Avoidd be brought before a court of correction in the course of one year, and 85 chances to 15 tliat when there he would be condemned.
During the years 1826 and 1827, there were 01,670 persons arraigned, in tlie Low Countries, before courts of correction, of wliom 13,499 were acquitted ; and there was one arraigned person to 198 inhabitants. Therefore, the probability of a Frenchman being before a court is rather greater than for an inhabitant of the Low Countries, as also is the probability of his being subsequently condemned.
Setting aside the northern provinces of the ancient kingdom of tlie Low Comitries from those which at the present time fonn the kingdom of Belgium, and which are more intimately connected with France, we find, for the latter provinces, during the years previous to 1831 :—

ki

V. .

ill

Accused of

Years.

11

Crimes against

Ratio.

Per- sons.

1 Pro- perty.

1826,

72.'.

611

r,2u

84

189

636

2-8

1827,

800

682

4776

m

220

580

2-6

1828,

814

677

4741

(S3

2.10

584

2-5

1829,

75.3

612

6187

81

203

550

2-7

1830,

741

541

5274

73

160

681

3-8

Aver.,

7C7

625

.5031

82

2m

566

2-8

Each year, then, in Belgium, we have had, as an average, 1 person accused to 5031 inhabitants ; and in France, 1 to 4400 inhabitants nearly. It is remark- able, that although these numbers do not differ much, yet the particular values for each year have not once given as great a number of accused persons for Bel- gium as for France.
We may observe, that in Belgium, as in France, there was a sUght diminution in the number of ac- cused persons in 1830, which originated in the same cause, namely, the closing of the tribunals for a cer- tain period, in consequence of the revolution.
We see also that the repression of crime has sensibly diminished. This, no doubt, is thus accounted for : after revolutions men are more circumspect in their condemnations, since they are not always screened from personal danger, even in the judgments which they pronounce.
The jmy has been established in Belgium since 1831 ; we shaU soon be enabled to judge what influ- ence this has had on the repression of crime, and wliat are its most remarkable consequences.
2. Of the Influence of Knowledge, of Professions, and of CUmatc, on the Propensity to Crime.
It may be interesting to examine the influence of the intellectual state of the accused on the nature of crimes : the French documents on this subject are such, that I am enabled to form the following table for the years 1828 and 1829;* to this table I have annexed the results of the years 1830 and 1831, which were not known when the reflections which succeed were written down.

1820-1829 :

00 >>-g

1830-1831 :

^ '^'m

Accused

s s-a

Accused

B jj.S

Intellectual

of Crimes

atio of Cri
linst Prop
Crimes agr
Persons.

of Crimes

dtio of Cn
ainst Prop
Crimes aga
Persons

state of the Persons

against

against

Accused.

r Per-

Pro-

Per-

Pro-

sons.

perty.

« ^3

sons.

perty.

K^2

Could not read 1 or write, - f

2072

6,617

3-2

2134

G,7a5

31

Could read and ^

■\vrite but im- ^

1001

2,804

2-8

1033

2,840

2-8

perfectly, - i

Could re;id and i ^vrite well, i

400

1,109

2-8

408

1,047

a^j

Had received a -s

superior edu- / cation to this r

80

206

2-6

135 1

m

1-4

1st degi-ee, 3

3553

10,736

SOaver.

3710

10.856

2-9 aver.

Thus, all tlihigs bemg equal, the number of crimes against persons, compared ivith the number of crimes acjainst property, during the years 1828 and 1829, was greater according as the intellectual state of the ac- cused was more higldy developed ; and tliis difference bore especially on murders, rapes, assassinations, blows, wounds, and other severe crimes. Must we thence conclude that knowledge is injurious to society? I am far from thinking so. To establish such an as- sertion, it would be necessary to commence by ascer- taining how many individuals of the French nation belong to each of the four divisions which we have made above,t and to find out if, proportion being con- sidered, the individuals of that one of the divisions commit as mauj"^ crimes as those of the others. If this were really the case, I should not hesitate to say

The intellectual state of 474 accused persons for the year 1828

h.is not been noted, as also 4 for the year 1829, and 2 for 1831.
t The number of the accused of this class is increased in con- sequence of political events, and crimes against the safety of the state.
i See the Tableaux Sommaires faisant connaitre I'Etat el les Sfsoins dc I'lnsfruclion Primaire dans le Dcparlcmenl de la Seine. Paris; L. Colas; a pamphlet in 8vo, 1828, anonymous, but pro- bably by SI. Jomard. .See also the Rapport General sur la Sitiia- tion el les Frogres dc VEnseignement Primaire en Franee el d I'Etranger, by the same person. 8vo. Paris ; L. Colas. 1832.

ON MAN.

that, since the most enlightened individnals commit as many crimes as those wlio have liad less education, and since their crimes are more serious, they are ne- cessarily more criminal ; but from the little we know of the difiusion of knowledge in France, we cannot state any thing decisively on this point. Indeed, it may so happen, that individuals of tlie enlightened part of society, while committing fewer murders, assassinations, and other severe crimes, than indivi- duals who have received no education, also commit much fewer crimes against property, and this wovdd explain what we have remarked in the preceding numbers. This conjecture even becomes probable, ■when we consider tliat the enlightened classes are liresupposed to possess more affluence, and conse- quently are less frequently under the necessity of hav- ing recoiirse to the different modes of theft, of which crimes against property almost entirely consist ; wliUst affluence and knowledge have not an equal power in subduing the fire of the passions and sentiments of hatred and vengeance. It must be remarked, on the otlier hand, that the results contauied in the preced- ing table only belong to two years, and consequently present a smaller probability of expressing what really is the case, especially those results connected witli the most enlightened class, and which are based on very small numbers. It seems to me, then, that at the most we can only say that the ratio of the mmi- ber of crimes against persons to the number of crimes against property varies with the degree of knowledge ; and generally, for 100 crimes against persons, we may reckon fewer crimes against property, accorduig as tlie individuals belong to a class of greater or less enlightenment. In seeking the relative annual pro- portion, we find the following numbers for France, to which I annex those furnished by the prisons in Belgium in 1 833, according to the report of the in- spector-general of prisons : —

85 uphol-

Intellectiial
state of t)io
Accused.

'}

Could not read or write, -
Could read and %vrite imper fectly,
Could read and ^vl•ite well, I
Had received a -\ superior edu- / cation to the f 1st degree, j

Total, -

Absolute Number.

Accused in France :

8,fi89

1,509

14,289

8,919

3,873

1,455-

a ^

1972

472

776

Relative Number.

Accused in France :

1828-29. 1830-31.

14,566 3220

a n

CM
On

Thus, the results of the years 1828 and 1829 are again reproduced identically in 1830 and 1831, in France. Sixty-one out of one hundred persons accused could neither read nor write, which is exactly the sa)ne ratio as the Belgic prisons presented. The other numbers would also be probably the same, if the second class in Belgium took in, with the individuals able to read only, those who could write imperfectly.
The following details, which I extract from the liapport cm Roi for the year 1829, will serve to illus- trate what I advance : —
" The new table, which points out the professions of the accused, divides them into nine principal classes, comprising.
The first, individuals who work on the land, in vineyards, forests, mines, &c., 2453.
The second, workmen engaged with wood, leather, iron, cotton, &c., 1932.
The third, bakers, butchers, brewers, millers, &c., 253.

The fourth, hatters, hairdressers, tailors, sterers, &c., 327.
The fifth, bankers, agents, wholesale and retail mer- chants, hawkers, &c., 467.
The sixth, contractors, porters, seamen, waggoners, &c., 289.
The seventh, innkeepers, lemonade-sellers, servants, &c., 830.
The eighth, artists, students, clerks, bailifis, nota- ries, advocates, priests, physicians, soldiers, amiui- tauts, &c., 449.
Tlie 7iinth, beggars, smugglers, strumpets, &c., 373. Women who had no profession have been classed in those which their husbands pursued.
Comparing those who are included in each class with the total number of the accused, we see that the first furnishes 33 out of 100 ; the second, 26 ; the third, 4 ; the fourth, 5 ; the fifth, 6 ; the sixth, 4 ; the seventh, 1 1 ; the eighth, 6 ; the ninth, 5.
If, after that, we point out the accused in each class, according to the nature of their imputed crimes, and compare them with each other, Ave find the following proportions : —
In the first class, 32 of the 100 accused Avere tried for crimes against persons, and 68 for crimes against property. These numbers are 21 and 79 for the second class; 22 and 78 for the third; 15 and 85 for the fourth and fifth ; 26 and 74 for the sixth ; 16 and 84 for tlie seventh ; 37 and 63 for the eighth ; 13 and 87 for the ninth.
Thus, the accused of the eighth class, who all ex- ercised liberal professions, or enjoyed a fortune which presupposes some education, are those who, relatively, have committed the greatest number of crimes against persons ; whilst 87-hundredths of the accused of the ninth class, composed of people without character, have scarcely attacked any thing but property." *
Tliese results, which confirm the remark made be- fore, deserve to be taken into consideration. I shall observe that, when we divide individuals into two classes, the one of liberal professions, and the other composed of journeymen, workmen, and servants, the difference is rendered still more conspicuous.
The following table will assist us in arriving at the influence of climate on the propensity to crime ;f it is

See the Comptes Generalise, p. 9, 1830. The Comples Genermix

for 1830 and 1831 present the following results for each of the classes given in the text ; here again we find the same constancy of numbers :—
For 1829. 1st, - - - 2453
2d, - - 1932
3d, - - - 253
4th, - - 327
5tli, - - - 467
Cth, - - 289
7th, - - - 830
8th, - - 447
9th, - - - 373
Total, - - 7373
t It has seemed to me that these numbers might give us a satis- factory idea of the state of knowledge in each department, espe- cially of the lower classes, among whom the greatest number of crimes take place. Tliis method, by which we take for each de- partment some hundred individuals wliose intellectual state we can determine, appears to me to be more certain than that of M. Dupin, which is, to judge of the education of the province by the number of children sent to school. It may be that there is gene- rally very little knowledge in those places where schools have been but recently established, and have not as yet been able to produce any appreciable effects. In order to render tlio results obtained by this method more comprehensible, I have constructed a small map of France (Plate 5), which, by the varying depths of shade, points out the intellectual state of tlie different parts of this kingdom. Allowing that this map differs a little from that which M. Dupin has given, we shall, however, easily sec from both maps, that Northern France, especially near Belgium and tlic Rhine, is the most enlightened, whilst we find the greatest darkness along a line which traverses France diagonally from Cape Finisterre to the department of the Var. With this dark line is connected a second one, which leaves the centre of France, passing to the base of tlie Pyrenees. Thus, the results, obtained

For 1830.

For 1831

2240

2517

1813

1985

225

272

309

300

455

425

310

327

848

320

374

391

388

469

69C2

700(5

86

ON MAN.

formed from the documents of the Comptes Gmeraux de V Administration de la Justice in Trance, for the five years previous to 1830. Tlie second and the third columns give the numbers of those condemned for crimes against persons and property ; the two follow- ing columns show the ratio of these numbers to the respective population of each department in 1827 ; a sixth column gives the ratio of crimes against pro- perty to crimes against persons ; and the last column shows how many in 100 accused were unable to read or write ; the numbers which are given there only relate to the years 1828 and 1829.

1

>.

(D

Condemned

Inhabitants to one Person

11

5 3 2 c ^

for Of'

mes

Condemned for

l-S^

Departments.

againsi, 1

Crime against

c S S "3 '1^ oj

■« 2 "o

A

s§

S &.S

r

1

f

1

^ C^

Per-

Pro-

Per-

Pro-

.S o

88

sons.

perty.

sons.

perty,

< "

Corse,

287

107

3224

8649

0-.30

50

Haut-Rhin, -

144

295

14,192

6928

2-05

a3

Lot,

98

110

14,312

12,751

112

80

Ari^ge,

82

78

15,118

15,893

0.95

83

Ardeohe, -

108

99

15,205

16,587

0-92

67

AvejTon,

99

160

17,677

10,938

1-02

69

Pyrenees-Orient,

41

55

18,460

13,761

1-34

76

Seine-et-Oise,

112

377

20,034

5953

3-36

56

Vaucluse,

58

118

20,09t»

9875

203

65

Moselle, -

95

274

21,534

7466

2-88

49

Lozere,

.■51

53

22,384

13,092

1-71

47

Var,

67

117

23,216

13,2.95

1-75

71

Bas-Rhin,

111

341

24,120

7851

3-07

31

Seine,

197

2496

25,720

2030

12-67

34

Bouches-du-Rliin,

m

208

25,897

7844

3-25

56

Eure,

80

296

26,354

7123

370

63

Doubs,

48

146

26,491

8909

3-04

35

Marne,

61

244

26,643

6661

4-00

54

Tarne,

59

169

27,767

9694

2-86

75

Seine-Inferieure,

123

850

27,980

4049

6-91

59

Dr6me,

49

133

29,163

10,744

2-71

71

Calvados, -

84

3.()4

29,819

6357

4 ■69

52

liautes-Alpes,

21

47

29,840

13,333

2-24

42

Landes,

44

153

30,149

8690

3-48

86

Tiasses-Alpes, -

25

62

30,613

12,344

2-48

60

Vosges,

C2

132

30,632

14,388

2-13

45

Card.

53

129

32,788

13,471

2-43

67

Loiret,

46

215

a3,068

7075

4-07

70

Vienne,

40

170

33,459

7873

4-25

81

Ille-et-Vilaine,

82

318

33,747

87l>2

3-88

m

Hdrault,

50

92

.33,956

18,454

1-84

02

Aude,

39

75

,34,102

17,7.33

2-42

72

Rhone,

61

302

.•U,14G

(i8<)5

4-95

51

France, -

41)62

17,543

»t,108

i»080

3-76

60

Pny-de-Domc,

82

1.-.7

,34,.547

18,044

1-91

75

Loire-Inferienre,

m

160

34,628

14,284

2-42

76

Aube,

34

206

.35,5.53

5W;8

6-ik;

54

Isfere,

73

220

i6,026

11,9,58

3-01

62

Dordogne,

64

149

,3(J,25C

15,573

2,33

76

Jura,

3;}

123

.37,'t44

12,613

2!ii3

,50

Ilautc-SIarne,

3Z

94

.38,254

13,023

2!)3

40

Indre-et-Loire,

37

1.31

.39,211

11,075

3,54

79

Charente,

45

!^2

3i),295

19,220

2-05

60

Haute-Loire,

.36

35

39,677

40,810

o-!>7

75

AUier,

35

124

40,757

11„504

3-.54

91

Pas-de-Calais,

76

rm

41,751

.WOO

7-,38

(«

IJasses- Pyrenees,

47

142

43,880

14,.524

3-(l2

73

Gers,

35

91

43,943

10,!)01

2-00

70

Corrize,

32

56

44,513

25,4.30

1-75

77

Orne,

48

183

45,248

11, Wilt

3-81

00

Seine-et-Mame,

.35

167

45,4.59

9.527

4-77

58

Maine-et-Loire,

50

1!)7

45,lKi7

11,041

3!)4

81

Haute Vienne,

30

120

46,058

11,515

4'(M)

79

ITautes • Pyrenees,

24

64

40,26.3

17,,'M9

207

71

Eure-et-Loire,

,30

231

4(i,.5!)2

«I13

770

0.3

Ain, -

.36

84

47,448

20,,3^5

2;i3

00

Deux-S6vres,

.30

124

48,043] 11,623

413

61

by two different modes, nevertheless agree with eacli other in a very satisfactory manner. We may say that we find the greatest enlightenment where there is the greatest freedom of eommimi- cation, and in the course of large rivers, sucli as the Rhine, the Seine, the Meuse, &c. In Southern Fnince, the trading sea- coasts, and the banks of the Khone, are also less obscure, whilst the absence of enlightenment is perceived chiefly in those parts of France which are not traversed by great conniiercial roads. We natuniUy look for instniction in those places wliere the need T>f it is greatest.

{Table continued.)

Departments.

Charente-Inf^-, rieure, /
Bleurtlie, Sarthe,
Haute-Garonne, Haute-Saone, Mayenne, Morbihan, Cantal, Loir-et-Cher, Nord, Loire, COte-d'Or, Nievre,
Saone-et-Loire, Vendue, - Lot-et-Garonne, Meuse, Yonne, Cher, Finistfere, Manclie, - Tarn-et-Garonne, C6tes-du-Nord, Gironde, Aisne,
Oise. ' -
Somnie, Ardennes, Indre, Creiise,

Condemned

for Crimes

against

Per-

Pro-

sons.

perty.

44

257

52

249

45

177

41

190

33

134

35

146

41

183

25

75

22

142

91

548

.34

104

35

160

24

109

45

168

28

106

29

111

26

105

29

140

21

98

42

252

51

247

20

89

47

2.02

41

207

.36

259

23

163

31

257

15

92

12

96

6

40

i?

Inhabitants

|.g

to one Person

&< a

Condemnedfor

■" « C

Crime against

sag

^«<2

Is

r Per-

Pro-

sons.

perty.

u

48,199

8252

5-84

48,788

10,189

479

49,613

12,614

3-93

49,636

10,711

4-63

49,643

12,225

406

50,591

12,128

4-17

52,129

11,679

4-46

52,403

17.468

3-00

52,424

8122

6-45

52,893

8783

6 02

55,252

18,063

3()6

55,992

11,592

4-57

56,620

12.467

4-54

57,308

15,350

373

57,648

15,228

3 62

58,084

15,181

3-83

58,911

14,588

4-04

58,986

12,219

4-83

59,188

12,683

4-67

59,863

9977

6-00

59,922

12,373

4-84

60,397

13,572

4-45

61,881

9900

6-21

65,628

12,999

5-05

67,995

9451

7-20

83,723

11,814

7-09

84,884

10,230

8-29

93,875

15,306

6-13

99,012

12,.377

8-00

210,777

31,617

0-67

t-" 3 Ui

3-90

23,611

4296

5-44

25,107

7961

315

25,222

8I7I

3-09

27,433

5819

471

27.6.33

5f)!i0

2-20

32,0(KI

4148

7-71

37,500

400(1

9-42

42.208

12,.572

3-34

52,712

14,565

3-02

.53,450

3108

17-20

1,32,248

3852

34-33

25,747

62a9

4-13

28,783

7217

4-00

a3,784

10,060

3-36

21,648

7632

2-84

The numbers for the Low Coim tries embrace the years 1826-27,

and for the dutcliy of the Lower Rhine the years from 1822 to 1820, according to the lU'vue Encydopedique for the month of Au- gust 1830. .Since this summary gives us the number of crimes and not of the condemned, I h.ive thought proper to give the numljcr of crimes for Fr.ance and tlie Low Countries, in order to render the results comjiarable.

ON MAN.

87

As it would be very difficult to form an idea of the whole of the results contained in the preceding tables, and as at the same time it M'ould be impossible to embrace the whole at one glance, I have endeavoured to render them perceptible by shades of greater or less depth, placed on a map of France and the Low Coun- tries, according to the greater or less number of crimes against persons or property, in proportion to the po- pidation {See plate 6). Tlie first figurative map be- longs to crimes against persons ; it shows us at first, by the darkness of the shades, that the greatest number of crimes are committed in Corsica, in the South of France, and particularly in Languedoc and Provence, as well as Alsace and tlie Valley of the Seine. The southern part of the Low Countries, with the excep- tion of Hainault and Luxembourg, present also rather deep tints. However, it is proper to observe, that the shades are perhaps more obscure than they ought to be, if we consider that they represent the number of condemned people, and that in general, in the Low Countries, the repression has been much stronger than in France, since in the latter country only 61 indivi- duals are condemned in every 100 accused, whilst in the Low Countries, 85 is the proportion. On the con- trary. Central France, Brittany, Maine, Picardj^, as well as Zealand and Friesland, present much more satisfactory shades. If we compare this map with that which indicates the state of instruction, we shall be disposed to bclie^■e, at first, that crimes are in a measure in inverse ratio to the degree of knowledge. The figurative map of crimes against persons and those of crimes against property presents more ana- logy. In like manner, the departments which show themselves advantageously or disadvantageously on cither side, may be arranged in the following manner, making three principal classes : —
First Class. — Departments ivhere the number of those condemned for crimes against persons and property exceeds the average of France.
Corse, Landes, Rhone, Bouchcs-du-Rhone, Doubs, Ilaut-Rhin, Bas-Rhin, Moselle, Seine - Inferieure, Calvados, Eure, Seine-et-Oise, Seine, Marne, Loiret, Vienne, lUe-et-Vilaine — 17 departments.
Second Class. — Departments where the number of those condemned for crimes against property and persons has been less than the average of France.
Creuse, Indre, Cher, Nicvre, Saone - et - Loire, Jura, Ain, Isore, Loire, Haut-Loire, Cantal, Puy-de- Dome, Allier, Correze, Haut- Vienne, Basses-Pyronces, Ilautes - Pyrenees, Haute - Garonne, Gers, Tarn-et- Garonne, Lot-et- Garonne, Gironde, Dordogne, Cha- rente, Deux-Sevres, Vendee, Loire-Inferieure, ]\Iaine- et-Loire, Sarthe, Orne, Mayenne, Manche, Finistere, Morbihan, C6tes-du-Nord, Somme, Oise, Aisne, Ar- dennes, Meuse, Meurthe, Haute-Saone, Haute-Marne, Cote- d'Or, Yonne, Seine-et-Marne — 47 departments.
Third Class. — Departments where the number of those condemjied for crimes against persons only, or against property only, has been less than the average of France.
Var, Hautes-Alpes, Basses-Alpes, Drome, Vaucluse, Gard, Ardcche, Lozere, Aveyron, Lot, Tarn, Hcrault, Aude, Pyrenees-Orientales, Ariege, Charente-Inferi- cure, Loir-et-Cher, Eure-et-Loii-e, Nord, Pas-de-Calais, Aube, Vosges — 22 departments.
In making the same distinction with regard to the provinces of the Low Countries,* we find —
First Class— Southern Brabant, Anvers, Lim- bourg, Groningen, and Drenthe — 5 provinces.
Second Class — Hainault, Luxembourg — 2 pro- vinces.

See, for the most ample accoimtg, Im Statistiquc (Jcs Tri-

hvnaux de la Bflr/irixc, pendant h-.i Annt^es 1820, 1827, 1828, 1829, and 1830, published "by MM. Quotclot and Smits. 4to. Brussels: 1832.

Third Class — Namur, Liege, "Western Flanders, Eastern Flanders, Zealand, Northern Brabant, South- ern Holland, Northern Holland, Utrecht, Guelder- land, Overyssel, Friesland — 12 provinces.
Before endeavouring to deduce conclusions from the preceding calculations, I shall remark that certain ra- tios cannot be rigorously compared, on account of the defective valuation (or census) of the population, or from an unequal degree of repression in the different courts of justice. It will be difficult enough to find out the errors arising from the first cause, as we have only, for the elements of verification, the relative num- bers of births and deaths ; as to the unequal degree of repression, such is not exactly the case, for, besides that we are led to believe that the activity of justice in finding out the authors of crimes is not every where the same, Ave see that acquittals are not always in the same ratio. Thus, according to the documents from 1825 to 1829, 61 individuals out of every 100 accused have been condemned in France, yet the degree of repression has generally been stronger in the nor- thern than in the southern part of the country. The Court of Justice of Rouen has condemned the greatest number, and it has condemned 71 indivi- duals out of 100 accused at the least ; the coiirts of Dijon, Anjou, Douai, Nanci, Orleans, Caen, Paris, Rennes, have also exceeded the average ; the courts of Metz, Colmar, Amiens, Bordeaux, Bourges, Be- sancon, Grenoble, Lyons, and La Corse, have presented nearly the same average as France ; whilst the acquit- tals have been more numerous in the southern courts, such as Toulouse, Poitiers, Nismes, Aix, Riom, Pau, Argen, Limoges, and Montpellier — the two last courts having condemned, at an average, only 52 individuals of 100 accused. It yet remains for examination, whe- ther these decisive inequalities in the number of ac- quittals in the north and south of France are owing to a greater facility in bringing forward accusations, or to indulgence to the accused. It appears to me probable, that it may be in part owing to crimes against persons being more common, all things being equal, in the south, and crimes against property in the north ; we know, also, that more acquittals take place in the first class of crimes than in the second. However the case may be, I think it will be proper not to lose sight of this double cause of error which I have just pointed out.
If we now cast our eyes over the departments of France Avhich have exceeded the average of crimes against persons as well as of crimes against property, we shall first find Corsica and Landes to be, from their manners and customs, in peculiar circumstances, and which will scarcely permit of their being com- pared with the rest of France.
The Corsicans, indeed, impelled by cruel prejudices, and warmly embracing feelings of revenge, which are frequently transmitted from generation to generation, almost make a virtue of homicide, and commit the crime to excess. Offences against property are not frequent, and yet their number exceeds the average of France. We cannot attribute this state of things to want of instruction, since the number of accused who could neither read nor write was comparatively less than in France. This is not the case in Landes, where almost nine-tenths of the accused were in a state of complete ignorance. This department, where a poor and weak population live dispersed, as it were, in the midst of fogs, is one where civilisation has made the least progress. Although Landes is found in the most unfavourable class as regards crimes, it is never- theless proper to say that it does not differ much from the average of France : we may make the same obser- vations on the departments of Vienne and lUe-et-Vi- laine. As to the other departments, we may observe that they are generally the most populous in France, in which we find four of the most important cities, Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, and Rouen ; and that they also are the most industi'ious — those which present the great-

ON MAN.

est changes and intercourse with strangers. We may be surprised' not to find with them the departments of the Gironde and Loire-Inferieure, which seem to be ahnost in the same circumstances as the departments of Bouches-du-Khone and Seine-Inferieure, especially if we consider that, with respect to knowledge, they seem less favoured than these last, and the repression of crime also has generally been effective. This remark is particularly applicable to the department of the Gironde, for the Loii'e-Inferieure does not differ so much from the average of France. I shall not hesitate to attribute these differences to a greater morality in one part than the other. And this conjecture becomes more probable, if we observe that the whole of the departments of the south of France, which are on the shores of the sea from the Basses-Pyrcnces to La Manche, except Landes and Ille-et-Vilaine Avhich have ah'cady been mentioned, fall below the average of France for crimes against persons ; and that, on the contrary, all the departments, without exception, which are on the shores of the Mediterranean, as well as the ones adjacent to them, exceed this average. We may also remark, that the shores of the Atlantic, from Basses-Pyrenees to La Manche, generally fall below the average for crime against property.
The third class presents us Avith fifteen depart- ments, on the border of the Mediterranean, and Avhich all exceed the average of France m crimes against persons and are beloAv the average in crimes against liroperty. The districts on the Mediterranean appear, then, to have a A'ery strong propensity to the first kind of crimes. Of seven other departments of the same class, one only exceeds the average for crimes against person, and that is Vosges m Alsace ; the others exceed the average of crimes against propertj^
The "departments of the second class, where the fewest condemnations for crimes against persons and property take place, are generally situated in the centre of France, on the shores of the Atlantic, from the Basses-Pyrenees to La Manche, and in the A'alleys watered by the Somme, the Oise, and the Meuse.
The following is a simamary of what has been said : —
1. The greatest number of crimes against persons and property take place in the departments which arc crossed by or near to thfe Rhone, the Ehine, and the Seine, at least in their navigable portions.
2. The fewest crimes against persons and property are committed in the departments in the centre of France, in those which arc situated in the west to- wards the Atlantic, from the Basses-Pyrenees to La Manche, and in those toAvards the north, wliich are traversed by the Somme, the Oise, and the Meuse.
3. The shores of the Mediterranean and the adja- cent departments shoAv, all things being equal, a stronger jiropcnsity to crimes against persons, and the northern parts of France to crimes against pro- perty.
After having established these facts, if we seek to go back to the causes which produce them, Ave are immediately stopped by numerous obstacles. And, indeed, the causes influencing crimes are so numerous and different, that it becomes almost impossible to assign to each its degree of importance. It also fre- quently happens, that causes AA'hich appear A^ery in- fluential, disappear before otliers of Avhich Ave had scarcelj'^ thought at first, and this is Avliat I liaA-e especially found in actual researches : and I confess that I have been probably too much occupied Avith the influence Avhich Ave assign to education in abating the propensity to crime ; it seems to me that this common error especially proceeds from our expecting to find feAver crimes in a country, because Ave find more children in it avIio attend school, and because there is in general a greater number of persons able to read and Avrite. We ought rather to take notice of the degree of moral instruction ; for A^ery often tho education received at school only facilitates the com-

mission of crime.* We also consider poverty as ge- nerally conducing to crime ; yet the department of Creuse, one of the poorest in France, is that Avhieh in every respect presents the greatest morality. Like- Avise, in the Low Countries, the most moral province is Luxembourg, where there is the greatest degree of poA'crty. It is proper, hoAvcA'cr, that Ave come to a right understanding of the meaning of the Avord po- AX-rty, Avhich is here employed in an acceptation which may be considered improper. A province, indeed, is not poor because it possesses fcAver riches than an- other, if its inhabitants, as in Luxembourg, ai'C sober and active ; if, by their labour, they can certainly ob- tain the means of relieAdng their wants, and grati- fying tastes Avhich are proportionally moderate ; ac- cording as the inequality of fortune is less felt, and does not so much excite temptation : we should say, with more reason, that this province enjoys a moderate affluence. Poverty is felt the most in pro- vinces where great riches haA'c been amassed, as in Flanders, Holland, the department of the Seine, &c., and above all, in the manufacturing countries, Avhere, by the least political commotion, by the least obstruc- tion to the outlets of merchandise, thousands of indi- A'iduals pass suddenly from a state of comfort to one of misery. These rapid changes from one state to another giA'e rise to crime, particularly if those who suflFer are smTounded by materials of temptation, and are irritated by the continual aspect of luxurj"- and of the inequahty of fortmie, which renders them des- perate.
It seems to me that one of the first distinctions to be made in our present mquiry, regards the different races of mankmd Avho inhabit the countries Avhich Ave are considering; as Ave shall shortly see, this point is of the greatest importance, although not the first AN'hich presents itself to the mind. ""The population of France belongs to three different races — the Celtic race, Avhich forms nearly three-fifths of its inhabitants ; the Ger- man race, Avhieh comprehends those of the late pro- Auuces of Flanders, Alsace, and part of Lorraine ; and the Pelasgian race, scattered along the shores of the Mediterranean and in Corsica. The changes of man- ners," adds Malte-Brun, " to which this division is exposed, may alter the character of a people, but cannot change it entirely." f If Ave cast our eyes over the figiuratiA'c map of crimes against persons, this dis- tinction of people is perceived in a remarkable man- ner. We shall see that the Pelasgian race, scattered over the shores of the Mediterranean and in Corsica, is particularly addicted to crimes against persons ; among the Germanic race, Avhich extends over Alsace, the. dutchy of the LoAver Ehine, a part of Lorraine, and the Low Countries, Avhere the greater proportion of persons and of property gives rise to more occasions of committing crime, and where the frequent use of strong drinks leads more often to excesses, Ave have generaUy a great many crimes against property and persons. The Batavians and Frieslanders, Avho also belong to the Germanic race, are more especially prone to crimes against property. Lastly, the Celtic race appears the most moral of the three wliich we have considered, especially as regards crimes against per- sons ; they occupy the greatest part of France and the Wallone of Belgium (e< Ja partie Wallone de la Bclgique). It Avould appear, moreover, that frontier countries, Avhere the races are most crossed with each other, and where there is generaUy the most disturb- ance, and Avhere the customhouses are established, arc the most exposed to demoralisation.
After having admitted this distmction, based upon

M. Guen-y lias aiTivecl at conclusions similar to mine, and

almost at the same time, in his Essai sur la Slatislique Morale (le la France, p. 51, and has expressed them almost in the same terms ; the same results have also been obtained in England, Germany, and the United States.
t Precis de la Gcographie ITnivcrsellc, livre 15?.

ON MAN.

89

the differences of races, it remains to be examined what are the local anomalies which influence the mo- rality of the people and modify their character.
The most remarkable anomaly whicli the Celtic race seems to present, is observed in the department of the valley of the Seine, especially below Paris ; many causes contribute to this. We first observe that these departments, from their extent, contain the greatest proportion of persons and property, and consequently present more occasions for committing crimes ; it is there that there are the greatest changes in the people, and the greatest influx of people from all countries without character, in a manner which must even have altered the primitive race more than any where else ; lastly, it is there also where the greatest nmnber of industrial establishments are found ; and, as we have already had occasion to observe, these establishments maintain a dense population, whose means of subsist- ence are more precarious than in any other profession. The same remark is applicable to the valley of the IHione, and with the more reason, as the Pelagian race has been able, in ascending this river, to pene- trate farther into the interior of the country than any where else.
The commercial and industrious provinces of the Low Countries are likewise those in which the greatest number of crimes are committed.
As to the greater number of crimes against pro- perty to be observed as we advance towards the north, I think Ave may attribute it, in a great measure, to the inequality between riches and wants. The great cities, and the capitals esiiecially, present an unfa- vourable subject, because they possess more allure- ments to passions of every kind, and because they attract people of bad character, who hope to mingle with impunitj' in the crowd.
It is remarkable that several of the poorest depart- ments of France, and at the same time the least educated, such as Creuse, Indre, Cher, Haute-Vienne, Allier, &c., are at the same time the most moral, whilst the contrary is the case in most of the depart- ments which have the greatest wealtli and instruction. 'J'hese apparent singularities are, I think, explained by the observations which have been made above. ^Morality increases with the degree of education in the late kingdom of the Low Countries, which would lead us to believe that the course of education was better.
The influence of climate is not very sensible here, as we may see by comparing Guienne and Gascoigne with Provence and Lauguedoe, and the inhabitants of the Hautes and Basses Pyrenees to the inhabitants of the Hautes and Basses Alpes, which, notwithstanding, are mider the same latitudes. TVe may also say that tlie influence of kno\vledge and of climate partly dis- appears before more energetic influences; and that tliey are moreover far from effacing tlie moral cha- racter of the three races of men who inhabit the country which we are considering. Nevertheless, we cannot but allow, when bringing the ratios of the sixth column of our table together, that the number of crimes against property, in proportion to the num- ber of crimes against persons, is increased considerably in advancing towards the north.
It is to be regretted that the documents of the courts of justice of other countries cannot be com- pared with those of France and the Low Coimtries. The difference in laws and the classifications of crime render direct comparisons impossible. Yet the coun- tries of some extent, and which give the distinction of crimes against persons and crimes against pro- perty, allow at least of our drawing a comparison between their different provinces under this head. It perhaps will not be without some interest to our inquiry to compare the different parts of Prussia and Austria with one another. The data of criminal jus- tice in Austria are extracted from the BuUetin des Sciences of M. de Fcrussac, for November 1829, and relate to the five years from 1819 to 1823; those of

Prussia are extracted from the Revue Encyclopedique for August 1830, and relate to the three years from 1824 to 1826 inclusive. I have followed the same form of table as the above : nevertheless, I regret that I could not give the number of children in the schools of the different parts of Austria. For Prussia, I have taken the number of children in 1000 of those who attend the schools, according to the statement of the Revue Encyclopedique.

Inhabitants

P s

Crimes against

to one Crime against

■so g
.S " o

1^

AiTondissements.

I!?

>-

>-

3 to

(

^

f

2 <»

Per
sons.

Pro- perty.

Per- sons.

Pro- perty.

ill

•2 a 5°

AusTniA.

Dalmatia,

2986

2,540

535

625

oa5

7

GaUicia k BulvO- j Vina, - /
TjTOl, -

5294

14,105

3,955

1470

2-70

7

(558

2,516

5,707

1492

3-82

•>

Moravia & Silesia,

753

3,545

12,002

2689

4-71

13

Gratz-Leibacli & t Trietz, or Inter- > nal Austria, J

580

2,479

13,311

3188

4-21

10

Lower Austria (or, » Cotes de I'Ens), /

673

7,099

17.130

1382

12-37

10

Bohemia,

737

♦'7.221

18,437

1881

9-80

9
Scholars in 1000

Pni-ssiA.

Children.

PiTjssia, -

249

0,875

22,741

G39

35-65

451

Saxony,

147

5,815

27,588

697

39-5<j

491

Poscn,

'■fl

3,481

31,440

875

35-88

490

Silesia,

228

7.077

33,714

1086

31-04

584

Westphalia,

92

3.383|38,43<;

1045

36-77

.525

Brandenburg,

112

5,431 39,4Wi

688

57-42

468

Pomerania,

27

l,r)22l92,131

1.5,3;)

60-11

940

It would be very difficult to point out the various races of men who have peopled the comitries mentioned in the preceding table, because they are so much mixed in certain parts, that their primitive character is almost lost. The German race predominates in the Prussian states, and is mixed with the northern Sclavonians, particularly along the shores of the Baltic and ancient Prussia, and with the western Sclavonians in the Grand- Dutchy of Posen and Silesia. In the Austrian states, and especially in the northern and eastern parts, the Sclavonian race is again mixed with the German ; ^Slalte-Brun even thinks that in IMoravia the Sclavo- nians are three times as numerous as the Germans :t they are divided into several tribes, of which the most remarkable is the Wallachians ; " they are brave in war, tolerant in religion, and scrupulously honest in their habits." The Tyrolese, formed of the ancient Ehccti, would be, according to Pliny (book iii. chap. 19), originally from Etruria; the Dalmatians, of Scla- vonic origin, are also mingled with Italians.
It will appear, then, also, from the table Avliich has just been given, that crimes are more numerous in Dalmatia, where the blood of the south is mixed with the blood of the people of the north. Among the Tyrolese, we find also tlie traces of more energetic passions than among the other people under the Aus- trian dominion, excepting, however, the inhabitants of GaUicia, descendants of the Rosniacks, who pro- ceeded, together with the Croatians and Dalmatians, from the Eastern Sclavonians.J Classing the people according to the degree of crime, it would appear that they are in the folloAving order : — Etruscans or Itahans, Sclavonians, and Germans. § It would also appear

The numbers for Bohemia and Internal Austria only relate

to the four years 1819, 1820, 1822, and 1823.
t Precis de G^ograpliie UniverseUe, livre 145. % Ibid. 1. 116.
§ The western Sclavonians are composed, according to Maltc- Bnin, of Poles, Bohemians or Tcheches, of the Slovaqiies of Hun- gary, the Serbcs in Lueatia. — hivre 110. " The distinctions

90

ON MAN,

that the eastern Sclavonians have a greater propen- sity to crime than the nortliern and western ones, who are more mixed with the Germans, and are in a more advanced state of civilisation. We see from the precedins? table, that the state of instruction in Prussia is in a direct ratio to the number of crimes ; it appears to be nearly the same in the countries under the Aus- trian dominion.
3. On tlie Influence of Seasons on the Propensity to Crime.
The seasons have a Avell-marked influence in aug- menting and diminishing the number of crimes. We may form some idea from the following table, Avhicli contains the number of crimes committed in France against persons and property, during each month, for three years, as well as the ratio of these numbers. We can also compare the numbers of this table with those which I have given to show the influence of seasons on the development of mental alienation, and we shall find the most remarkable coincidences, especially for crimes against persons, which would appear to be most usually dependent on failures of the reasoning powers :* —

Crimes

against

Ratio:

Crimes

against

Ratio :

Months.

Per-

Pro-

1827-28.

Per-

Pro-

1830-31.

sons.

perty.

sons.

perty.

January, - -

282

1,005

3-89

189

666

3-52

February, - -

272

910

3a5

194

563

2-90

March, - -

335

968

2-89

205

602

2-94

April, - - -

314

841

2-68

197

548

2-78

May, - - -

381

844

2-22

213

569

2-67

June, - - -

414

850

2-05

208

602

2-90

July, - - -

379

828

2-18

188

501

2-66

August, - - -

382

934

2-44

247

596

2-41

September, -

355

89G

2-52

176

584

3-32

October, - -

285

926

3-25

207

506

2-83

November, -

301

961

3-20

223

651

2-95

December, - -

347

1,152

3-33

181

691

3 82

Total, - - -

3847

11,205

2-77

2428

7159

2-94

First, the epoch of maximum (June) in respect to the number of crimes against persons, coincides pretty nearly with the epoch of minimum in respect to crimes against property, and this takes place in sum- mer ; whilst, on the contrary, the minimum of the number of crimes against persons, and the maximum of the number of crimes against property, takes place in winter. Comparing these two kinds of crimes, avc find that in the month of January nearly four crimes take place against property to one against persons, and in the month f)f Juno only two to three. These differences are readily explained by considering that during winter misery and want are more especially felt, and cause an increase of the number of crime? against property, whilst the violence of the passions
between tlie Sclave (Sclavonian) and the German are, tlie care which the former takes of liis property, and his constant desire to acquire more ; he is not so industrious, not so capable of attachment and fidelity in his affections, and more disposed to seek for society and dissipation. He prides himself on greater prudence, and is generally distrustful, especially in his deal- ings with Germans, whom he always regards as a kind of enemy." — Livrc 114. Jtalte-Brun .also makes a distinction of Germans of the*orth and Germans of the south. " The Thuringerwald divides Germany into two regioris— the north and the south. The German of the north, living on potatoes, butter, and cheese, deprived of beer and spirits, is the most robust, frugal, and intel- ligent : it is also with liim that Protestantism has the most proselytes. Delicate in his mode of life, accustomed to wine, sometimes even given to dnmkcnness, the Gcnnan of the south is more sprightly but also more superstitious." — hivrc 14!!.

The observations which we possess are neither so nimierous

nor so carefully compiled as to enable us to affirm that any direct ratio exists between the propensity to crimes against persons and the tendency to mental alienation ; yet the existence of this ratio becomes more probable if we consider that we find again the same coincidence regarding the influence of age.

predominating in summer, excites to more frequent personal collisions.
The periods of maxima and minima also coincide with those of the maxima and minima of births and deaths, as we have already shown.
The Comptes Generaux of France also contain data on the hours at which crimes have been committed, but only for thefts in Paris and the neighbourhood. These data are hitherto too few to draw any satisfac- tory conclusions froni them.
4. On the Influence of Sex on the Propensity to Crime.
We have already been considering the influence Avhich climate, the degree of education, differences of the human race, seasons, &c., have on the propensity to crime ; we shall now investigate the influence of sex.
At the commencement, we may observe that, out of 28,686 accused, who have appeared before the coiu"ts in France, during the four years before 1830, there were found 5416 women, and 2.3,270 men, that is to say, 23 women to 100 men. Thus, the propensity to crime in general gives the ratio of 23 to 100 for the sexes. This estimate supjjoses that justice exercises its duties as actively with regard to women as to men ; and this is rendered probable by the fact, that the severity of repression is nearly the same in the case of both sexes ; in other words, that women are treated with much the same severity as men.
We have just seen that, in general, the propensity to crime in men is about four times as great as in women, in France ; but it will be important to ex- amine further, if men are four times as criminal, which will be supposing that the crimes committed by the sexes are equally serious. We shall commence by making a distinction between crimes against property and crimes against persons. At the same time, we shall take the numbers obtained for each year, that we may see the limits in which they are comprised : —

1826, -
1827, - - 1828, 1829, - -

Averages,

18.30, 1831,

Averages, 1612

Crimes against Persons.

Men. Women. Ratio,

16.39 1637 l.'>76 1552

1601

1412 1813

268 274 270 239

254 233

0-16
0-17 0-17 015

0-16

0-18 0-13

Crimes against Property.

Men. Women. Ratio,

4073 4020 4306 4379

4217

4196 4567

1008 998 1156
1203

1091

1100 993

0-25 0-25 0-26 0-27

0-26

0-26 0-22

Although the number of crimes against persons may have diminished slightly, whilst crimes against property have become rather more numerous, yet we see that the variations are not very great ; they have but littlemodified the ratios between the numbers of the accused of the two sexes. AVe have 26 women to 100 men in the accusations for crimes against propert^^-, and for crimes against persons the ratio has been only 16 to 100.* In general, crimes against persons are of a more serious nature than those against property, so that our distinction is favourable to the women, and we may afiirm that men, in France, are four times as criminal as women. It must be observed, that the ratio 16 to 26 is nearly the same as that of the strength of the two sexes. However, it is proper to examine things more narrowlj', and especially to take notice of individual crimes, at least of those Avhicli are com- mitted in so great a number, that the inferences drawn from them may possess some degree of probability. For this purpose, in the following table I have col-

These conclusions only refer to the results of the four years

before 18.30. The numbers of the following ye.ars, which have been since added to the table, give almost the same ratios.

ON MAN.

91

lected the mimbers relating to the four years before 1830, and calculated the different ratios ; the crimes are classed according to the degree of magnitude of this ratio. I have also groiiped crimes nearly of the same nature together, such as issuing false money, counterfeits, falsehoods in statements or in commercial transactions, &c.

Women

Nature of Crimes.

Jlcn.

Women.

to 100 Men.

Infanticide,

,?0

426

1.320

Jliscarriage,

15

.39

£60

Poisoning,

77

73

91

] louse robbery {vol domesliquc\.

2648

16()2

60

Parrii.'ide, - - .

44

22

50

Incendiarism of buildings and other 1 things, - . - /

27!)

94

34

Robber}' of churches,

17G

47

27

Wounding of parents (bh'ssures en- ■, vers ascendans) , • j

292

63

22

Theft,

10,677

2249

21

False evidence and suborning,

307

51

17

Fraudulent bankruptcy.

.■J53

57

16

Assassination, - - .

947

HI

12

False coining Ifatisse monnak),^

counterfeit making, false affirma- >■

16G9

177

11

tions in deeds, &c. - - '

Rebellion, ...

(512

60

111

Highway robbery.

048

54

8

AVounds and blows.

1447

78

5

Murder,

1112

44

4

Violation and seduction, -

685

7

1

Violation on persons under 15 j'cars i of age, - - - I

585

5

1

As we have already observed, to the commission of crime the three following conditions are essential — tl:e will, which depends on the person's morality, the opportunity, and the facility of effecting it. Now, the reason why females have less propensitj- to crime than males, is accounted for by their being more under the influence of sentiments of shame and modestj', as far as morals are concerned; their dependent state, and retired habits, as far as occa.sion or opportunity is concerned ; and their physical Aveakness, so far as the facility of acting is concerned. I think we may attribute the differences observed in the degree of criminality to these three principal causes. Home- times the whole three concur at the same time : we ought, on such occasions, to expect to find their in- fluence very marked, as in rapes and seductions ; thus, we have only 1 woman to 100 men in crimes of tliis nature. In poisoning, on the contrary, the num- ber of accusations for either sex is nearly equal. When force becomes necessary for the destruction of a per- son, the number of women who are accused becomes much fewer ; and their numbers diminish in propor- tion, according to the necessity of the greater publi- city before the crime can be perpetrated : the following crimes also take place in the order in which they are stated — infanticide, miscarriage, parricide, woimding of parents, assassinations, woimds and blows, murder.
With respect to infanticide, woman has not only many more opportunities of committing it than man, but she is in some measure impelled to it, frequently by misery, and almost always from the desire of con- cealing a liiult, and avoiding tlie shame or scorn of society, which, in such cases, thinks less unfavourably of man. Such is not the case with other crimes in- volving the destruction of an individual : it is not the degree of the crime which keeps a Avoman back, since, in the series Avbich we have given, parricides and Avounding of parents are more numerous than assas- sinations, which again are more frequent than mur- der, and Avounds and blows generally ; it is not simply Areakness, for then the ratio for parricide and Avound- ing of parents should be the same as for murder and wounding of strangers. These differences are more especially OAving to the habits and sedentary life of females ; they can only conceive and execute guilty projects on individuals Avith whom they are in G

the greatest intimacy : thus, compared witli man, her assassinations are more often in her family than out of it ; and in society she commits assassination rather than murder, Avhich often takes place after excess of drink, and the quarrels to Avhich Avomen are less ex- posed.
If Ave now consider the different kinds of theft, we shall find that the ratios of the propensity to crime are arranged in a similar scries : thus, Ave haA^e suc- cessively house robbery, robbery in churches, rob- beries in general, and, lastly, highway robbery, for which strength and audacity are necessary. The less conspicuous propensity to cheating in general, and to fraudulent bankruptcy, again depend on the more secluded life of females, their separation from trade, and that, in some cases, they are less capable than men — for example, in coining false money and issu- ing coimterfeits.
If Ave attempt to analyse facts, it seems to me that the difference of morality in man and Avoman is not so great as is generally supposed, excepting only as regards modesty ; I do not speak of the timidity aris- ing from this last sentiment, in hke manner as it does from the physical Aveakness and seclusion of females. As to these habits themselves, I think Ave may form a tolerable estimate of their influence by the ratios which exist betAveen the sexes in crimes of different kinds, Avhere neither strength has to be taken into consideration, nor modesty — as in theft, false Avit- nessing, fraudident bankruptcy, &c. ; these ratios are about 100 to 21 or 17, that is to saj% about 5 or 6 to 1. As to other modes of cheating, the difference is a little greater, from the reasons already stated. If Ave try to giA-e a numerical expression of the inten- sity of the causes by which Avomen are influenced, as, for example, the influence of strength, avc may esti • mate it as being in proportion to the degree of strength itself, or as 1 to 2 nearly; and this is the ratio of the number of parricides for each sex. For crimes Avhere both physical Aveakness and the retired life of females must be' taken into account, as in assassinations and highAvay robberies, folloAving the same plan in our calculations, it Avill be necessary to multiply the ratio of poAver or strength ^ by the degree of dependence 1-5, Avhicli giA-es 1-10,' a quantity which really falls betAveen the values 12-100 and 8-100, the ratios given in the table. With respect to murder, and bloAvs and wounds, these crimes depend not merely on strength and a more or less sedentary life, but still more on being in the habit of using strong drinks and quarrelling. The influence of this latter cause might almost be consi- dered as 1 to 3 for the sexes. It may be thought that the estimates Avhich I have here pointed out, cannot be of an exact nature, from the impossibility of assign- ing the share of influence Avhich the greater modesty of Avoman, her physical Aveakness, her dependence, or rather her more retired life, and her feebler passions, Avliich are also less frequently excited by liquors, may have respectiA'ely on any crime in particular. Yet, if such Avere the characters in Avhich the sexes more particidarly differ from each other, Ave might, by ana- lyses like those noAV given, assign their respectiA^e influence Avith some probability of truth, especially if the observations Avere very numerous. I do not speak of modes of justice, of legislation in general, of the state of knowledge, of means of providing for physical Avants, &c., Avhich may poAverfully contribute to in- crease or diminish the number of crimes, but Avhose influence is generally not very evident as regards the ratio of the accused of each sex.
Perhaps it maj- be said, that if it be true that the morality of woman is not greater than tliat of man, house robbery should be as frequent for the one as for the other. This observation Avould be just, if it Avere proved that the class of individuals by Avhom house robberies are committed, Avere equally composed of men and women ; but there are no data on this sub- ject. All that can be laid doAvn is, that men and

93

ON MAN.

women wlio live in a domestic state, rather commit crimes against property tlian against persons, wliicli very materially confirms the observations made above, on the influence of retired life and sedentary habits. The Compte Gendral de V Administration de la Justice in 1829, for the first time, gives the professions of the accused; and in the article Domestiqiies, M-e find 318 men and 147 -women employed as farm-servants ; and 149 men and 175 women as personal domestics : the total number of men is greater than that of women. Now, of these numbers, there were 99 accused of crimes against persons, and 590 of crimes against property : the ratio of these numbers is 1 to 6 nearly, and it has preserved exactly the same value in the years 1830 and 1831. But we have had occasion to see that this ratio for the mass of society is 1 to 3, when particular circumstances are not taken into consideration ; and it would be only as 263 to 1091, or 1 to 4 nearly, if society were composed of Avomen alone : thus, in all the cases, I think it has been sufiiciently shown that men and women, Avhen in the state of servants, com- mit crimes against property in preference to others.
As to capital crimes, Ave may arrange them in the following manner : —

Apparent Motives : 1826-13-29 inclusive.

Cupidity, theft, Adultery, Domestic dissen- .
sions, Debauchery, jea- ■
lousy, - - Hatred, revenge, &
divers motives,

Total,

Accused for

Poison- ing.

liO 58 903

Assassi- nation.

237 7() 131
115
460

Incen- diarism.

Total.

362 13.3
333
220 1615

2663

Adultery, domestic quarrels, and jealousy, cause almost an equal number of poisonings in both sexes ; but the number of assassinations, and especially of murders, of women by their husbands, is greater than that of husbands by their Avives. The circumstances bearing on this subject have been stated already.
Of 903 murders Avhich have taken place from hatred, revenge, and other motives, 44G have been committed in consequence of quarrels and contentions at taverns ; thus, more than one-third of the total number of mur- ders have taken place under circumstances in Avhich women are not usually involved.
The four last volumes of the Comptes Gdneranx, contain some interesting details on the intellectual state of the accused of both sexes : they may be stated as foUoAvs : —

Intellectual State.

Men.

Women.

.2 Si

Men.

Women.

.2 c?
Big

Unable to read, or write, - - }
Able to read and ^ Avrite imper- ^ fectly, - - J
Could read and \ Avrite well, - '
Had received an ^ excellent edu- ( cation to the 1st f degi'ee, - - )
Intellectual state ^ not mentioned, (

6,537 3,308 1,399
203
374

2152 497
no
104

3-0 6-6 12-7 .56-6 3-6

6.877 3,422 1,3/3
314
2

2042 451 112

3-3 7-6 16-7 62-8

11,901

2868

4-2

ll,9f«t

2.><!0

4-6

These numbers give us no information on the popu- lation, since avc do not know Avhat is the degree of knoAvledge diffused in France ; but Ave see, at least, that there is a great difl'erence in the sexes. I think Are might explain these results by saying, that in the lower orders, Avhere there is scarcely any edu-

cation, the habits of the women approach those of the men ; and the more Ave ascend in the classes of society, and consequently in the degrees of education, the life of Avoman becomes more and more priA^ate, and she has less opportunity of committing crime, all other things being equal. These ratios differ so much from each other, that Ave cannot but feel how much influ- ence our habits and social position have on crime.
It is to be regretted that the documents of justice for the Low Countries do not contain any thing on the distinction of the sexes ; we only see (according to the returns of the prisons and the houses of cor- rection and detention, in the Recueil Official), that on the 1st of January 1827, the number of men Avas 51G2, that of Avomen 1193, which gives 100 Avomen to 433 men. Making use of the documents which have been disclosed to me by INI. le Baron de Keverberg, I found that in 1825 this ratio Avas 100 to 314.
According to the report of M. Ducpetiaux, on the state of prisons in Belgium, Ave enumerated 2231 men and 550 Avonien, as prisoners on the 1st of January 1833, Avhich gives a ratio of 405 to 100 : among those prisoners Avere found 1364 men and 326 Avomen Avho could not read or Avrite ; so that the intellectual state of the prisoners of both sexes Avas nearly the same ; the ratio of the Avhole population to those Avho could neither read nor write, was as 100 to 61 among the men, and 100 to 60 among tlie Avomen. To the number of prisoners just mentioned, may be added 419 indivi- duals confined in the central military prison, of Avhom 282 could neither read nor Avrite ; this gives a ratio of 67 in 100.*
If Ave examine the accounts of the correctional (or minor) tribunals of France, Ave find the ratio betAveen the accused of both sexes to be 529,848 to 149,565, or 28 females to 100 males. Thus, Avith re- spect to less serious offences, Avhich are judged by the correctional tribunals, the Avomen have there been rather more numerous compared Avith the men than in the case of weightier crimes.
5. Of the Influence of Age on the Propensity to Crime.
Of all the causes Avliich influence the development of the propensity to crime, or Avhich diminish that propensity, age is unquestionably the most energetic. Indeed, it is through age that the physical poAvers and passions of man are developed, and their energy afterAvards decreases Avith age. lleason is developed Avith age, and continues to acquire power even Avheii strengtli and passion have passed their greatest A^gour. Considering only these three elements, strength, pas- sion, and judgment f (or reason), Ave may almost say, « priori, Avhat Avill be the degree of the propensity to crime at different ages. Indeed, the propensity must be almost nothing at the two extremes of life ; since, on the one hand, strength and passion, tAvo poAverful instruments of crime, have scarcely begun to exist, and, on the other hand, their energy, neai'Iy extin- guished, is still further deadened by the influence of reason. On the contrary, the propensity to crime should be at its maximum at the age Avhen strength and passion have attained their maximum, and Avhen reason has not acqiured sufficient poAver to govern their combined influence. Therefore, considering only physical causes, the propensity to crime at different ages Avill be a property and sequence of the three

According to the statistical tables of France, of ymmg persons

inscribed for military service in 1827, wo enumerate (Bulletin do M. F^russac, Nov. 1829, p. 271)—
Absolute No. Relative No. Voung persons able to read, - - 13,794 5
read and write, 100,787 37
not able to read or write, 1.57,510 58
272,091 100
Tliis ratio of 58 in 100 is a little less unfavourable than that of l)risons, which is 60 in UK).
t I am not speaking of the intellectual state, of religious senti- ments, of fear, shame, pimisjhment, &c., because these qualities depend more or less directly on reason.

ON MAN.

93

quantities Ave hare ju.st named, and might be deter- mined by them, if they -K-ere sufficiently known.* But since these elements are not yet determined, we must confine ourselves to seeking for the degrees of the propensity to crime in an experimental manner ; ■we shall find the means of so doing in the Comptes Generaux de la Justice. The following table vfiU. show the number of crimes against persons and against property, whicli have been committed in Prance by each sex during the years 1826, 27, 28, and 29, as well as the ratio of these numbers ; the fourth column points out how a population of 10,000 souls is divided in France, according to age -, and the last column gives the ratio of the total number of crimes to the coiTcsponding rumber of the preceding column ; thus there is no longer an inequality of number of the individuals of different ages.

Individuals' Age.

Less than IG yeais, 16 to 21 years, 21 to 25 ~ - - - 25 to SI) „ - - at to 35 ,- - - - 35 to 40 ~ - - 40 to 45 „ - - - 45 to 50 ~ - - 50 to 55 - - - - 55 to (JO - - - 60 to 05 „ - - - 65 to 70 ~ - - 70 to 80 „ - - - 30 and upwards, -

Crimes against

Per- sons.

00 !)04 1278 15/5
u-,:i
650 575 445 288 168 157 91 64 5

440
3723
3329
3702
2883
2076
1724
1275
811
500
385
184
1.37
14

It" •
S 2
o

3304 8«7 673 791 732 672 612 549 482 410 330 247 255 55

161 5217 6846 6671 5514 4057 3757 3133 2280 1629 1642 1113 788 345

This table gives us results conformable to those wliich I have given in my Recherclies Statistique for the years 1826 and 1827. Since the value obtained for 80 5-ears of age and upwards is based on very small numbers, it is not entitled to much confidence. Moreover, we see that man begins to exercise his propensity to crimes against property at a period antecedent to his pursuit of other crimes. Between his 25th and 30th year, when his powers are developed, he inclines more to crimes against persons. It is near the age of 25 years that the propensity to crime reaches its maximum ; but before passing to other considerations, let us exa- mine what difference there is between the sexes. The latter columns of the following table show the degrees of propensity to crime.f reference being had to popu-

Here we are more especially considering crimes against per-

sons; for crimes against property, it will be necessary to talce no- tice of the wants and privations of man.
t To give a new proof of the almost identity of results of each year, I have thought proper to present here the numbers collected between 1830 and 1831 ; we may compare tUem with those of the preceding tables, which are nearly exactly double, because they refer to four years : —

Crimes

against

14

Accused.

Individuals' Age.

III
5 -s

r

[
Per- sons.

Pro- perty.

Men.

Women.

Under 16 j'ears,

27

214

88

211

30

14

16 to 21

394

1,888

83

1,911

371

19

21 to 25 „ -

643

1 ,708

72

1,913

438

23

25 to 30

758

1,872

70

2,185

445

20

30 to 35 - -

662

1,741

72

2,004

399

20

a5 to 40

3/6

1,088

74

1,167

297

26

40 to 45 „ -

279

725

72

800

204

25

45 to 50

200

643

70

692

151

21

60 to .5,5 „ -

161

426

73

487

100

21

55 to 60

91

245

73

270

66

24

60 to 65 -, -

55

147

73

162

40

25

65 to 70

31

100

77

113

18

16

70 to 00 - -

29

58

66

67

20

30

80 and upwards, All ages, - - -

6 3712

1 10.856

14
74

6 11,988

1 2580

16 22

lation, and the greatest number of each column being taken as unity : —

Individuals' Age.

Under 16 years.
16 to 21
21 to 25 ~
25 to 30 ~
30 to 35
35 to 40
40 to 45 „
45 to 50 ~
50 to 55
55 to 60
00 to 65
65 to 70
70 to 80
80 & upwards,
All ages,

Accused.

438
3,901
3,762
4,260
3,254
2,105
1,831
1,357
896
555
445
230
163
18
23,270

Wo- men.

82
726
845
1017
782
621
468
3(J3
203
113
97
45
38
1
5416

J

Degrees of the Propensity to Crime.

In Gene- ral.

0-02 0-76 1-00 0-97 0-81 0-59 0-55 0-46 0-33 0-24 0-24 016 0-12 005 0-41

002 0-79 1(J0 0-96 0-80 0-50 0-54 0-44 0-33 0-24 0-24 017 012 006

AVo- men.

0-02 0-64 0-98 1-00 0-83 0-75 0-CO 0-51 0-33 0-22 0-23 0-14 0-12 0-01

Calcu- lated.

002 0-6S 1-00 0-92 0-81 071 0-60 0-51 0-42 034 027 0-21 0-12 004

Women, compared to men, are rather later in enter- ing on the career of crime, and also sooner come to the close of it. The maximum for men takes place about the 25th year, and about the 30th for women ; the numbers on Avhich our conclusions are founded ai-e still very few ; yet we see that the two lines which represent the relative value for each sex are almost parallel. The latter column contains results calcu- lated by the following very simple formula : —
y = (1 — sin. X) Yl~^, supposmg m = ^^ _ ,3 -
In this manner the degree of the propensity to crime is expressed according to age {en fonction de rage) X. We must take, as we see, for the axis of the abscissae, one-fourth of the corrected circumference (circonference recti/jee), and divided into decimal parts. The results of this formula generally agree better with the results obtained for women. I have endeavoured to render them sensible by the construction of a curve, the greater or less divergences of which from the axis AB (see plate 4) indicates the degree of the propensity to crime. The equation becomes a sinusoide —
y = I — sin. X, for ages above 30 j-ears, because m evidently is equal to unity. It is not to be expected that we should find mathematical precision, for several reasons, of which the principal are —
1. Tlie numbers obtained for four years are not so great that we may adopt their results with perfect confidence.
2. To calculate the propensity to crime, Ave must combine these numbers with those Avhich the tables of population have furnished ; and it is pretty generally agreed that the table of the Annuaire does not give the state of the population of France with sufficient accu- racy.
3. The propensity to crime can only be calculated from the Avhole of the individuals Avho compose the popidation ; and as those Avho occupy the prisons are generally persons of more than 25 years of age, and who, from their state of captivity, cannot enter into the ratio for persons above 25 years of age, there must necessarily be a void (lacune). If, instead of taking crimes collectively, we examine each in par- ticular in proportion to age, we shall have a ncAv proof that the maximum" of crimes of different kinds takes place between tlie 20th and 30th j^cars, and that it is really about that period that the most vicious dispo- sition is manifested. Only the period of maximum will be hastened or retarded some years for some crimes, according to the quicker or slower develop- ment of certain qualities of man Avhich are propor- tioned to those crimes. These results are too curious to be omitted here ; I ha\'e presented them in the fol- loAving table, according to the documents of France, from 1826 to 1829 inclusiA-ely, classing them according

d4

ON MAN.

to the periods of maxima, and taking into account the I wliich are committed in smallest nimiher, because the population of different ages. I have omitted the crimes I results from that alone would have been very doubtful.

Under

16

21

25

30

35

40

45

50

65

00

65

70

80 and

Nature of the Crimes.

Years.

to 21.

to 25.

to 30.

to 35.

to 40.

to 45.

to 50.

to 55.

to 60.

to 65.

to 70.

to 80.

up- wards.

Violations on children under 15 j-eai-s,

4

120

71

96

73

39

34

45

22

18

26

17

21

2

House robbery, - - - -

54

965

845

766

528

351

249

207

112

50

61

34

14

„

Other thefts, . . . -

332

247')

2050

2292

1716

1249

1016

707

433

263

190

98

65

10

Violation and seduction,

.0

155

156

148

99

38

40

27

9

5

3

1

-

Parricide, - - - - -

6

13

12

13

6

3

2

1

4

2

—

~

—

~

6

180

300

359

219

129

101

95

55

35

23

10

7

1

15

139

198

275

172

103

84

49

48

30

25

17

9

„

Infanticide,

1

40

99

134

76

44

30

8

7

1

8

4

2

„

Rebellion, . - - .

5

67

129

156

115

51

51

35

29

16

16

5

5

,-

Highway robbery,

21

80

HI

149

107

60

62

46

22

21

8

6

4

~

Assassination,

10

90

144

203

183

lOO

104

89

53

32

24

13

15

1

Wounding parents, ...

2

47

64

73

72

40

30

16

8

2

1

-

~

~

Poisoning, ....

5

6

IV

30

27

15

20

12

6

2

5

4

1

~

False witnessing and suborning,

2

23

46

48

44

42

42

35

23

15

15

11

7

~

Various misdemeanours, -

8

86

202

276

312

244

207

185

129

78

75

28

28

2

Thus the propensity to theft, one of the first to show itself, prevails in some measure throughout our whole existence ; Ave might be led to believe it to be inherent to the weakness of man, who falls into it as if by instinct. It is first exercised by the indulgence of confidence which exists in the interior of families, then it manifests itself out of them, and finally on the public highway, where it terminates by having recourse to violence, when the man has then made the sad essay of the fullness of his strength by committing all the different kinds of homicide. This fatal propensity, however, is not so precocious as thatAvhich, near ado- lescence, arises with the fire of the passions and the disorders which accompany it, and which drives man to violation and seduction, seeking its first victims among beings whose Aveakness opposes the least re- sistance. To these first excesses of the passions, of cupidity, and of strength, is soon joined reflection, plotting crime ; and man, become more self-possessed and hardened, chooses to destroy his victim by assas- sination or poisoning. Finally, his last stages in the career of crime are marked by address in deception, which in some measure supplies the place of strength. It is in his decline that the vicious man presents the most hideous spectacle ; his cupidity, Avhich nothing can extinguish, is rekindled with fresh ardoui% and assumes the mask of swindling ; if he still uses the little strength Avliich nature has left to him, it is rather to strike his enemy in the shade ; finally, if his depraved passions have not been deadened by age, he prefers to gratify them on feeble cliildren. Thus, his first and his last stages in the career of crime have the same character in this last respect : but Avhat a difference ! That Avhlcli was somewhat excusable in the young man, because of his inexperience, of the violence of his passions, and the similarity of ages, in the old man is the result of tlie deepest immorality and the most accumulated load of depravity.
From the data of the preceding tables, it is scarcely possible not to perceive the great influence which age exercises over the propensity to crime, since each of the individual results tend to prove it. I shall not hesitate to consider the scale of the different degrees of the propensity to crime, at different .ages, deserving of as nmch confidence as tliose which I have given for the stature, weiglit, and strength of man, or, finally, those for mortality.
Account has also been taken of the ages of accused persons, Avho have appeared before the minor or cor- rectional courts of France, but only i)reserving tlie three following heads, which refer but to the four years preceding 18.30 : —

Ages.

Criminal Courts.

Correctional Courts.

Men.

■\Vonicn.

Men.

Women.

Under 16 years. From 16 to 21, Jlore than 21 ,

2 17 81

2 13 85

5 14 81
1011

6 16 78

1(11) 1 llH)

KHI

Thus, the correctional cases are, in early age, all things being equal, more frequent than criminal cases ; they are the first steps of crime, and consequently those most easily ascended. In Belgium, only four heads of ages have been made, and the results of cor- rectional and criminal courts have been united, Avhich renders our comparisons more difficult, since, as we have just seen, the numbers in each are not the same ; it is also to be regretted that care has not been taken to distinguish the sexes. Be this as it may, by taking the total number of the accused and suspected {jpre- venus) as unity, Ave obtain the foUoAving results : —

Suspected (or Committed) and Accused.

Ages.

1826.

1327.

1828.

1829.

Average Number.

Under 16 years,
From 16 to 21,
~ 21 to 70,
Above 711 years.

4 13 81
2

5 11 82

5 12 81
2

5 11 82
2

5 12 81
2

KXI

100

100

100

100

These results are very similar to those of the cor- rectional courts of France, and the latter elements ought certainly to predominate, Avhen Ave make no distinction betAvcen the accused and those merely committed, since the latter are always more numerous than the accused. Yet it Avould seem that Avith us there are fcAver offences betAveen the ages of 16 and 2 1 than in France.
We do not find that the number of children brought annually before the courts of Belgium has dimini.shed, citlier in an absolute sense, or compared Avith the numbers of other accused and committed persons. The same is nearly the case with France, as we sec by the folloAving table, in Avhich I have preferred giving the absolute numbers : —

Tears.

Under 16 Years.

10 to 21.

More than 21.

Total.

Accused.

1826,

124

1,101

5,763

6,988

1827, -

136

1,022

5.771

6,939

1828,

143

1,278

5,!)75

7,aO()

1829, -

117

1 ,226

6.0.30

7,373

KWO,

114

1,101

5,687

6,962

1831, -

127

1,121

6,358

7,600

Committed.

1826,

5,042

12,7.09

80,19()

104,0,37

1827, -

5,2.33

13,291

73,588

92,112

1828,

5,228

14,902

71,022

91,752

1829, -

5,306

14,431

79,4,38

99,175

law,* .

2,iir,-2

6,452

47,812

57,116

1831, -

5,051

17,0.59

84,4.33

107,743

We must not, hoAvever, conclude from these results that education, which for some time has been diffused

Those committed for different kinds of offences are not in-

cluded in these numbers.

ON MAN.

95

Vritli such activity, has heen of no effect in diminish- ing the number of crimes committed by young per- sons ; several years more are necessary before its influence can become apparent, and before it can carry its effects into tlie bosom of famihes.
It is a matter of regret, that as yet we possess so few accounts of the ages of criminals, calculated to render appreciable the influence of places and the cus- toms of different nations. In general, we remark, that the number of children in prisons in England is much greater than with us ; this would appear to be owing, especially in the metropolis, to children being trained in a manner to theft, Avliile the really guilty act througli their intermediation. In the penitentiary of Millbank, in the year 1827, 125f' individuals wei'e registered as under 21 years of age out of a total number of 3020, which gives a ratio of 41 to 100, being more than double that of France and the Low Countries.*
The condemned persons in the jail of Philadelphia in 1822, 1823, and 1824, were proportioned as fol- lows : f —

Ages.

1822.

1823.

1824.

Totals.

Under 21 years, From 21 to 30 years, -
~ 30 to 40 ~ - Above 40 years, -

52 1,')1 72 .55

72
143
07
49

58
122
' 79
28

182 416 218 132

The total for the three years Avas 948. Taking the ratio of this sum to 1000, we find the following A^alues, opposite to which I have placed those of France : —

Under 21 years, From 21 to 30, - 30 to 40, Above 40 years.

Philadelphia. France. 19 19
44 35
23 23
14 23

100

100

Thus the prisons of Philadelphia present exactly the same number of criminals as those of France for individuals imder 1 9 and for those between 30 and 40 years of age ; they have fewer old men, but more men between 21 and 30, Avhich may be owing to the nature of the population of the two countries.
France, Belgium, and Philadelphia, agree then pretty nearly as to the number of criminals in pro- portion to the ages ; but England differs very sensibly from the average values presented by these countries, and that is owing, no doubt, as I observed before, not so much to the character of the English people as to the modes of eluding the rigour of the laws which the malefactors make use of, acting through the inter- medium of children whom they have trained up as instruments of crime.
Conclusions.
In making a summary of the i^rincipal observations contained in this chapter, we are led to the following conclusions : —
1st, Age (or the term of life) is undoubtedly the cause Avhich operates with most energy in developing or subduing the propensity to crime.
2d, This fatal propensity appears to be developed in proportion to the intensity of the physical power and passions of man : it attains its maximum about the age of 25 years, the period at which the physical de- velopment has almost ceased. The intellectual and moral development, which operates more slowly, sub- sequently weakens the propensity to crime, which, still later, diminishes fi'om the feeble state of the physical powers and passions.
3d, Although it is near the age of 25 that the maximum in number of crimes of different kinds takes place, j'et this maximum advances or recedes some years for certain crimes, according to the quicker

Bulletin do M. de Ferussac, Blai 1828.

American Review, 1827, No. 12.

or slower development of certain qualities which have a bearing on those crimes. Thus, man, driven by the violence of his passions, at first commits violation and seduction ; almost at the same time lie enters on the career of theft, which he seems to follow as if by instinct till the end of life; the development of his strength subsequently leads him to commit every act of violence — homicide, rebellion, highway robbery still later, reflection converts murder into assassination and poisoning. Lastly, man, advancing in the career of crime, substitutes a greater degree of cunning for violence, and becomes more of a forger than at any other period of life.
4th, The difference of sexes has also a great influence on the propensity to crime : in general, there is only 1 woman before the courts to 4 men.
5th, The propensity to crime increases and decreases nearly in the same degrees in each sex ; yet the period of maximum takes place rather later in women, and is near the 30th year.
6th, Woman, undoubtedly from her feeling of weak- ness, rather commits crimes against property than persons ; and when she seeks to destroy her kind, she prefers poison. Sloreover, when she commits homi- cide, she does not appear to be proportionaUy arrested by tlie enormity of crimes which, in point of frequency, take jilace in the following order : — infanticide, mis- carriage, parricide, wounding of parents, assassination, wounds and blows, murder : so that we may affirm that the number of the guilty diminishes in proportion as they have to seek their victim more openly. These differences are no doubt owing to the habits and seden- tary life of woman ; she can only conceive and execute guilty projects on individuals with whom she is in constant relation.
7 th, The seasons, in their course, exercise a very marked influence on crime : thus, during summer, the greatest number of crimes against persons are com- mitted, and the fewest against property ; the contrary takes place during winter.
8th, It must be observed that age and the seasons have almost the same influence in increasing or dimi- nishing the number of mental disorders and crimes against persons.
9 th, Climate appears to have some influence, espe- cially on the propensity to crimes against persons : this observation is confirmed at least among the races of southern climates, such as the Pelasgian race, scat- tered over the shores of the Mediterranean and Corsica, on the one hand ; and the Italians, mixed with Dalma- tians and Tyrolese, on the other. We observe, also, that severe climates, which give rise to the greatest number of wants, also give rise to the greatest num- ber of crimes against property.
10th, The countries whei-e frequent mixture of the people takes place ; those in which industry and trade collect many persons and thmgs together, and possess the greatest activity ; finally, those where the inequa- lity of fortime is most felt, all things being equal, are those Avhich give rise to the greatest nmnber of crimes.
1 1th, Professions have great influence on the nature of crimes. Individuals of more independent profes- sions are rather given to ci-imes agamst persons ; and the labouring and domestic classes to crimes against property. Habits of dependence, sedentary life, and also physical weakness in Avomen, produce the same results.
12th, Education is far from having so much influ- ence on the propensity to crime as is generally sup- posed. IMoreover, moral instruction is very often confounded Avith instruction in reading and writing alone, and Avhich is most frequently an accessory in- strument to crime.
13th, It is the same Avith poverty, several of the departments of France, considered to be the poorest, are at the same time the most moral. INIan is not driven to crime because he is poor, but more generally

96

ON MAN.

because he passes rapidly from a state of comfort to one of misery, and an inadequacy to supply the arti- ficial wants which he has created.
14th, The higher we go in the ranks of society, and consequently in the degrees of education, Ave fold a smaller and smaller proportion of guilty women to men ; descending to the lowest orders, the habits of both sexes resemble each other more and more.
15th, Of 1129 murders committed in France, during the space of four years, 446 have been in consequence of quarrels and contentions in taverns ; which would tend to show the fatal influence of the use of strotig drin/is.
16th, In France, as in the Low Countries, we enu- merate annually 1 accused person to 4300 inhabitants nearly; but in "the former country, 39 in 100 are ac- quitted, and in the second only 1.5 ; yet the same code was used in both countries, but in the Low Countries the judges performed the duty of the jury. Before correctional courts and simple police courts, where the committed were tried by judges only, the results were nearly the same for both countries.
17th, In Finance, crimes against persons were about one-third of the number of crimes against property, but in the Low Countries they were about one-fourth only. It must be remarked, that the first kind of crimes lead to fe^ver condemnations than the second, perhaps because there is a greater repugnance to apply punishment as the punishment increases in severity.
I cannot conclude this chapter without again ex- pressing my astonishment at the constancy observed in the results which the documents connected with the administration of justice present each year.
" Thus, as I have already had occasion to repeat several times, we pass from one year to another, with the sad perspective of seeing the same crimes repro- duced in the same order, and bringing with them the same punishments in the same proportions." All ob- servations tend likewise to confirm the truth of this proposition, which I long ago announced, that everi; thing which pertains to the human species considered as a whole, belongs to the order of physical facts : the greater the number of individuals, the more does the influence of individual Avill disappear, leaving predominance to a series of general facts, dependent on causes by which society exists and is preserved. These causes we now want to ascertain, and as soon as we are acquainted with them, we shall determine their influence on so- ciety, just in the same way as we determine effects by their causes in physical sciences.* It must be confessed, that, distressing as the truth at first appears, if Ave submit to a well followed out scries of observations the physical world and the social sj-stem, it would be diffi- cult to decide in respect to which of the two the acting causes produce their effects with most regularity. I am, however, ftir from concluding that man can do nothing for man's amelioration. I think, as I said at the commencement of this work, that he possesses a moral power capable of modifying the laws which affect him ; but this power only acts in the slowest manner, so that the causes influencuig the social system cannot undergo any sudden alteration ; as they have acted for a series of years, so will they continue to act in time to come, until they can be modified. Also, I

>I. Guerry comes to the same conclusions from his researches

on crimes, Essai mr la Statistiqiic Morale, p. 69: — " One of the most gcner.al conclusions wc can make is, tliat they all concur to prove tliat the greater number of facts of a moral nature, con- sidered in tlie mass, and not individually, are determined by re- gular causes, the variations of which take place within narrow limits, and which may be submitted, like those of a material nature, to direct and numerical observation." As this idea has continually presented itself to me in all my researches on man, and as I have exactly expressed it in the same terms as those of the text, in my conclusions on the Rcchcrches sur le Penchant au Crime, a work which appeared a year before that of M. Guerry, i have thought it necessary to mention the point here, to prevent misunderstanding.

cannot repeat too often, to all men who sincerely desire the well-being and honour of their kind, and who would blush to consider a few francs more or less paid to the treasury as equivalent to a few heads more or less submitted to the axe of the executioner, that there is a budget Avhich we pay with a frightftd regvdarity — it is that of prisons, chains, and the scaffold : it is that which, above all, we ought to endeavour to abate.

BOOK FOURTH.
OP THE PROPERTIES OP THE AVERAGE MAN, OP THE SOCIAL SYSTEM, AND OP THE FINAL AD- VANCEMENT OF THIS STUDY.
CHAPTER I.
PROPERTIES OF THE AVERAGE MAN.
In the three preceding books I have presented the results of my inquiries on the development of the physical and moral system of the average man, and on the modifications which he undergoes from diffe- rent influences. ^ These results can only be considered as the first essay towards an immense Avork, which, to be completed, would require long and painful re- searches, and which would only be really useful by being extremely exact.
This determination of the average man is not merely a matter of speculative curiosity ; it may be of the most important service to the science of man and the social system. It ought necessarily to precede every other inquiry into social physics, since it is, as it were, the basis. The average man, indeed, is in a nation Avhat the centre of gravity is in a body ; it is by having that central point in vicAV that Ave arrive at the ap- prehension of all the phenomena of equilibrium and motion ; moreover, Avhen considered abstractly, it pre- sents some remarkable properties, Avhich I am noAV going to state succinctl3^
1. Of the Average Man considered with reference to Literature and the Fine Arts.
The necessity of veracity in faithfully representing the physiognomy, the habits, and the manners of people at different epochs, has at all times led artists and literary men to seize, among the individuals Avhora they observed, the characteristic traits of the period in Avhich they lived ; or, in other words, to come as near the average as possible. I do not Avish to be understood as implying that it is necessary to give the same traits, the same tastes, and the same passions, to CA^ery individual, Avhatever may be his age, rank, countrj^ or the period at Avhich he hves ; but that the most characteristic marks must be studied, still keep- ing in view these differences. Thus Ave should inves- tigate Avhat are the predominating elements in any people or in any age ; for example, Avhether fiinaticism, piety, or irreligion — a spirit of servility, independence, or anarchy. No one Avill hesitate to alloAV to me that man is more courageous at 20 than at 60, and more prudent at 60 than at 20 ; or that persons of the south have more liveliness of thought and feature than tile inhabitants of the north : these are common obser- vations, whicli every one admits, and Avhich Ave should be shocked to find unattended to in Avorks of imagi- nation. But can it be thought Avrong to give more precision to these A'ague ideas ? — is it altogether con- formable to the actual state of our knoAvledge, to re- ceive relations Avhich have only been slightly observed, Avhen they may be determined Avith certain precision ? If it had been demanded some years ago at Avhat age a man has the greatest propensity to crime, aa'c should no doubt have been much embarrassed to find the true answer ; and perha^js the most erroneotis opinions Avould have been put forth, especially on the influence

ON MAN.

97

of sexes and the intellectual state. Yet who would assert that these researches are useless to philoso- phers and men of letters, or even to the artist, who only truly deserves this name according as he has studied the human heart deeply ? The time is passing away Avhen men were contented with indistinct ideas, and relations determined at a glance ; when numeri- cal determinations hecome applicable, thej' are espe- ciaUy consulted by the observer and lover of truth.
I am far from pretending, however, that even a pro- found knowledge of the different faculties of man will be sufficient to obtain success in the fine arts and hte- rature; but I think that, to produce a work truly capable of moving and agitating the passions, we must be acquainted with man . and especially man as it is de- sired to represent him. Thus, to take but one example, the artist who has only studied the type of the Grecian physiognomies, however admirable this type may ap- pear to us, if he reproduces it in modern subjects, will produce but a chilling effect on the spectator, who, though he admires the art and composition, will never be deeply excited. Grecian figures, however varied they may be according to age, passion, and sex, have notwithstanding a general likeness, which carries us, in spite of ourselves, back to antiquity, and distracts our attention from the subject sought to be represented before us. If such figures are represented in action, the anachronism only becomes more sensible. Artists, at the revival of the fine arts, fully comprehended the necessity of painting what they had before their eyes, and on that account they produced such astonishing effects. The noble and severe figure of Christ has nothing in common with those of the Apollo or the Jupiter of ancient mythology ; a Jladonna of Raphael has an enchanting grace, which is not surpassed by the finest forms of the antique ; and these beauties have a greater influence on the imagination, because they are more similar to the natures around us, and act more directly upon us. Even we ourselves, in more remote situations and circumstances, feel the necessity, when retracing our national facts, of not bringing forward Grecian or Italian figures: in the midst of a battle, where men are found, all nearly of the same age, and all alike dressed in the same kind of armour, our eye seeks to recognise, by the phy- siognomic traits and expressions, the Frenchman or the Englishman, the German or the Kussian. In the French army itself, the soldier of the old guard had an expression which has become classical, and is iden- tified in some measure with the remembrances of the empire.
If the arts have already admitted such imperceptible shades, and have the j)Ower of awakening the remem- brance of an era by recalling the physiognomic traits which seem to belong to it, what value ought we not to affix to an accurate determination of these traits, if they are capable of being appreciated ? Some men of genius have penetrated very far in these researches, and their ideas, which at first were rejected, have since been more fa vom-ably judged of, when experience came to their support. Lavater has not hesitated to analyse the human passions by the inspection of the features, and Gall has endeavoured to prove that we may arrive at similar results by inspecting the cranial protuber- ances. There is an intimate relation between the physical and the moral of man, and the passions leave sensible traces on the instruments they put in con- tinual action ; but what are these traces ? It is agi-eed that they do exist; the artist studies and seeks to seize them ; yet, by a singular prepossession, we re- ject the possibility of this being determined with any degree of accurac\% or the utiUty of the determination. But how comes it that such artist or such j)oet labours to no purpose, and presents constantly to us the Greek or Italian type, according as he had more especially studied the antique or the Italian school ? — how is it that Rubens, despite his genius, when painting the divinities of ancient mythology, gives forms which

antiquity would have disavowed ? It is because Rubens had also a tj^pe, and this type had been chosen from among the moderns.
It is imdoubtedly owing to the want of care taken ill studying the shades of the moral and phj-sical qualities of man among different people and in diffe- rent ages, that the greater munber of works of imagi- nation have been so monotonous and lifeless. The necessity of studying natm'e and truth has indeed been felt ; but the fact has not been sufficiently at- tended to, I think, that nature is not uivariable. The ancients have represented the physical and moral man with infinite art, such as he then was ; and the greater number of the moderns, struck with the perfection of their works, have thought they had nothing to do but servilely to imitate them ; they have not understood that the type has been changed ; and that, when imi- tating them for the perfection of art, they had another nature to study. Hence the universal cry, " Who shall deliver us from the Greeks and Romans?" Hence the violent dispute between the classics and romanticists ; hence, lastly, the necessity of having a literature which was truly the expression of society. This great revolution was accomplished, and furnishes the most irrefragable proof of the variability of the liuman type, or of the average man, in different men and in different ages.
As for ancient subjects, the artist or the poet who wished to reproduce them might constrain us to ad- mire his art ; but we should always feel that he placed a natm'e before oiur eyes, which, so to speak, was dead — a type which is extinct. We must undoubtedly make concessions to the fine arts, and give ourselves to their illusions ; but we must not let the sacrifices demanded exceed certain limits. We cannot, for a moment, go back several centuries, forget our religion, social insti- tutions, and habits, and feel sympathy for men not having our tastes, manners, or the same traits which Ave are accustomed to see around us. The ancients themselves never required such sacrifices on the part of the public ; and such men as Euripides and Sopho- cles took good care not to introduce on the stage an Osiris, and the mysterious feasts of the Egyptians, who, nevertheless, had been their patterns.
A few ages are of little moment in the annals of the human race ; and Ave cannot assure ourselves that man AA'iU not undergo any modifications — in form, for example — and that a type Avhich once existed may not be completely lost some A&y. This supposition may appear extraordinary ; yet Ave see that all the elements relating generally to man undergo changes ; who, therefore, can assure himself that the type of the Grecian figure shall not be lost, either in the flight of time, or in some great catastrophe involving the destruction of the Caucasian race ? Such overthrows are in the nature of possible things. The consequences of such an event might be, that another race— the IMongolian, for instance— Avhich, after much difficulty, might people the earth, and find the remains of the fine arts, Avould only see in aU these fine Grecian figures, Avhich we are accustomed to admire, things entirely artificial and conventional, such as the Egyp- tian forms appear at present to us. They might ad- mire these antiques as specimens of art ; but I doubt if they would prefer the ancient form to their own, if they had to represent their divinity in a human shape. What has just been said, will no doubt be rejected by those who have pre-estabhshed ideas re- garding a fixed standard of beauty. I shall not dis- cuss that question here ; I only publish my vicAvs Avith diffidence, not seeking to impose them on any one.
I think I have sufficiently shoAvn, in Avhat has pre- ceded, that the determination of the average man is not useless, even to the tine arts and literature ; and that he Avho shaU arrive at this determination, Avill have no difficulty in obtaining the attention of artists and men of literature. It Avovdd inform them more precisely of things Avhich they noAV know but vaguely ;

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it would discover others to them of which they are ignorant, or at least clear their minds of a mass of prejudices. They would receive these notions as a painter learns perspective, which, in geometrical out- line, is not very pittoresque either. Moreover, artists have received the researches of Gall and Lavater pro- bably with greater eagerness than savants : indeed, it is to their care that painters are indebted in a great measure for the knowledge of the proportions of dif- ferent parts of the human body, in each sex, at differ- ent ages. This knowledge was so important to them, that it was an object of study of the greatest painters at the revival of the arts : we may see, especially, what care the celebrated Albert Durer took in regard to it in his works.
At the same time, I admit that the artist and the literary man can, and even ought, to search out the prominent traits, exaggerate rather than diminish them, and contrast the most diiferent physiognomies and characters ; but the truth must always lie be- tween the extremes Avhich they present to our view, and these extremes themselves lie within limits defined by nature. Going beyond, Ave only create fantastic beings and monstrosities ; these reveries of a disor- dered imagination may astonish, and even amuse, but they can never produce those deep sensations and lively emotions which we only feel for beings of our own caste.
To conclude the exposition of my views of the average man, I remark, that it Avill first be necessary to study, in the most complete manner, the develop- ment of his different faculties, and every thing which may influence their development, every other consi- deration being laid aside. The artist, the man of literature, and the savant, will afterwards choose froni among these materials those which are best suited to the subject of their studies, as the painter borrows from optics the few principles bearing on his art.
2. Of tlie Average Blan considered in reference to the Natural and Medical Sciences.
It will not be necessary to insist forcibly, to natu- ral philosophers, on the importance of the investigation of the different laws of the development of man ; in- deed, without the knowledge of these laws, the science of man cannot be complete or philosophic. I think the utility of the methods of determining them, which I propose, needs not to be explained to tlicra again ; several of these have been familiar to them for a long time, and others form a part of their usual modes of proceeding in fathoming the secrets of nature.
In the eyes of the naturalist, the average man is only the type of a people ; numerous observations have shown that this type is not unique, and conse- quently that there are different races of men. But the characters on which these distiuctions are esta- blished have not been sufficiently defined; indeed, how can we study the modifications which the elements relative to man, as well as their laws of development, undergo in the different races, when we have not settled the point of commencement ?
Hence, also, proceeds the difficulty of surmounting the greater number of the most interesting and philo- sophical questions of natural history. It is frequently asked if tlie human species has deteriorated, or if it is capable of deteriorating at any time ; but this problem, for want of the elements for its solution, remains with- out a satisfactory answer.
It is also asked if there is a type or standard of the beautiful for the human species, which is proportionate to the development of intelligence. Comparative ana- tomy has been thought to find an affirmative solu- tion of this question, in tlie magnitude of the brain and the size of the facial angle, which, according to the delicate researches which have been made, diminislies in proportion to the lowering of intelligence in men and animals ; and it has been inferred from this, that

the maximum of intelligence will be found in the species which have the facial angle most nearly ap- proaching to a right angle ; which would give the pre-eminence to the Caucasian. I do not know if any observations have been made on a somewhat larger scale, having in view the measurement of the degrees of size of the facial angle at different ages, in order to determine if these are at all proportionate to the de- grees of the development of intelligence.
Naturalists are also occupied in determining care- fully Avhat are the limits of the extent of the different elements belonging to man ; these limit values have alwa3's been objects of attention, and ought to be care- fully registered in the natural history of man, so that we might know, not only what is, but also what is possible.
The anatomical researches of Gall on the brain tend to show that the development of its different parts is jiroportionate to the development of certain corresponding faculties, which appear to have their seat tliere. Without entering into an examination of the doctrine of this learned physiologist, one must regret that his principles have not yet been sub- mitted to more direct observations, and that it has not been examined whether the law of development of our faculties at different ages corresponds to the law of development of the presumed corresponding parts of the brain ;* indeed, so fiir from knowing the relative projiortions on these different points, it ap- pears tliat, up to the present time, we have but very few data on the law of development of the brain itself, or upon its size and weight at diflTerent ages, either as regards average value or extreme limits. f

Since the above was written, I\I. Broussais, to whom science

is indebted for so many useful woi-lcs, has read a memoir to tho Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, on the influence of the physical on the moral, and, in particular, on the actual state of our knowledge on phrenology. M. Edwards has presented some considerations in support of this work, agi-eeing with it, also, in requiring scientific experiments on this new science. The prin- cipal conclusions of this learned physiologist are contained in the following note, for which I am indebted to his friendship .-^
" The proofs on which we found our convictions are referred to two principal classes ; the first includes proofs whicli m.iy be called individual, and the second those which we shall call scien- tific.
In the first case, we cannot be convinced of the truth of certain relations without verifying them ourselves. Thus it is necessary that every individual who wants to form an opinion, must him- self make the proof which others liave done. In the second case, on the contrary, when we are considering a scientific proof, if it lias been properly obtained, it is enough to receive the knowledge to be convinced of the trutli. Thus we dispense with the neces- sity of personally making the proof again.
In general, tlie Ivind of proofs on which phrenology rests belong to the first class, or those here called individual ,- because it is always necessary that each individual who wishes to know what to maintain should repeat tlie proof.
This is the condition in wliicli phrenology stands. It is evident that, if the relations pointed out are generally true, any one who has sufficient knowledge may convince himself by a suffi- cient number of observations ; but he could not transmit to an- other his conviction, imlcss one could know the extent and mea- sure of his experience.
Is'ow, if that could be expressed in a determinate manner, tlie proof would be no longer individual but scientific ; and not only he who had acquired could communicate his conviction, but the latter would also be able to impress it on others; for it is the peculiarity of scientific proof that it forces general conviction on those who can understand it. Other persons are obliged to admit on hearsay, that is, on the authority of the first class. No«', phre- nology, if true, is really capable of scientific proof.
It is by forming a sort of statistics, the plan of which might be readily designed, that the scientific proof of this doctrine is prac- ticable. It is greatly to be desired that phrenologists would do this."
t M. Guerry wrote to me in 1831 — " I am now occupied, along with JI. le Docteur Esquirol and M. le Docteur Leuret, witli the statistics of insanity. We measure the head, in every direction, of every person at Cliarenton, the Bieetre, and the Salp6tri6re. Wo

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We ought also to state with more care than has yet been done, the capacity of our organs, and the limits they can attain.
If the average man were completely determined, we might, as I have already observed, consider him as the type of perfection ; and every thing differing from his proportions or condition, would constitute defor- mity and disease ; eveiy thing found dissimilar, not only as regarded proportion and form, but as exceeding the observed hmits, would constitute a monstrositj^
The consideration of the average man is so impor- tant in medical science, that it is almost impossible to judge of the state of an individual without com- paring it to that of another imagined person, regarded as being in a normal condition, and who is intrinsically no other than the individual we are considering. A physician is called to a sick person, and, having examined him, finds his pulse too quick, and his res- jnration immoderately frequent, &c. It is very evi- dent, that to form such a decision, we must be aware that the characters observed not only differ from those of an average man, or one in a normal state, but that they even exceed the limits of safety. Every physi- cian, in forming such calculations, refers to the exist- ing documents on the science, or to his own expe- rience ; which is only a similar estimate to that which we wish to make on a greater scale and with more accuracy.
Moreover, the data which the average man presents, can themselves only serve to furnish others more im- portant, and which relate to the individual observed. To explain my idea, I shall suppose that every man has the knowledge and prudence necessary to exa- mine himself carefully, and to determine all the ele- ments which compose him, and the limits within which they may var3% in a state of health : he will form a table differing more or less from that of the average man, and which will assist him in recognising whatever is more or less anomalous in his own case, and whatever imperiously demands attention. It would be this table which the physician should con- sult in the case of illness, in order to estimate the extent of the divergences from the normal state, and Avhat are the organs more especially affected. But as, in the greater number of cases, the sick person can make no satisfactory observations on his own person, nor any elements which are peculiar to him, the phy- sician is obliged to have recourse to the common stand- ard, and compare his patient with the average man ; a course Avhich, in fact, seems to present less difficulty and inconvenience, but may also cause serious mis- takes in some circumstances. For here, again, we must observe that general laws referring to masses are essentially imperfect when applied to individuals ; but we do not mean to say that they can never be consulted with advantage, or that the divergences are alwaj's considerable.
A prudent inan, who studies and observes his con- also measure the cerebrum and cerebellum of those who die. I have thus been led to undertake the Histoire du Developpement dc la Tele Humaine Moycnne. I have been led to it entirely from having read your excellent Memoir on the Stature of Man. Fif- teen days ago, we noted the state of the pulse of ninety maniacal persons, between five and seven o'clock in the morning, and whilst they were at breakfast. 'W'e already have fo\md certain periodic returns in the number of the pulsations ; these observa- tions will be continued to the end of the month.
I hope to be able to measure the angles of tlie head verj- exactly, 80 as to obtain the proportions and form of an average maniacal head, of one hallucinated, of an idiotic, imbecile, and epileptic one, i!>:c." — (Notes on my Rechcrches tur le Paichanl, &c.) It is to be regretted that this announced work has not yet appeared.
At the end, however, of the work. He la Frequence du Pauls chez les Alienis, MJI. Leuret and Mitivie give the result of their re- searches on the specific weight of the brain of the insane, which prove that there is no marked difference in this respect between insane and healthy persons. The specific weight has an average value, represented by 1'031, water at 15° of temperature being con- sidered as unity.

stitution, may prevent many diseases, and scarcely needs to have recourse to professional men, except in severe and extraordinary cases. His habit of observ- ing himself, and the knowledge Avhich he has thus obtained, form, in some measure, a kind of table giv- ing him the elements of his constitution. In general, we only call in the physician when indisposed : I think it would be useful were he also to see us when in a state of health, so that he might obtain a better knowledge of our normal state, and procure elements of comparison necessary for cases of anomaly and in- disposition. It is very evident that a physician, called to a patient whom he sees for the first time, and of whose constitution he is absolutely ignorant, will, in certain circumstances, commit errors by submitting him to the common rule.
I shall not pursue these remarks, the truth of wliich, I venture to think, will be appreciated. The constitution of the average man serves as a type to our kind. Every race has its peculiar constitution, which differs from this more or less, and which is de- termined by the influence of climate, and the habits which characterise the average man of that peculiar country. Every individual, again, has his particular constitution, which depends also on his organisation and his mode of existence. It is consequently inter- esting to know each of the elements which concern us individually, and we have a general interest in knowing each of the elements which bear on the average man, who is the type to which we should incessantly have recourse.
a Of the Average Man considered with respect to Philosophy and Morals (la Morale).
Human nature (Jmmanite) is modified by necessities of time and place. The development of the different f:\culties of the average man ought to be closely pro- portionate to these necessities : this is a condition essen- tial to his existence and continuance. If the average man, at different epochs, had been determined care-- fidly, we might at this day perceive what laws of development have undergone the greatest change : we should possess the most valuable means of analysis ; and we should also learn what have been the qualities which have successively predominated and exercised the greatest influence on our social system.
The laws of development of the avei'age man, at such or such a period, must not be confounded with the laws of the development of human nature* (hu- manite). There is but little general conformity bet\vixt them : thus, I should be much disposed to believe that the laws of development of the average man continue almost the same through successive centuries, and that they only vary in the magnitude of maxima. Now, it is really these maxima, relating to the deve- loped man, which give the measure of the development of human nature in each century. We do not possess any exact documents to guide us in such a research, but it would appear that, physically considered, col- lective man is scarcely progressing ; yet it has been observed that a civilised man is generally stronger than a savage. As to intelligence, his progress can- not be questioned, and his existing state of develop-

To render my idea sensible by a figure (see plate 4), I sup-

pose that we construct the line indicating the development of the strength of man at any given period ; and that on the same axis of the abscissas we also construct the corresponding similar lines for other periods, so that these lines succeed each other at the distance of a century, for example, proceeding from points whose distance from each other increase as the time; it will happen that the maxima of the ordinates will not correspond to the same ages or have the same magnitude. Now, connecting all the points of maxima by a line, which will evidently be the container (I'en- veloppe) of all the curves representing the law of individual de- velopment in all tlie modifications which it has undergone in the course of time, we shall have the curve which represents tlie general law of the development of human nature (humanite). By similar processes, we may render equally apparent all the laws of development of the different faculties of the human species.

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ment undoubtedly exceeds what it has been at any other time. Also following, with history in our hands, the average type of human nature through different centuries, we see man, at first, in possession of all his strength, blindly taking advantage of it, and at- taching to the world of matter a po^ver and a range altogether Hmitless : the king of nature, he has plants, animals, and even the stars, as tributaries. But, as his reason becomes developed, a new world is unroUed before his eyes, contracting the limits of the former one ; the intellectual man gradually supplants the phy- sical one ; and it is this continually increasing triumph of the intellectual man, which the history of the arts and sciences presents to us at every page.
I have said that, although the laws of the develop- ment of human nature were not generally the same as those of the average man of any one period, yet these laws might, in certain circumstances, be identically the same ; and that human nature, under certain re- lations, might be developed in a manner similar to a single individual. I should be much disposed to believe that this is the case Avith the collective human mind ; indeed, following it in its uncertain and irre- gular course, we see it endeavour to strengthen itself from the very beginning, reach in due time the highest conceptions, and present almost the same phases as the intellect of the individual man from infancy to maturity. The human mind is at first astonished at the sight of any thing beyond the ordinary course of things, and attributes the most simple occurrences to the caprice of supernatural beings, instead of de- ducing them from immutable laAvs, which are alone worthy of a divine intervention. We see it after- wards pursuing a course which is more certain and conformable to reason, observing facts, isolated at first, then classing them, and inferring the consequences. Still later, the mind learns to interrogate nature by experiment, and to reproduce transitory phenomena at will, under the most favoiirable circumstances for observing them. And when its reasoning powers have reached full maturity, then it studies the nature of causes, seeks to value their reciprocal intensities, and thus raise itself to a knowledge of the attendant phenomena which they must produce. Such is the development Avhich we see the human mind under- going when we study its progress in the history of the sciences ; such, also, is the course which the intellect of man pursues from infancy to maturity.
I have said before, that the average man of any one period represents the type of development of human nature for that period ; I have also said that the ave- rage man was always such as was conformable to and necessitated by time and place ; that his qualities were developed in due proportion, in perfect harmony, alike removed from excess or defect of every kind, so that, in the circumstances in which he is found, he should be considered as the type of all which is beautiful — of all which is good.
If human nature were stationary and not suscep- tible of amelioration, it is evident that the average man would also continue invariable; and his different qualities, instead of presenting the type of the beau- tiful and excellent of the period at which he lives, would present the type of the absolutely beautiful and excellent in the most general sense. Thus, when we say that the type of the beautiful, as to the form of man, is absolute, we mean that the average man ought not to differ from this proportion, and that Inunan nature cannot advance further. It is not so with rea- son : the vast conquests of science, by giving more accurate notions of an infinite multitude of things, and by destroying errors and prejudices, have neces- sarily furnished our reason Avith the means of rising to a still greater height, and arriving at a relative degree of perfection, the idea of Avhich could not so mucli as be conceived some ages ago.
Such slioidd also be our criterion as to morals. Human qualities become virtues, when they arc equally

removed from all the excesses into wliich they may be disposed to fall, and confined within due limits, be- yond which every thing is vice.* If these limits do not vary in the com'se of time and among different people, we have strong probabilities for believing that this virtue ^has an absolute value. Now, this is what we remark generally concerning most moral qualities : they admit a type which we may Avith great proba- bility consider as absolute, so that human nature, considered in reference to these qualities, Avill not be progressive. Yet there are qualities the importance of which has varied in the course of time, and which has increased or diminished with the development of reason, on which they depend, at the same time that the physical has yielded preponderance to the intel- lectual man. Thus courage, which, in the earliest ages, raised a man to the first rank, and, in some manner, assigned to him a place near to divinity, has diminished in importance beside other qualities more in harmony with our manners and present actual ne- cessities. The qualities of a contingent value, if I may so express myself, are in a measure subordinate to the law of development of human nature, and to the different jDrinciples of conservation ; they generally produce more renoAvn than the others, because men have a more direct influence in encouraging them.
The natural consequence of the ideas which I have just stated, is, that an individual who should comprise in himself (in his own person), at a given period, all the qualities of the average man, Avould at the same time represent all which is grand, beautiful, and ex- cellent. But such an identity can scarcely be realised, and it is rarely granted to individual men to resemble this type of perfection, except in a greater or less num- ber of points. M. Cousin, setting out from very differ- ent considerations to those which are the object of this work, has nevertheless been in some measure led to conclusions similar to those I have just deduced from the theory of the average man. Speaking of the cha- racter peculiar to great men, he finds that this cha- racter consists in comprising people, periods, all human nature, nature, and universal order.f " Thus," says this learned academician, " all the individuals of which a people is composed, represent the whole mind of this people. But how do they represent it? One peoi^le is one in mind ; but this is a multitude in its external composition, that is to say, a great multipli- city. Now, what is the law of all multiplicity ? It is, to have differences (<i'e?/-ef//wer5e), and, consequently, to be capable of more and less. Apart from abso- lute unity, every thing comes within the sphere of difference (and has degrees) of greater and of lesser. It is impossible but that, in a given multitude, such as a people, which, as has been shown, has a common type, there should be individuals who represent this type more or less. As there are those who represent it less clearly, more confusedly and imperfectly, so there are also those who represent it more clearly and per- fectly, and less confusedly. Hence a line of demar- cation between all the individuals of one and the same people. But those who are on the first plane, and represent the entire mind of their people more com- pletely, are nevertheless a multitude, a great number, and are still subject to shades of difference : whence, again, a new selection of individuals who eminently represent the mind of their people. It is impossible for the case to be otherwise. From this Ave infer two things: first, the necessity of great men ; second, their peculiar character {caracthe propre). The great man is not an arbitrary creature, Avho may be or may not be. He is not simply one individual, but he has reference to a general idea, AA'hich communicates a superior power to him, at the same time that it gives him the determinate and real form of individuality. Too much and too little individuaUty equally destroy the great

This is Avhat the ancients thought generaUy, and in particu-

lar, Aristotle — Eth. ad Nic 2, ch. 2. t Cours (Ic Philosophic, le^on 10.

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man. In the one case, the individuality in itself is an element of misery and littleness ; for the particu- larity, the contingent, the finite, incessantly tend to division, to dissolution, to notliingness. On the other hand, every generality being connected to univer- sality and to infinity, tends to unity, and absolute unity : it possesses greatness, but runs a chance of losing itself in chimei'ical abstraction. The great man is the harmonious union of particularity and generality : it is the possession of this character alone which makes him great — this added representation of the general mind of his people ; and it is his relation to this generality which makes him great ; and, at the same time, to represent this generality which confers his greatness on him, in person and in a real form, that is to say, in a finite, positive, visible, and deter- minate form ; so that the generality does not encum- ber tlic particularity, and the particularity does not destroy generality ; so that particularity and gene- rality, infinite and finite, are imited in this measure or standard, which is true human greatness.
This measure, which constitutes true greatness, also constitutes true beauty," &c.
The passage which has just been quoted, expresses my ideas better than I could have succeeded in doing myself. A man can have no real influence on masses — he cannot comprehend them and put tliem in action — except in proportion as he is infused with the spirit which animates them, and shares their passions, sen- timents, and necessities, and finally sympathises com- pletely with them. It is in this manner that he is a great man, a great poet, a great artist. It is because he is the best representative of his age, that he is pro- claimed to be the greatest genius.
It is never sufficient for a man merely to resemble the average man in many things as much as possible, to enable him to pi'oduce great things himself; it is moreover n.ccessary that he has occasion and possibi- lities for action. Newton, for example, deprived of all the resources of science, would always have had the same strength of intellect ; he would always have been a type of several eminent qualities, and, in particular, of correctness of judgment and imagination ; but if only a greater or smaller amount of science had been laid within his reach, he would have been Pythagoras, Archimedes, or Kepler ; with all the resources which his period possessed, he has, and must have been a Newton. This appears to me incontestil)le : in the favourable position in Avhich he found himself, it was a matter of necessity for him to put his eminent facid- ties in action, and to advance as far as circumstances permitted him. Now, the sciences had arrived at such a point, as to render it necessary that the theory of the motion of the celestial bodies shoidd be reduced to correct principles ; and Newton was then the only man who combined the necessary conditions to accom- plish tliis work.
It appears to me that science only is tridy progres- sive, and I use this word in its widest sense. All the faculties of man which are not based on science are essentially stationary, and their laws of development are constant. As to the other faculties, their laws of development, as has already been observed, probably remain the same also, or at least each only undergoes changes in the degree of its maximum, which depend on the development which science has attained. The development of science would therefore give the mea- siu-e of the development of human nature.
Consequently, I participate in the following opinion of il. Cousin, that "entire history, not that of one people or one epoch onlj^ but that of all epochs and all human nature, is represented by the great men. Thus, give me the series of all the known great men, and I will give you the known history of the hiunan race." * And, indeed, from what we have seen, the gi'cat

Coiirs fie Philosophie— Introduction h I'lTistoirc do la Pliilo-

goiiliie, le^'on in.

man, in his individuality, is the best representative of the degree of development to which human nature has attained in his times, and his Avorks show the extent m which he himself has aided that develop- ment.
"We are more convinced of the necessity of great men, and the error we commit in supposing that thej'^ spring up accidentally, when we consider the immense time required for a great truth, after it has been shadowed forth, to diifuse itself, and descend to the mass of people, and produce its effects ; in general, it is not until centuries after, that we see the man come forward who developes or personifies it and secures its triumph. Thus, the germ of the great revolution, which has marked the close of the last century, was brought forward long ago, and was slowly developed, descending from high intellects to the lower ranks of society ; but its course had not escaped the sagacious observer. Great events are, like great men, necessitated; and how can we be surprised at this, when we have seen that even the actions of ordinary individuals are necessitated, and when we have seen that a given social organisation induces a certain num- ber of virtues and crimes as a necessary consequence, and that these ciumes are of such or such a kind, and are performed by such and such means? This neces- sity is found both in good and evil — in the production of good things as well as of evil — in the production of chefs-tVceuvre and noble actions which are an honour to a country, as well as in the appearances of scourges wliich desolate it.
4. Of the Average Man considered with reference to Politics.
"Whatever may be the difference of opinion observed in the same people, there must exist, even in the most opposite minds, some common ideas, which in moments of excitement of the passions are unobserved, but which would soon show themselves spontaneously if any one attempted to do violence to them. There are also common necessities ; and even between opinions which seem utterly opposed to each other, we some- times find more relations than at first sight we should suppose.
It is evident that, of all the political systems which any people would incline to adopt, there must be one which would suit best with the ideas and ordinary requirements, and which M'otild most advantageously reconcile the interests of different parties ; it is also evident that such a system could not be established by unanimous consent, since, even supposing that it is meditated upon most rationally and calmly, it must necessarily jar against certain passions, and meet opinions which are unfavourable to it. This system must not be confounded with that which would con- sist in taking a sort of average between two dominant ideas, and which must always be essentially defective in principle, since it is always impossible to concihate minds, by placing between their opposed opinions another opinion which they equally repel. On the contrary, that which Are have in view is based on elements common to all, and on ideas, which, though differed from by some, are still those of the majority.
It wUl perhaps be objected that, if the generality of men desired unjust or absm-d things, it would be unreasonable to apply a political system to them equally unjust or absurd. I begin by declaring, that 1 do not think such a desire can exist in the gene- rality of men ; and, that, in the second place, if this wish could exist, it would even be necessary to gratify it, from the fear of being compelled to do so by some violent crisis.* This naturally leads me to considei'a- tions more or less connected with my subject, and which appertain to my mode of viewing the social system.

See, on the s.imo subject, the work of Sir T. C. Jlorgan,

Sketches of the Philosophy o/Momls, p. 244. 1 vol. 8vo. London : 1012. AVc find some very judicious ohservations in it, and which are deserving of more attention.

102

ON MAN.

Kevolutions, even those which have tlie most happy- effects on the future, are never accompHshed -without certain actual sacrifices; as sudden changes, in a corporeal system, never take place without a certain loss of vital power. Independently of the real losses which brmg no advantage to any body, changes of fortune, more or less manifest, take place ; and it is in this case almost the same as in gaming, where the moral chances are not tlie same, that is to say, what is lost on the one side is not compensated by what is gained on the other. The great art of those wlio conduct revolutions should especially consist in mak- ing the transition with the least possible degree of violent change ; and in this respect governments them- selves are in the position best calculated to effect reforms. As for myself, I think that the measure of the state of cioilisation at which a nation has arrived is found in the mode in which its revolutions are e fleeted. This principle presupposes another, which is always true Avhere states of equilibrium and motion are pos- sible, in physical phenomena as well as in political facts ; it is this — the action is equal to the reaction.
This wants some explanation : it will perhaps be asked, how I understand the application of this prin- ciple to morals and politics. An example taken from the material world will render this more manifest. When a force acts against a flexible body which yields and bends, each pai'tiele of tliis body successively leaves its primitive position and takes a new one ; with respect to the compressing force, it is extinguished by successive and partial reactions, so that the action may be very energetic, without producing any appa- rent reaction ; the only effect produced is a change in the flexible body, which is more or less sensible. If, on the contrary, the power acts against an elastic body, each particle of this body momentarily leaves its pri- mitive state, but with a tendency to return to it im- mediately ; the reaction is then general and instanta- neous, it is also very evidently equal to the action. These examples are applicable to a social body. If each one is fully imbued with a knowledge of his rights and duties — if he invariably desires to do that which is just— if he energetically strives to re-enter the course he has traced out as soon as any one at- tempts to make him swerve from it — and if the reac- tion be allowed to manifest itself immediately after the action, both will be very evidently equal. But this state of irritability, so to say, presents itself with very different degrees of energy in diflcrent people, and we may say that the reaction, in its visible results, is generally less than the action.*
Eevolutions are only reactions exercised by the people, or a part of the people, to correct abuses, real or supposed. They cannot be of a serious character if the apparent provocation has not been so also. Now, among an enlightened people, where the government is necessarily supposed to be wise and far-sighted, abuses cannot accumulate to such a degree as to take an alarming aspect ; tlie more they are seen to in- crease, the more -vvoidd the government be accused of want of foresight or evil, and the peoxtle who tolerate them of baseness and apathy ; possessed of a feeling of their own dignity, they -would have reacted against each of the abuses in proportion as they Avere mani- fested. When the degree of irritability is less, they yield to abuses, or only react when the number of tliem

It is remarkable that the principle of the equality of action

and reaction is also applicable to morals. AVithout being entirely destitute of sentiment, we cannot, in fact, withdraw ourselves from the consequences of this principle. The calmest and most moderate man, having made the fimiest resolution not to depart from his habitual condition, will forget all his intentions on beholding a feeble person imjustly and brutally oppressed by a stronger one. In proportion to his degree of sensibility, so will he react with greater or less energy according as the offending person conmiits excesses. However, in similar circumstances he would have protected the aggressing party against the oppressed, if both had ehangca their relative poiitions.

has become too great to be endured any longer. The explosion is tlien the more terrible, because the power has been accumulating. Now, it is this extent or degree of accumulation whicli gives us, as I said pre- viously, the measure of the state of civilisation of a people.
Frequently the reaction is manifested with symp- toms apparently more serious than the action ; but this is owing to the real reaction being conjoined with irrelevant causes. Thus in revolutions, amongst those wlio react under the influence of real abuses Avhich are deeply felt, Ave almost always find turbu- lent men mixed Avith them, Avho delight themselves Avith the disorder, or are actuated by interested vicAvs. Such a state of things renders the position of a go- vernment very critical, and requires so much the more circumspection, in jiroportion as there is less good faith in the parties Avho oppose it. Enlightened and conscientious men, Avho have thoroughly acquainted themselves Avith causes — and their number is always very small — Avill certainly support the government by their authority ; but, in the midst of a general conflict, such auxiliaries are in general of little use, because they rarely act in person, and only on very serious occa- sions ; they confine themselves to the development of the moral causes, Avhich have ahvays a very remote bearing on action, so that tlie effects which they pro- duce do not manifest themselves until toAvards the end of revolutions, and only lead to an ultimate apprecia- tion of morality, and to an insensible return to a state of equilibrium. This was manifested in the first French revolution, Avhen abuses of every kind had accumulated to a deplorable extent, and the reaction was perhaps still more deplorable. The succeeding revolutions have been less serious, because more enlightened and pro- vident governments took greater pains to prevent the causes of reaction, and make them disapjiear as soon as they assumed an alarming character. In this re- spect, England is placed in a very happy position ; lier reforms are accomphshed successiA^ely and Avith- out sudden changes, and yet we cannot look without fear on reactions A\'hich may arise in consequence of the inequality of fortunes, and the state of the finances of this kingdom.
Despotism requires to be very poAverful, and very able to depend upon its resources, to maintam itself Avhere the people are irritable and prompt to react ; it can- not long endure, Avliatever may be its poAver, in coun- tries such as ours, where action, Avhen at all serious, is spread Avith the greatest rapidity. In this respect, the liberty of the press has been of essential service — a service Avhicli perliaps has not been duly appreciated — namely, in having singularly contributed to facilitate reaction, and consequently to render great revolutions almost impossible ; it jiossesses this immense advan- tage, that it does not alloAv force to accumulate to an alarming degree, causing reaction to manifest itself almost immediately after action, and sometimes even before action has had time to propagate itself. Tliis has been observed during the late revolution in France, which Avas purely local, and the effects of Avhich Avere confined Avitliin the Avails of Paris. Among a people easily acted upon, and Avliere action is readily trans- mitted, the greatest revolutions take place in parts, and reaction is extinguished by successive efforts, or at least overturns the cause Avhicli gave rise to it, Avithout a violent shock.
Governments, like things, have also their states of equilibrium ; and tliis equilibrium may be stable or unstable. This is an important distinction, and one easily'- understood. The stable equilibrium exists, Avlien, in consequence of action and reaction of every kind, a government constantly regains its normal state ; if, on the contrarj% imder the action of slight causes, a government tends to diverge more and more from its normal state, and if, each year, it change its form and institutions Avithout adequate motives, its downfall is at hand, and it Avill infallibly sink, unless

ON MAN.

103

it finds assistance in the adjacent govermnents ; but even then its fall cannot be long retarded. Examples are not wanting to support the distinction I have just made.
I have said above that civilisation tends to render the shocks which political revolutions cause in the social sj'stera both less violent and less frequent; I ought to add, that it also tends to make wars be- tween nations less frequent. We no longer have the idea that these scourges are necessary things, from Avhich we can never extricate ourselves, but regard them as an evil inevitable, in the absence of those laws which ought to regulate the rights of nations, and of sufficient power to secui-e the execution of tliem. In the beginning of coniL^.unities, the strongest threw himself on the weakest, to w^rest from liim privileges and wreak vengeance ; we find them renewing inces- santly the most unjust and bloody contentions, until the time when equitable laws finally regulated the rights of every one, and put a period to such violences. Alas ! this deplorable state of early times is still o\ir own, if we look to nations instead of individuals. In- deed, without going tar back, have we not seen nations cast themselves on nations, and tear each other for the most frivolous reasons ? — the feeble or the least active fell in these cruel struggles, and the injury is still so recent, that we are yet scarcely aware of the extent of it. Far am I from wishing to cast odium on the warrior who exposes himself in defence of his country. His noble zeal deserves all oiu* admiration, and has supplied the place of those protecting laws which ought to have defended him and his. But Avhilst groaning under a necessary evil, human nature should show the path of justice, in which it ought henceforth to go. Let us allow the same rights to nations which we grant to individuals — let there be laws for one as for the other — and let there be some power great enough and sufficiently cnliglitened to execute them. We have lately seen a judgment given by neutral nations in the case of a recent difierence between two others which had arms in their hands. This judgment has been carried into execution ; notification, citation, bodily restraint, none of the ordinary forms of justice, have been neglected. This event, which has not been sufficiently observed, and which has probably saved Europe from another struggle, indeed presents itself under appearances which are not very poetic to our imaginations, still warmed by the recitation of great deeds of arms, but it is not the less a real progress in the career of civilisation.

CHAPTER IT.
ON THE ULTIJIATE PROGRESS OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE LAWS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT.
In this work I have only been able to present an incomplete sketch of the vast labour which still re- mains to be done ; but the difficulties were too nume- rous, and the materials which I had to work up too defective, for me to venture any farther into a terri- tory almost entirely new. This stud}', however, has too many attractions — it is connected on too manj^ sides with every branch of science, and all the most interesting questions in philosophj^ — to be long without zealous observers, who will endeavour to cai-ry it far- ther and farther, and bring it more and more to the appearance of a science. At the same time, it will be very difficult to proceed on a safe course, before more information and more exact observations than we now possess, have been collected. The solidity of the edifice must depend on the soundness of the ma- terial.
In researches of this nature, it will be necessary always to produce original doctunents with caution, point out their sources, and give all the data whi<;h may lead us to appreciate their value. These docu-

ments ought to be of such a nature, that v/c can rigor- ously deduce the averages and limits between which the particular values lie. I have myself been more than once obliged to deviate from the course which I wish to see pursued by others, because, in order to render my ideas plain, I have been obliged to take the assist- ance of examples.
It will be equally desirable, whenever numbers are used, and results deduced from them, that we cal- culate the probable degree of error carefully. It is not enough to possess materials ; it is also necessary to know the full value of them. One of the greatest defects of actual statistics is, that in the same line they present all the numbers indistinctly which can be collected, and make them concur to one result, without taking their importance or probable value into account. This confusion must necessarily pro- duce great obstacles to the progress of science, and cause dangerous errors to prevail for a long time.
There is another research which deserves no less attention. It is not sufficient to perceive that an effect depends on several causes ; it is extremely im- portant that we be able to assign the proper degree of influence of each of these causes : in bringing this work to a conclusion, I shall noAV employ myself in demonstrating the possibility of finding a suitable measure for such an appreciation.
In the first place, it is necessary to admit, as a princi]>le, that where variable causes do not exist, the eflects produced will constantly be the same ; and that the more variable the causes are, the effects will also generally vary within wide limits. Thus, sup- posing that human volition acts independently of all fixed laws, and in the most varied and irregular manner, we must necessarily find the effects produced presenting the greatest anomalies also, and difTerences varying within the widest limits. Now, it is tliese differences which it is desirable to examine and mea- sure.
To define our ideas, let it be supposed that we want to examine if any general causes exist which modify the repression of crime; in other Avords, which modify the severity witli which the guilty are punished. We must necessarily have recourse to observations which have been very carefully collected ; and, if the annual results are not constantly the same, we shall be obliged to admit that the variations proceed either from errors of observation, from the influence of local causes, or from the influence of moral causes inherent in man. Going deeply into these researches, we really find that these elements vary according to time and place. Now, since the number of probable influential causes may be extremely great, it is proper to investigate them individually : it is in this manner that we are (at) first enabled to separate from our results the influ- ential causes depending on locality, all our observa- tions being taken in the same country ; and that we may also eliminate the influential causes depending on periodicity of season, by carrying our researches over the whole year, whence we return to the appre- ciation of all the influential causes, taken sepa- ratel3\
Uniting the statistical documents of the courts of assize in France for the six years before 1831, we find :—

Years.

Accused.

Conclenined.

Repression.

1825, 182(), - 1827, 1828, 18-29,
laso, -

7,234 (i,988 fi,!)2!) 7..3!« 7.373 U,!)()2

4594 43)8 ■ 4236 4551 4475 4131)

0-635 0-G22 0-(ilO 0-615 0-607 0-593

Average, -

7.147

4380

0-6137

This table shows us that the repression of crimes

104

ON MAN.

ia general, has been annually decreasing, certainly not very much, but 3'et manifestly. Now, of the causes influencing repression, some act in a constant and others in a variable manner. By virtue of the former, the number 0-61.37, which expresses the re- pression of crimes in general, should have a constant value from one year to another ; by virtue of the ac- tion of the variable causes, the same number would undergo greater or less modifications. I shall first be occupied with the measurement of the influence of the constant causes.
To give a better conception of my idea, I suppose an individual labouring imder an accusation ; as we have just seen, the chance of being condemned will be as 614 to 1000 ; this probability should be understood in the most general sense, admitting that as yet we know nothing of the nature of the crime, the age, or the sex, of the accused, or of the state of education, or auv of the constant causes modifying the repres- sion of crime. But if we learn the fact, that the accusa- tion is for a crime against persons, the probability of being condemned is altered ; indeed, experience proves that the repression of crimes against persons is less than that of crimes against property. In France, the average values have been from 0-477 to 0"665, for the sLx years previous to 1831. Thus the chances are only 477 in 1000 that the individual will be condemned when accused of crime against persons; 655, when the crime is one against property. The principal cause of this inequality appears to be, as has been frequently remarked, that we are averse to apply punishment when it has a certain degree of severity, or appears severe in proportion to the crime ; this is especially the case -with crimes against persons.*
The sex of the accused has, moreover, a marked influence over the repression of crime : the severity is not so great towards females. AU these shades Avill be more evident on inspecting the following table, which points out the different degrees of probability which exist of an accused person being condemned, according as the causes are favourable or the con- trary : —
Probability State of the Accused Person. of being
Condemned. Possessing a superior education, • - 0'400
Condemned who has pleaded guilty, - 0*476
Accused of crime against person, - - 0-477
Being able to read and write weU, - - 0-543
Being a female, ----- 0-57G Being more than 30 years old, - - 0-586
Being able to read and write imperfectly, - 0-COO
IVUIioiU any diskinaiion, - - - 0-614
Being a male, ,.-.-- 0-622 Not being able to read or WTite, - - 0-627
Being under 30 years of age, ... 0-630 Accused of crime against property, - ■• 0-055
Condemned in absence, or for non-appearance {con-
tumax], 0-960
Experience, therefore, proves that the most influ- ential cause diminishing the repression of crime con- sists in the appearance of the criminal before the judge with the advantage of a superior education, Avhich supposes a certain degree of affluence, and the ready means of making a defence. The most advantageous position an accused person can possibly be in, is to be more than 30 years of age, a female, to have received a superior education, to appear under an accusation of a crime against person, and to come when cited, prev-iously to being taken into custody ; on the con- trary, the most disadvantageous state is to be under SO years of age, unable to read or write, to be a man, and accused of crime against property, and not to be

[Here, as in other places, M. Quetelet gives his important

sanction to the principle upon which the amenders of the crimi- nal laws of England cliiefly found their arguments for reform. The severity of the punishment leads to the escape of the crimi- nal.]

able, as refusing to appear when cited, to produce the means of defence.
The causes which modify the probability of being condemned, according to the state of the accused per- son, appear to me so evident, as to render it super- fluous to insist on them. Such is not the case witli the degree of influence of these causes -, this estimation is attended with difficulties. Reflecting upon it, it has appeared to me that, of all the numerical elements subject to variation, we might very easily estimate the importance of the deviations from the average, or the iih- portance of the causes which produce them, by comparing these deviations with the magnitude of the average. It is almost in this manner that the first geometricians who studied the theory of probabilities as applied to facts bearing upon man (and BufFon, in particular), have estimated the importance of a whole, for one individual, by comparing it with what this individual possessed.
According to this estimation, it will be necessary to take the deviations from each of the ratios calculated above, and compare these witli the number 0'614, the measure of the repression in France, when v/e do not I)ay attention to any modifying cause ; the respective magnitude of the deviations Avill give this measure of their importance, and consequently that of the causes which produce them, effects being considered as pro- portional to their causes. Let us suppose, for example, that we seek to ascertain the value of the respective influences which are exercised on the repression of crime in France, by possessing the advantage of a superior education, and being a female ; we find the values of the repression are 0'400 and 0*576, and the diSerences between these numbers and the general average, 0"6I4, are 0*2 14 and 0*038. From what has been said, the importance of these differences, or of
214 38
the causes which produce them, will be -^ a,nd ^
or otherwise, 0*348 and 0*062. From this we perceive that a superior education has five times the influence which being a woman has, in diminishing tlie repres-^ sion of crime before the tribunals. Tlie following table presents the degrees of influence of the different causes modifying the repression of crime, and has been cal- culated upon the same bases : —

Stite of the Accuscl.

Relative degr-ee of the influence
of the state of the Accused on
the Repression of Crime.

Possessing a superior education, - - 0-348
Appeared to plead after having been declared
absent or contumacious, - - 0224 Accused of crime against persons, - - 0-223 Being able to read and WTite well, - 0-115 Being a female, .... 0-062 Being more than 30 years of age, - - 0-045 Being able to read and write imperfectly, - 0-023 Without a»i/ designation, ... 0-000 Being a man, - . . . . 0-013 Being imable to read or write, - - 0022 Being under 30 years of age, ... 0-026 Accused of crime against property, - 0-067 llaving withdrawn from justice, or for non- appearance when cited (coHfionoa-), - 0*563
Thus, as I have alrcadj' observed, there is not any cause Avhich lias more influence in varying the repres- sion of crime, than the reluctance or non-appearance of the accused to answer charges. The preceding table does not merely possess the advantage of showing this clearly, but also shows the degree of influence of the cause producing it.
And here there is a question of another kind, viz., how far those causes may be regarded as constant Avhich have now been pointed out. For, before one can say that they are absolutely constant, it must be shown that the results which they produce continue the same from year to year. Now, this is what does

ON MAN.

105

not take place: the deviations from the average, ■which we have taken as constant quantities, annually undergo shglit modifications, which Ave have attri- buted to variable causes: these modifications are in general very small, when we only take a small num- ber of jcars into account ; but still it is necessary to notice them. The repression of crime in general, for example, has not been constantly of the value 0'614 during the six years which have furnished the ele- ments of our calculations ; small annual differences have been observed, and the repression, in its great- est deviations from the average, more and less, has been 0-635 and 0-.593 ; the deviations are consequently (J21 and 0-021 ; and consequently their ordinary

value is

or 0-034. Thus the variable causes

which have produced alterations of the degree of re- pression, have had, in their maximum and minimum of energy, influences which have equalled or even sur- passed the influences of some causes which we have been considering as constant. To have a juster idea of the variable causes, it will be proper to examine tiie elfccts which they have annually produced on each of the elements considered above. The follow- ing tables will supply us with data on this subject : —

Repression of Crimes

Repression.

against Pcrsfins.

1 against Properly.

Jlcn.

Women.

l«2.->, 1820. - 18-27, 1828, - 1829, 1830, -

(fir, 0.51 0-M 0-47 0-46 0-4(;

0-66 0-67 0-65 0C6 0-03 0-04

0-63 0-62 (Hi-J 0-62 0-61

0-60 060 0-57 57 0-54

AveraRe,

0-477

0-655

0-722

0-576

Ycirs.

Repression in Individuals

Roprc

Fsion.

under 30 Veai-s.

above 30 Years.

Not Appearing.

Appeared
to stand
Trial.

1826, 1827, - 1828, 1829, - 1830,

0-Gi 0-64
0-w
0-62 061

0-60 0-.58
0-59 0-58

0!»3 0-97 0-97 0-97 0-9fJ

0-49 0-45 0--)G 0-50 0-48

Average, -

0C3

0-,oC6

('•!K1

0-479

Repression ii

1 Individua

3

Years.

c unable to Read
or Write.

able to Read and Write im- perfectly.

able to Read and Write well

1
who had a Superior Education.

1828, 1829, - 1830,

O-f.3 0-63 0-62

062 0-60 0-58

0-56 0.55 0-52

0-.T5 0-48 0-37

Average, -

0-627

0-60

0-543

0-40

Causes -which Modify Repression.

These different tables teach us that the greatest variations which any of the constant causes modify- ing the repression of crime have undergone, have scarcely exceeded the value of the intensity even of these causes : or, in other terms, that in the very circumstances most unfavourable to observation, the effects of constant causes have been but little effaced by the effects of variable and accidental causes. "We shall be enabled to judge better on this point by the following table, which discriminates for us the im- portance of the greatest deviations which the causes modifying repression have presented in each of the cases above enumerated : —

The accused has a superior education, - appears to answer charge, is prosecuted for crime against)
person, - - - - j is able to read and write well, is a female, - - . .. is upwards of 30 years of age, is able to read and write imper-^
fectly, - - - - / is without any designation, is a male, - , . . is unable to read or WTite, is under 30 years of age, is prosecuted for crime againsti
property, - - - / does not appear when cited, -

Difference from the Average.

Less.

Greater.

0-200 0-050

0-125 0-056

0-069

0-035

0-031 0-042 0-024

0-042 0-062 0-027

0033

0-033

0-034 0-013 0-005 0-016

0-034 0-019 OOU 0-032

0-039

0018

0010

0-031

I have always reasoned on the hypothesis that our results were founded on so great a number of obser- vations, that nothing fortuitous could affect the value of the averages : but this is not the case here. Some results are deduced from observations which are yet small in number, and we know that, all things being cfiual, the precision of results increases as the square root of the number of observations. This is especially applicable to any thing concerning the repression (punishment) of the accused persons who have received a superior education. The values obtained are deduced from a small number of observations, and the deviations front the average of them have consequently been greater : now, by employing the method of the smallest squares, I liave found that the accuracy of the numbers 0-400 and 0-6137, previously obtained for repression in ge- neral, and for repression exercised in particular against the accused who have received a superior education, is in the ratio of 0-0870 to 0-0075, or as 11 to 1.
In separating, pursuant to the preceding observa- tions, what is purely fortuitous in the deviations from the averages, so that we may only consider the causes which have had a greater or lesser regu- larity of influence on the repression of crime, I think that" we may pretty nearly represent their influence by 0-034. These deviations are such that it is easy to perceive that the repression of crime has gradually diminished. Kow, this progressive diminution must have its causes ; and one of them, undoubtedly the most influential, is pointed out in the Compte General de V Administration de la Justice Criminelle en France pendant I'Ann^e 1830 : — " Six years have passed away since the Cumptes Gcn&aux of the administration of criminal justice have been published. During the former half of this period (1825, 1826, and 1827), the lists of the jury were formed according to the rules laid down in the code of criminal instruction (instruction criminelle); during the second half (1828, 1829, and 1830), these lists have been made according to the law of the 2d of May 1827, which has changed the basis of juries, and called a greater number of citizens to fulfil its duties. By taking the totality of the results of the accusations during the entire period of six years, as weU as during each part of it, and by comparing these different results, we find that the only difference betwixt juries formed according to the code of criminal advice, and those which the legis- lature has subsequently made, is this, that the latter class appear to have a slight tendency to look upon accusations less severely. The proof of this assertion is found in the following table : —

Years.

Iffi5,182(i, 1827,llf28,j
1829, and ISJO, '
1825, 18-26, and 1827,
1828, 1829, and im).

Totality of Accusations.

Acquitted.

0-38 n-;!9

Condemned to Punishments.

Ignominious. Correctional

0-38
0-41
O-.Ki

0-23
0-21
0-26

106

ON MAN.

In a few years we shall be enabled to compare these conclusions with those resulting from the declarations of the present juries, whose constituent elements have been further enlarged by the reduction of the electoral franchise, and who at present only pronounce con- demnation with a majority of seven voices."
Thus the preceding table shows us that not only the number of acquittals has diminislied, but even the punishments awarded have been less severe : there have been fewer ignominious and more correctional ones.
This observation on the tendency to value accusa- tions more leniently, presents itself with a still greater degree of probability when we examine the nature of the crimes in detail : it is there, especially, tliat we can see if they have recoiled more readily from the application of punishments, on account of their seve- rity. We find, in effect, that condemnations to death have diminished very manifestly. The same obser- vations recur ivhen we make the distinction between crimes against persons and property ; a proof of which, also, is found in the following table : —

Accused of Crimes against Persons.

Accused

of Crimes against Property.

Years.

<

Condemned to Punishment.

1

Condemned to Punishment.

Ignomi- nious.

Correc- tional.

Ignomi- nious.

Correc- tional.

I!i25, 2(J, 27,| C8, 29, 30, (• 1825,20,27, I82ii,29,30,

0-52
0-50 0-53

0-28
0-30 0'2()

0-20
0-20 0-21

0-34
0-33 0-.35

0-42
0-45 0-.39

0-24
0-22 0-2G

On both hands we see fewer condemnations, and tlie condemnations are less severe.* It appears, there- fore, to be probable, that some causes exist, whatever niay be their nature, M-hich haA'c had an influence in France in slightly diminishing the repression of crime : time will sliow us better if we are to seek for one of the causes of tliis in the introduction of that law which has changed the constitution of tiie jury, and also if this cause is single. However the case may be, it is very evident that the causes which from year to j'car have modified the repression of crime in general, have had a weaker influence than the con- stant causes which modify it according to the nature of the crimes : for, still preserving the two established periods, we find that the first-mentioned causes have had tlie effect of producing, on an average, only two or three additional acquittals out of 100 accusations, taken promiscuously ; while the second causes have almost invariably produced eighteen acquittals more for accusations of crimes against persons tlian for those against property. This indeed has been already seen, when comparing the two tables given above.
I liave hinted tliat the change introduced in the for- mation of juries was perhaps not the sole cause M-hich had modified tlie repression of crime : and, indeed, I think that the events of 1 830 have not been without some influence on this matter. The repression, for crime in general, is at that period much less than dur- ing the otlier years, and this conjecture gains still more weight wlien we enter into the consideration of de- tails. Thus, out of the twelve modifying causes which iiave been pointed out, the repression for this year lias presented nine minima, and the three otlicr values approach their minima very nearly. Indeed, it is na- tural to suppose, that, to those causes wliicli miglit then predispose to indulgence, there would also^be added apprehensions of individual safety, fears of re- action, and other causes which are developed in the heart of man in the midst of political agitation. Gene- rally speaking, a revolution ought to produce a greater

See Oie Compks Gencraux, for the repression of each crime in

piirticiilar.

or less modification of each element of tlic social sys- tem, and especially in what relates to crime.
I shall here observe, that analogous ettccts have also been observed in Belgium, where a revolution took place at the same period. The residts of the repres- sion of crime for this country are sufRcienth' interest- ing to find a place here.

Crimes in General.

Accused.

Condemned.

Repression.

182(i, 1827, - 1828, 182!), - 1830,

725 8(0 814 753 6-13

611 6!e 677 612 4S)

0-843 0-852 0-R32 0-811 0-759

Average. -

747

613

0-821

This table shows us that the degi'cc of repression in 1830 was weaker than during the other years; the difference is here even more sensible, for the measure of its importance is 0*075, whilst in France it was 0"034 ; but our revolution was also less local than that ofFrance, and the provisional government lasted longer.
Another observation which nmst strike us on exa- mining this table is, that the repression has in general been much higher in Belgium than in France ; the respective values liave been on an average 0*82 1 and 0'614, nearly as -i to 3. This great disproportion is owing to the circumstance, that, up to that time, the jury had not been instituted in Belgium, although the people were governed by similar criminal la-\vs ; and these numbers maj", to a certain degree, give us the mcasm-e of the influence exercised on the late of an accused person, in case of his appearing before judges or before a jiny. Now that the institution of jury is established in Belgium, we shall be still better enabled to appreciate its influence, from the modifications which it may produce in the repression of crime.
I have inx'sented the circumstances bearing on re- pression with some detail, that I may give a better idea of the light in which I view tlie possibility of measuring the influence of causes. I shall now offer the rcsidts of the calculations which I have obtained for other elements of the social system, and their ap- proximation will lead us to very remarkable conclu- sions. I have been careful to point out the years in wliich the maxima and minima of the deviations have occurred, by the side of the degree of importance of these deviations.

Importance

of the

Epochs.

Belgium.

Difference.

.More.

Less.

Of Max.

Of Min.

Stature of the JMilitia — Town, -

0003

0-005

1825

1827

~ ~ ~ Country,

0-001

0-003

1826

1827

Repression of crime in general,

0-038

0-075

1827

18.30

Condemnations in general,* -

0112

0-212

1827

1830

Births in town, - - . .

0-084

0-120

1825

1817

— in country.

0-083

0-139

1826

I8I7

Deaths in town, - - ■. .

0-158

0-047

1826

1816

— in country,

0-170

0-071

1826

1824

Marri.iges.t - . . ..

0-135

0-212

1815

I8I7

Receipts of the trc.isury,

0-188

0-08(J

18-26

1820

E.xpenditure of the treasury.

0-143

o-i;o

1826

1820

Price of wlieat, ...

1134

0-447

1816

1824

— of rye, - - . .

1-374

0-500

1816

1824

The importance of tlie deviations, and especially of the maxi-

mum deviation of the lesser, is sensibly greater for Belgium than for France : this arises from tlie circumstance that, during the Tear 1830, there were much fewer condemnations tlian in the preceding years, the operation of tlie tribunals having been sus- pended during a longer or shorter time. This year is a com- plete anomaly, and perhaps ought not to have been included in our calculations, except we took the time only durmg which the courts were open.
\ These ratios have been taken from the numbers found in the ^vIu)le of the ancient kingdom of the Low Cotmtrics.

ON MAN.

107

ITiibU continued.'^

Fba.vce. ♦

Importance
of the Difference.

Epochs.

More.

Less.

Of Max.

Of Min.

Repression of crime in general, Condemnations in Renenil, Condemnations for crimes against >
property, • - - / Condemnations for crimes against)
person, . . . . 1
Births,
Deaths, .... ^larriageR, ....

OfVM 0-047
0-056
0153
0-0-21 0-071 0117

0-034 0-057
0O56 0-144
0.0.M 0-04<l 0-125

1825 18-25
1828
1825
IHlit 1H2K III-'3

1830
18-27
1830
1818 1823 1817

The two ])rc(cding tables demonstrate clearly diffe- rent facts, whicli I shall successively examine.
In the first place, by only re{,'arding the facts them- selves, and without havint? regard to the inttucncc of causes taken individually, we sec that, among tl>e elements observed, the least variable are the stature of man and the repression of crime (or the severity whidi the tribunals display in i)unishments); we after- wards see, in the adjoining lines, the facility which man shows to commit crime, and the facility with which he repro<luces his kind, or dies. Thus, whatever be the determining motives of his actions, in point of fact, they modify no more the numl>er of deaths than the numl)er of births, or even tlie number of crimes which annually scourge so<-iety.t Marriages also take place with regularity, but their numbc-r varies at the name time within wider limits than the preceding elements ; the same has been the case with the receipts and expenses of the Iklgic treiLsury ; but no element has undergone greater variations than the price of rye and wheat.
In passing, we shall observe, that the prices of grain have a very close {Hroite) relation to every thing bear- ing on the other elements. Thus, in the years 1816 and 1817, the prices of grain were very high, and mar- riages numerous ; on the other hand, it was the same Avith births. It would appear a3 if the maxinmm of deaths should also have taken jjlace in this year, in place of the minimum, which we observe in the towns, in 1816. Kxamining the numbers for 1817 attentively, we really find that they will form maxima for town and country, if we consider the increase of the popu- lation, another influential cause, which it is easy to calculate. The minimum would then be carried to 1824, whicli is the period when grains were at the lowest price, and which year was followed by a year of very great fruitfulness of women both in town and countr>'.
Taking notice of the annual increase of the popula- tion, which has been considerable in Belgium, we find values which closely resemble those furnished by France; we find, moreover, that the year 1817 pre- sents the minimum of marriages and births, both for town and country, and, at the same time, the maxi- mum of deaths, both for town and country.
It is to be observetl, that the maximum of the number of marriages has taken place in 181.'), not- withstanding tlie increase of the population in subse- quent years. This year, which brought the wars and disasters of the empire to a close, allowed a great mnnber of young men to return home ; and, being attenilcd by peace, gave rise to many new establish- ments in life.

See the Compta G<!ntranx, Sfc., and the Annuairc ilii Bureau

det Longitudts de France, 18.32, for what relates to the movement of the population from 1817 to 1829.
t It may be objct.te<l, that the obser\-ations on crime only refer to five years, whilst those on births and deaths extend to twelve years ; and that we ought, in the same manner, to expect to find smaller differences between the extreme values of the effects pro- duced by variable causes : but I shall reply, on the other hand, that births and deaths being annually much more numerous than rrimes, whkt is casual leavca fewer traces behind it, and must have a less sensible influence in modifying regular causes. II

We may further see, from the preceding number?, that a residence in town or country has not manifested a well-marked influence in varying the elements we have now been considering.
Until now, I have omitted the influence of season and time of the day ; yet it may be interesting to know the respective influences of annual and diurnal periods, which I have eliminated to the extent of my present materials, carrying my observations to annual average results.
To ascertain the influence of an annual period, I shall compare the average results obtained for each montii, and, as hitherto, I shall value the importance of the maximum deviation from the average, whether on the side of surplus or the reverse. This calculation gives the following results. Those for births and (leaths relate to Belgium, the others are calculated for France : —

Births In town,* _ country, -
Deaths in town, - — country, -
Crimes against projierty ~ ~ person,
Mental alienation.

July,

January,

Feb. Januarv

Deo. June,

Importance of the Difference.

Min.

0-107
OI(,-2 0-1 2«i OI'U 0113 0121 2H8

Max.
0122
0177 oi.w
0212 ii-2.il 2IH 0-.34fi

What must strike us at first is, that the influence of season only has more eflTect in causing the elements relating to man to vary (those at least which I have considered), than all the united influences of nature and of men have had in causing variations of the ave- rage annual results during the same period. These monthly variations take place, moreover, in the most regular manner, as I have elsewhere shown. To form an idea of the influence of the seasons, compared with the combined influences of all the causes operating to modify the annual results, I shall take the same ele- ments and compare the extremes within whicli the greatest deviations to one side or another have been comprised, and I shall assume as unity the sum of the differences of each annual average. It will be understoo<l that here the conclusions are deduced from the same observations, classed either according to years or months : —

Sums r.f the Differences

of Max.

ind Min.

Ratio.

Annual.

Monthly.

Births in town.

0-204

0-229

113

~ country, Deaths in town ,

0-222 02<'5

0-.339 0284

1-53 l-.3f)

~ countrv,

0-241

0-403

1-67

Crimes against proi>erty, -
~ ~ person, - Mental alienation.

112 0-297

0-346 0-410 0-634

3-09 1.38
9

Thus, the results taking place in different years I have varied less than those produced by seasons, and the respective influences of the cau.ses which give rise to them, as concerns the movement of population, are more dissimilar in the country than in town. We may remark, in general, that the country is, pliysically speaking, more easily acted upon than towns, and that the deviations from' the average there have greater values, undoubtedly l)ecause more hold is given to UKxlifying causes of different kinds.
The epochs at which the maxima and minima take place have also very singular relations. Thus, deaths and crimes against property are more numerous in
♦ M. I/Avocat Ouerry has given, in the Annfilfs 'flli/yifne for April 1H29, some drawings iiicttim) representing the influence of the seasons on physiolngit-nl phenomena : it is to bo greatly re- gretted tliat these doiigns are not accompanied by the numbers according to which they have been made.

108

ON MAN.

winter, in consequence of the rigours of the season and the privations to which man is subjected. Crimes against person are more frequent at periods when the passions are most in force, and when mental aliena- tion manifests itself with the greatest intensity.
As to the diurnal period, it is to be regretted that calculations are still wanting to enable us to appre- ciate its decided influence on the human species. From the numbers which I have obtained for Brus- sels, births appear to be more numerous durmg night than in the day time. The deviation from the average both on the side of surplus and the reverse, amounts to 0-114.* M. Buck has since arrived at the same results for the city of Hamburg, and found the ratio to be 0-136. M. ViUerme himself, at the Hospice de la Maternite in Paris, has obtained similar results. The deviations are more important when Ave compare the diflerent hours of the day separately. M. Guerry, in the Annates d' Hygiene for January 1831, has pre- sented some researches on the influence of the differ- ent parts of the day on suicide by suspension ; and he has found, during a period of 14 years, that the greatest number of cases have taken place between the hours of 6 and 8 o'clock in the morning, and the fewest num- ber between 12 at noon and 2 in the afternoon. The deviations, more and less, have been in relative impor- tance as the numbers 0-625 and 0-614: these devia- tions are considerable, compared Avitli those hitherto observed.
It is sufficiently apparent, that the smallest period, that of the day, has still greater influence than the monthly period (which depends on the succession of seasons), and consequently more influence than the totality of the causes, which produce variations betwLxt the average results of one year and another — always supposing it to be understood, that these average results are not deduced from too large a number of years, during which the men observed may have com- pletely changed, so as in a manner to present a dif- ferent social condition.
If we now sum up what has been said, we may de- duce the following conclusions : —
1st, The regular and periodic causes, which depend either on the annual or diurnal period, produce effects on society which are more sensible, and which vary within wider limits, than the combined non-periodic effects annually produced by the concurrence of all the other causes operating on society ; in other terms, the social system, in its present state, appears to be more dissimilar to itself in the course of one year, or even in the space of one day, than during two consecutive years, if ym have reference to the increase of the population,
2d, The diurnal period seems to exercise a some- what stronger influence than the annual period, at least so far as births are concerned.
3d, The annual period produces more sensible effects in the country than in town ; and this appears to be the case with those causes in general Avhich tend to modify the facts relating to man.
4th, The price of grain has a very marked influence on the elements of the social system ; and althougli we still want sufficient data to appreciate the compa- rative values of this influence, yet we may A-ery safely range it among the causes operating most energetically.
5th, If we wished to class, according to our obser- vations, the elements relating to man in an order which should indicate the degree of variation to which they are subject, we should find the succession as foUoM's, commencing witli the least variable : — The stature of man ; the repression of crime, or the degree of severity with which it is punished ; the births ; the propensity to crime, or the facility Avith Avhich it is committed ; deaths ; marriages ; receipts and expenses of the trea- sury ; and, finally, the prices of grain.

Sec my RecJierclies sur la Population, ^c., dans IcRnyaumc dcs

Pa>/s-Bas, p. 21.

Thus man commits crime with at least as much regularity as is observed in births, deatlis, or mar- riages, and with more regularity than the receipts and expenses of the treasury take jdace. But none of the elements which concei'n him, and which have been calculated in our table, vary within wider limits than the prices of grain.
From what has been said, we may draw the two folloAving principal conclusions : —
Since the price of grain is one of the most influen- tial causes operating on the mortality and reproduc- tion of the human species, and since, at the present day, this price may vary Avithin the Avidest limits, it is the province of the foresight of governments to diminish as much as possible aU the causes which in- duce these great variations in prices, and consequently in the elements of the social system.
On the other hand, since the crimes which are an- nually committed seem to be a necessary result of our social organisation, and since the number of them cannot diminish without the causes which induce them undergoing previous modification, it is the pro- vince of legislators to ascertain these causes, and to remove them as far as possible : they have the poAver of determining the budget of crime, as Avell as the re- ceipts and expenses of the treasury. Indeed, experience proves as clearly as possible the truth of this opinion, Avhich at first may appear paradoxical, viz., that so- ciety prepares crime, and the guilty are only the instru- ments by ivhich it is executed. Hence it happens that the unfortunate person Avho loses his head on the scaffold, or who ends his life in prison, is in some manner an expiatory victim for society. His crime is the result of the circumstances in which he is found placed : the severity of his chastisement is perhaps another result of it. HoAvever, when matters have come to this point, the punishment is no less a neces- sary evil, were it only as a preventive mean : it Avould only be desirable that the other means of prevention might afterwards become sufficiently efficacious for us not to be obliged to have recourse to the former severe means.
I shall conclude this chapter by a final observation, Avliich is as it Avere a consequence of all the preced- ing, viz., that one of the principal facts of civilisation is, that it more and more contracts the limits ivithin which the different elements relating to man oscillate. The more knowledge is diffused, so much the more do the devia- tions from the average disappear ; and the more, con- sequently, do Ave tend to approach tliat which is beau- tiful, that Avhich is good. The perfectibility of the human species results as a necessary consequence from all our researches. Defects and monstrosities disap- pear more and more from the physical world ; the fre- quency and the severity of diseases are combated Avith more advantage by the progress of medical science ; the moral qualities of man experience not less sensible improvements ; and the farther Ave advance, the less are great politic OA'erthroAvs and Avars (the scourges of Immanity) to be feared, either in their immediate effects or in their ultimate consequences.
It Avould seem at first sight that the fine arts and literature must suffer from this state of things. For if it be true that individual peculiarities tend to disap- pear more and more, and that nations assume a greater resemblance to each otlier, whatever is most picturesque in society and in the aspect of different parts of the globe, ought insensibly to disappear. Even during the last half century, and Avithin the limits of Europe alone, Ave see hoAv great the tendency is for people to lose their national character and be amalga- mated in one common type : yet nature Avill always be so prodigiously varied, that the talented man Avill never have to fear lest the source of the pictm-esque be exhausted ; on the contrary, he every day finds for liimself neAv sources from which his imagination may take the noblest and most elevated inspiration, and bring out treasures imknown to his predecessors.

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX— CONTAINING THE ADDITIONS MADE BY THE AUTHOR (M. QUETELET) TO THE GERMAN TRANSLATION OF HIS WORK, PUBLISHED AT STUTTGART IN 1838, BY DR V. A. RIECKE.

No. I.
ADDITION TO THE INTRODUCTION.
Extracts from the Bulletin de V Academie Hot/ale des Sciences et Belles Lettres de Bruxelles : 1835. No. 8.
M. QuETELET communicated the other day to the academy several statistical notices published by tlie French government, confirming more and more the ideas expressed by him regarding the constant return of the same phenomena in every thing having a re- ference to the physical and moral man, provided so- ciety undergoes no violent change : — First, It may be seen from documents which refer to the recruiting of the French army, that annually nearly the same num- ber of young men liable to serve as conscripts must be exempted on accoimt of a deficiency m fingers and in teeth ; on account of deafness, goitres, lameness, dis- eases of the bones, weak constitution, insufficient size of body ; or on account of being the first-born, or of being orphans, or sons of widows, blind people, &c. Just as constant appear the numbers of young people who are able to read and write, and those who have received no instruction ; the number of those self- mutilated in order to avoid military service, &c. From tlie following table, it will be more evident in what degree conditions which appear to depend on entirely accidental causes have a constant recurrence. It is an accurate extract from a Report to the King, lately pubUshed in France, regarding the recruitment of the army :* —
Number of Young Men in France who have been excused , Military Service on account of Bodily Infirmities.

Causes of Unfitness.

1831.

1832.

1833.

Wanting fingers, ...

752

647

743

teeth.

1,304

1,243

1,.392

Deafness and dumbness, -

830

736

725

Loss of other limbs or organs, -

1,605

1,530

1,580

Goitres, - . . .

1,125

1,231

1,298

Lameness,

949

912

1,049

Other deformities.

8,007

7,630

8,494

Diseases of bones,

782

617

(W7

Short sighted.

948

891

920

Other aflfections of the eyes, -

1,726

1,714

1,839

Itch, (?) -

11

10

10

Scald head.

749

800

794

Leprosy, ....

57

19

29

Other cutaneous diseases.

937

983

895

Scrofulous aftections,

1,730

1,539

1,272

Afifections of chest.

561

423

359

Hernia, ....

4,044

3,579

4,222

Epilepsy (falling sickness),

463

367

342

Different other diseases, -

9,168

9,058

10,286

Weakness of constitution,

11,783

9,979

11,259

Insufficient size of body, -

15,935

14,962

15,078

Amount of whole class of certain age,

295,978

277,477

285,805

M. Quetelet further mentions, that he knows, from sources to be depended on, that not only the number of letters delivered at the post-office of Paris remains

Compte rendu au Roi, p. 128 and 129. Similar examinations

take place in the kingdom of Wirtembui-g, and, as in the above case, the results form a source of valuable materials for medical statistics.

nearly the same every year, but that also every year nearly the same number of letters are found, which have been forgotten to be sealed, or whicli could not be delivered in consequence of illegible handwriting, or insufficient addresses, &c. &c. For a long time he had endeavoured to prove, that society pays a fcarfid budget to crime, which perhaps shows a greater regularity than the financial budget : and in a work which he lately published — " An Attempt at the Natural Philosophy of Society" — he felt himself en- titled to say, that if the statistical details published by the government were also to make mention of those crimes the perpetrators of which have re- mained unknoAvn, their occurrence would not be less regular. Tliis supposition has actually found a com- plete confirmation in our country, in the reports made to the minister of justice, and which will be published forthwith. There exists too strict a con- nexion between the phenomena presented by society, and between the causes of which they are the effects, to be neglected any longer by the philosopher and statesman; and, without doubt, the science which has this study for its object, will occupy, in course of time, a high rank in the scale of human know- ledge.

No. II.
ADDITION TO THE SECOND DIVISION OF THE FIRST BOOK.
Influence of the Seasons upon Births.
M. Ramon de la Sagra, in his History of the Island of Cuba,* has given a comparative view of the number of births of the white and coloured population in Havanna, according to the months of the year. From the ciphers we reprint here, it Avill be seen how much geographical latitude modifies the results which we have observed in our climates, although the place mentioned is situated in the northern hemisphere. The following ciphers include the observations of five years, from 1825 to 1829 :—

January,
Februarj',
March,
April,
May,
June, -
July,
August,
September,
October,
November,
December,

Total,

Births.

Among the White Population.

624 573 60<J 6.36 634 659 661 694 736 772 713
700

Coloured Population.

703 596 627 638 651 620 698 741 760 736 706 774

1,327 1,169 1,227 1,274 1,285 1,279 1,359 1,435 1,496 1,508 1,419 1,474

16,252

Historia Economico-Politica y Estadistica de la Isla de Cuba,

p. 35. Havanna : 1831. 4to.

no

ON MAN.

According to this table, the greatest number of births in Havannah occurs in October, and the fewest between February and May. This is nearly the opposite of that distribution of births for the seasons observed in Europe.

No. III.
ADDITION TO THE THIRD SECTION OF THE FIBST BOOK.
Mortality of Lying-in Women.
M. Casper communicates, in his excellent work on the Relations of Mortality {Die Wahrsckeinliche Le- bensdauer des Menschen, ^c), " The probable Duration of Human Life," p. 51, the following results relative to the mortality of women at child-birth in the Prus- sian monarchy. There were —

Bom.

Died in ChUd-Bed.
In the years 1817 tiU 1826 (inclusive), 4,955,672 44,772
1826 ~ 1828 - 499,507 4,539
1828 ~ 1829 ~ 495,483 4,615
^ 1829 ~ 1830 ~ 497,241 4,441
1830 ~ 1831 ~ 490,524 4,710
1831 -, 1832 ~ 481,959 4,677

ToUl,

7,420,386 67,754

If from this number of births the regular recurring number of twins and triplets, amounting to about 94,000, are deducted, it follows that of 108 women in chUd-bed, one died. According to Lubbock, there died in the ten years, from 1818 to 1827, only one woman in child-bed of 117.

No. IV.
ADDITION TO THE FIFTH SECTION OF THE FIRST BOOK.
Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie Royale des Sciences de Bruxelles : 1835. No. 1, p. 129.
M. Quetelet commmiicated, in consequence of a paper transmitted by M. Villerme on the population of Great Britain, the following accounts regarding the mortality in Belgium : — " Science has of late been enriched by several important works * on the statis- tics of Britain, especially on the relations of mortahty in that country. The different docimients they con- tain have confirmed most distinctly a fact which I have for some time believed to exist, and which ought to have been pointed out by MM. Villerme and Fran- (,'ois d'lvernois — the fact, namely, that tlie population of Britain has not so great a claim as commonly sup- posed to a much smtiUer mortality than the other states of Europe.
I have already observed, in a paper which was read to the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris,t that in Britain, for every two children there arc only to be found three individuals above fifteen years of age, and in the United States even fewer ; whilst in France, Sweden, and Belgium, at least four are to be found. Indeed, this disproportion principally arises from the rapid increase of population, as it subsisted of late in Britain and the United States. Most of the children who are the fruit of this great development of ferti- lity not yet being far advanced in the career of life, the number of adult individuals resulting from them

Tlie principal works are : —

Abstracts of the Answers and Returns, &c. By Kickman. 3 vols. 4to. 1831.
Tables of the Revenue, PopiUation, Commerce, &c. By Porter. 2 vols, folio. 1K«.
A Digest of all the Accounts, &e. By Marshall. 1833.
On the Natural and Mathematical Laws concerning Popula- tion, &c. By Francis Corbaux. 1 vol. 8vo. 183.1.
t 8th September 1R34. Sec the journal L'Institut, No. 71, 20th September 1834 ; and Le Tempt, 18th September 1834.

must be proportionally small. M. Villerme, our cor- respondent, as member of the French Institute, has considered the question under another point of view. This gentleman has, in a paper on the population of Great Britain,* compared Rickman's tables of morta- lity for England, those of Duvillard for France, and those I have pubhshed for Belgium (the one in my Annnaire de VObservatoire, the other in a manuscript paper read at a meeting of the Academy for Moral and Political Science at Paris) : it results from this comparison, that the ' probable duration of the life of children at their birth, is in Great Britain about two years longer than in Belgium.' With individuals of 1 to 30 years of age, the case is the reverse. AVe may wager 100 to 100 that a person may Hve in Belgium from 1 to 3 years longer than individuals of the same age born and brought up in Britain. Further, the probability of the duration of life with indiAdduals from 30 to 40 years of age is in both countries precisely the same ; and only at the age of 45 the probable duration of life is somewhat more in favour of the English than of the Belgians ; but the difference amounts at most to only one year. In the face of these facts, from which it is evident that the mortality in Britain is not lower than in Belgium, it appears very probable that life, at the moment of birth, in the for- mer is the safer possession than in the latter, where, with the child of one year old, the probable duration of life is at least for a year and a half longer than in England ; and that on the other side of the channel there dies every 3'ear 1 in 49, whilst in Belgium, ac- cording to the results of the j'ears from 1825 to 1829, the proportion of deaths in relation to the population is about 1 to 43 years, because every where, one annual death for 40 or 41 inhabitants is a low morta- lity, at least when the country in question is of a pretty large size. Herein, also, are to be found new reasons to consider the list of mortality for England, more especially regarding those for young children as incomplete.
To facilitate forming an opinion on this subject, M. Villerme has compared the tables of population for England and Belgium,f concluding from his table that there is a marked advantage in favour of Bel- gium, which proportionally has fcAver children, but keeps them better, and has proportionally more grown- up individuals. It will be, moreover, advisable, as I have already observed, to pay attention to the rapidly increasing population in England, which contributes to place that country in a less favourable position than ours. According to Duvillard, the ciphers of France are on the whole less favourable than those of Bel- gium and England.
MM. Hayer and Lombard have of late also com- pared the mortality of Geneva with that of Belgium and France : % it results from their investigations that in the two latter countries the number of deaths in the first year of life are far more numerous than in Geneva. The following are the principal results of the comparison which they have made regarding the probable duration of life between the three countries, proceeding on the base of their tables of mortality, and on those of Duvillard and mv own for cities : —

Probable Duration of Life.

In France.

In Belgium.

In Geneva.

At Birth,
At 5 years of age,
- 30
„ 50

204 years. 453 '- 29f ~ 16* ~

25 years. 50 ~ 34 -
m ~

47s years. 52f „ 34 „ 18J -

From this comparison, the advantage in the early period of life is on the side of Geneva ; but at the age of 30, the probable duration of life is not longer than
♦ Annalcs d'llygicne, tome xii. partie 2. t Annuaire de VObservatoire de Bruxelles.

t Recherches Statistiques surlaMortalite dela Ville de Genfeve,

and Bibljotheque Universelle. August 1834.

ON MAN.

Ill

in Belgium, and it even then diminishes. The scien- tific men of Geneva observed, that if 90 years were to be taken as the extreme old age, the proportion of individuals of this age to the number of births would be the standard for longevity. Thus, we shall find — in Geneva, 0-0063 for males, 0-0113 for females ; ave- rage, 0-0089 : in Belgimii, 0-0068 : in England, from the official tables from 1813 to 1830, only 0-0065. It follows, from the preceding comparisons, that Belgium, with regard to its mortality, does not labour under any disadvantage when compared with England and Geneva — two countries which have hitherto been considered the most favoured — excepting, perhaps, in regard to the mortality of children.

No. V.
ON THE MORTALITY (NATURAL AND ACCTDENTAL DEATHS IN- CLUDED) OF THE EUROPEAN TROOPS OF THE ENGLISH ARMY IN THE EAST INDIES, IN A PERIOD OF FIVE YEARS, FROM 1826 TO 1830.
On the whole, we possess few notices on the mor- tality of Europeans Avho have lived Avithin degrees of latitude differing much from their natural cUmate. The following documents, therefore, which I owe to the kindness of A. M'Culloch, Esq., of the War-Office, must be acceptable to the reader. This able statis- tician, to whom we owe very interesting investiga- tions, observes, that hitherto it has been possible to arrive at results only somewhat correct regarding children and females : —

PRESIDENCY OF BOMBAY.
Number of troops,
Cases of death,
Usual number of patients,
PRESIDENCY OP BENGAI,.
Number of troops,
Cases of death,
Usual number of patients,
PRESIDENCY OP MADRAS.
Number of troops. Cases of death, Usual number of patients not given under this head

1826.

1827.

1828.

1829.

1830.

279.3

3135

3175

3632

3876

3(15

162

2(>4

1«7

147

481

347

368

358

383

797C

8761

8916

8C80

9520

774

522

549

575

362

846

888

882

879

721

6626

6686

7986

8064

8774

614

509

386

266

199

3322 185 387

8770 556 843

7630 305

From these ciphers, suit : —

the following proportions re-

Per 1000 Men.

Bombay.

Bengal.

Madras.

Cases of deaths.
Sick, ....

55 116

63
96

52
(?)

This gives an average of about 57 cases of deaths per 1000 men, or 1 death for 17-5.
In respect to the kinds of diseases producing these deaths, they may be arranged as follows : —

Cases of Deaths.

Annual Number per 1000.

Names of Diseases.

??

^

£

^

i

1

g

1

M
a a

s

■§
s

Fever, ...

267

735

405

15-9

16-8

11-0

Affections of the limgs, - ~. of the liver, -

43 80

100 180

82 170

2-5 4-2

2-2 41

2-2 4-5

~ of the stomach! and bowels, - - '

272

872

819

16-2

19-7

21-2

Cholera morbus.

173

623

306

100

14-2

80

Affections of the brain.

21

98

27

1-2

21

0-6

Dropsy, . . - . Other cases of deaths, -

12 57

25 149

28 141

0-7
4-3

0-5 3-4

0-7
3-8

Total,

925

2782

1978

55-0

63-0

52-0

The mean mortality (expressed in per cents.), shows, amongst the European officers of the Indian army, the following results : —

Rank.

Bombay.

Bengal.

Madras.

Colonels,
Lieutenant-colonels, Majors, Captains, - Lieutenants, - Ensigns, .

5-74 5-45
3-77 3-78 3-96 3-15

5-94 4-84 4-10 3-45 2-75 2-34

5-40 611 5-42 5-02 4-17 3-80

The general mean of all ranks, including surgeons and assistant-surgeons, was 3-85.
During the last 20 years, there died of the army of Bengal 1184 officers, or 59-2 annually of the average number of 1897 individuals : this gives 3-12 per cent.
The mean duration of life of the deceased was, in 81 Colonels, - - - - 61 years.
97 Lieutenant-colonels, - . -51 „
78 Majors, - . . . 40 ~
277 Captains, - . - - - 36 ~
We add to the comparative view another, pointing out the mortality of civilians in the India Company's service in Bengal, during the years from 1792 to 1836, according to their several ages and nmnber of years of service : —

Number of Years of Service.

1 2 3 4 5 6
7
8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 IC 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 30 to 45

Age.

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49
50 toe

Number of Civilians.

975 933J 906h 87-4 i 835J
7m
754
694J
638
577i
545
519J
489
468
448
424
403
376i
351
324i
293i
270
239
216
196
167i
148
129
114^
101^

Cases of Deaths.

Retired
from the Service.

If we put together these ciphers in periods, we arrive at the following comparative view : —

Number of

Years of

Age.

Service.

1 to 5

20 to 24

6 to 10

25 to 29

11 to 1.5*

30 to 34

16 to 20

35 to 39

21 to 25t

40 to 44

26 to 30

45 to 49

,30 to 43

50 to 64

Number of Civilians.

4525

154i

2469| 1879 1214i 660i

Cases of Deaths.

of Deaths per 10,000.

199 208 166 204 354 364 486

Retired from the Service.

In the United Service Journal, we find several no- tices by Mr M'Culloch on the mortality of officers of the British armj'.

After ten years of service in India, every oflScer may return

for three years to England. Many avail themselves of this per- mission, which evidently contributes to the decrease of morta- lity.
t After twenty years' service, many oflScers return to Britain, which likewise contributes to the decrease of the mortality.

112

ON MAN.

No. VI.
EXTRACT FROM THE " BULLETIN DE l'aCADEMIE ROYALE DBS SCIENCES DE BRUXELLES" : 1835. No. 10. CON- CERNING THE MORTALITY AT BRUSSELS.
M. Quetelet communicated to the academy the re- sults of the late census, according to which the num- ber of inhabitants of Brussels amounts to 102,702, the garrison not included, which consists of from 2000 to 3000 men. According to the tables of population, there took place in the year 1834 —

4230 Births, 3862 Deaths, - 1092 Marriages, 8 Divorces.

Consequently, 1 to 26 inhabitants 1 to 29 1 to 100

Before the census, the number of inhabitants for Brussels was calculated at 94,000. M. Quetelet thinks that even the present cipher is still too low ; and, in the preceding calculation, he believes he is entitled to estimate it at 1 10,000, the garrison included. He supports his supposition, by considering the number of births, deaths, and marriages, according to which, Brussels would present less favourable conditions than most of the great cities of Europe, as he has already shown in hi^ Essay on the Natural Philosophy of So- ciety. However, we must not lose sight of the circum- stance, that the number of deaths in a great city is always augmented hy the number of diseased strangers who swell up the tables of mortality in the hospitals, or by those who go there to receive efficient assist- ance in their sufiFerings.

No. vn.
REMARKS ON THE JIORTALITY IN EPIDEMICS.
Epidemics modify the mortality in a very remark- able manner, and the importance of the phenomena of disease in individuals bears by no means a proper ratio to the general result of the tables of mortality. If the study of epidemics had been properly followed, we should have tables as interesting for science as useful to mankind. Several instances might be ad- duced to prove this. I shall here content myself with citing one : the cholera morbus and influenza are dis- eases Avhich differ greatly from each other ; the one is a dreadful scourge, which manifests itself in the most fearful manner ; the other, in its ordinary exter- nal appearance, resembles a catarrh or common cold ; and yet the tables of mortality prove that, although the latter disease is not so deadly, it nevertheless, in consequence of its universality, and in consequence of the sufferings it causes, produces results nearly as extensively fatal as cholera. Facts, serving to confirm this opinion, may be found in the excellent work pub- lished by Dr Gluge on the History of Influenza.* They show, moreover, that mortality in epidemics is prin- cipally confined to childhood and to old age — those periods which, in the common course of things, have the smaller probabihty of life.

No. VIII.
INFLUENCE OF SEASONS UPON MORTALITY.
In the work of M. Ramond de la Sagra, may be found several interesting notices regarding the mor- tality in Havannah. The following ciphers are the results of five years, namely, from 1825 to 1829 : —

Die Influenza Oder Grippe u. s. w. Minden : 1837. 8vo.

Months.

Cases of Deaths.

White

Coloured

Total.

Population.

Population.

January,

545

938

1483

February, -

536

831

1367

March, ■•

597

900

1497

April,

487

760

1247

May,

535

731

1266

June,

501

668

1169

July, -

589

793

1382

August ,

550

736

1286

September, -

492

689

1181

October, -

548

752

1300

November, -

416

709

1125

December,

508

756

1264

Total, -

6304

9263

15,567

The mortality in the hospital, amongst strangers, does not exhibit quite the same proportion. The following table gives a view of the mortality in the Hospitals of San Ambrosio and San Juan de Dios, in the years 1825 to 1829, and the mortality of strangers during the years 1820 to 1824 :—

Months.

San Ambrosio.

San Juan.

Strangers.

January,

76

162

44

February, -

65

133

65

March, -

92

184

91

April,

103

145

84

May, -

146

149

169

June,

167

195

170

July, -

158

203

169

August,

132

198

140

September, -

128

247

118

October, -

123

240

73

November, -

.93

196

50

December, -

97

277

56

Total,

1830

2329

1229

As far as the first ciphers are concerned, it will be seen that the winter months, and the months of July, August, and October, exhibit the greatest mortality ; but the unfortunate individuals received into the hospitals, and the strangers, are especially subject to the deleterious influence of the summer heat. If we compare, in respect to strangers, the mortaUty of the month of December with that of June and July, we find an increase in the latter nearly fourfold. How- ever, we ought to know, in order to arrive at a correct opinion, what the average number of strangers may be in Havannah during the seasons thus contrasted.
We owe to the kindness of Mr M'Culloch, informa- tion regarding the mortahty in the island of Malta, during 14 years, in a population osciUating between 96,000 and 103,000 inhabitants ; thus giving an ave- rage of 100,000 souls. They are as follows : —
Months. Cases of Deaths.
January, - - - - - 2920
February, .... - 2773
March, 2786
April, - . . - . 2404
May, ...... 2292
June, 2568
July, ...... 3075
August, .... 2919
September, ..... 2675
October, ..... 3081
November, ..... 3013
December, ...... 2995
Months unknown, ... 802
Total, ..... 31,303
Wc observe here again, as in the ciphers of Havan- nah, a tendency to a maximum of deaths during sum- mer, as a consequence of heat.
Here follow a few notices regarding the mortality of tropical climates, to be found in the work of Mr A. S. Thomson, on the influence of climate on heiilth.*

Ohservations on the Influence of Climate on Health and Morta-

lity. 8vo. Edinburgh : 1837. See .also the work by Dr Annesley, On the Climate of India. London: 1825. Also the Medicul Almanac, by Farre, for 1837.

ON MAN.

113

The first numbers inform us of the relative niontlily mortahty of the Englisli troops in the Windward and Lcewai'd Islands. The others refer to 3149 individuals of the native troops in the Presidency of Madras, and 3017 of the English troops, who were received during 1815 into the hospitals.

Mortality

Presidency of Madras — Sick.

in the "Windward

Months.

and Leeward

Native

English

Islands.

Troops.

Troops.

January, -

65

125

74

Februarj', -

48

63

64

3March,

42

60

70

April, -

57

48

74

May,

59

54

84

June, -

69

85

87

July,

87

104

109

August,

119

93

81

September,

114

74

73

October,

133

113

105

November,

109

94

82

December, -

97

07

97

Total,

1000

ICXIO

1000

Also here we observe, in the time of the great sum- mer heat, and in consequence of it, a greater mortality and more numerous cases of sickness. We may there- fore be well assured, that extremes of cold and heat are equally deleterious to our species.

No. IX.

ADDITION TO THE SEVENTH SECTION OF THE FIRST BOOK.
On the Law of the Increase of Population.
Since the publication of my work, M. Verhulst, of the Military Academy of Brussels, has submitted to analysis my hypothesis on the law of the increase of population. This hypothesis rests on the supposition of an analogy between the movement of the popula- tion, mider the difficulties which oppose the increase, and between a moveable body which falls tlu-ough a resisting medium. The results of this comparison agree very well with the data furnished by statistics, and witli those derived from calculation, if we sup- pose an infinitely increasing density in the different layers of the resisting medium. The fornndas on which the calculations and the results regarding the population of Belgium, France, and Prussia, are based, may be found in the second part of the series of the Correspondance Mathematique de V Observatoire de BruxeUes. (See p. 113, and following.) We may say that the statistical data have not yet been collected in so comprehensive a manner as accurately to per- mit us to reduce from our hypothesis, by calculation, aU the consequences to be derived from it regarding the intensity of tlie difllculties met M-ith by the popu- lation in its increase.

No. X.
ADDITIONS TO THE THREE FIRST SECTIONS OF THE SECOND DOOK.
On the Results of Experiments niade on the Weight, Height, and Strength of above 800 individuals. By James D. Forbes, Esq., F.B.SS. L. Sf E., Pro- fessor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh.*
The interesting and remarkable experiments pub- Ushed by M. Quetelet, of Brussels, on various points of physical development in man, under a variety of circumstances, as to climate, station, age, and sex, induced me to take the opportunity which my pro-

Read to tlie Royal Society of Edinburgh, and communicated

by the author.

fessional position presented of obtaining the measure of physical development as to the weight, height, and strength of natives of Scotland, between the ages of 14 and 25, students in our university.
In the prosecution of this plan, separate lists Tvere kept of persons not born in Scotland, and of these the English and Irish lists have likewise been subjected to calculation. Though of these the numbers are comparatively small, the results present some pretty decisive characters. These experiments Avere conti- nued during two winters (1834-5, 1835-6) : every experiment was made by myself, and noted doAvn by myself. The weights were ascertained by Marriot's spring-balance, which was verified from time to time, and found to have undergone no change in its elasticity. The weight of clothes is included.* The heights are in EngUsh inches, shoes included. For the measiu-e of strength, Kegnier's dynamometer was employed, and these experiments were somewhat less satisfac- tory than the others. The error of the instrument had been ascertained before the commencement of the experiments, and was found to be pretty constant throughout the scale. But after the experiments were finished, this was by no means the case, the error having become variable, owing to the interfering ac- tion of a small spring emploj^ed to bring the index to zero. As this, however, only affects the absolute re- sults (or, at least, its relative influence is trifling), I have contented myself with applying an interpolated correction deduced from the mean of the errors before and after, which cannot differ much from the truth. But the instrumental errors are not the only ones to be contended with. To avoid errors in the use of the djTiamometer, requires vigilant superintendence on the part of the observer ; and as the first pull is gene- rally (though not always) greater than the second or third, this also must be allowed for. I have inva- riably repeated the experiment three times, and often much more frequently. When extraordinary cases have occurred, I have taken the precaution of observ- ing at distinct intervals of time.
In ascertaining the mean results, the following method has been adopted : — The natives of each country were separated, and each class divided, ac- cording to age, into twelve sets, from 14 to 25, the greatest number being of the age of 18 years. The mean weiglit, height, and strength for each year was computed, and the result projected upon ruled paper. Curves were drawn through the points thus projected, in such a way as to represent most satisfactorily the whole observations. These curves, with the deter- mining points, are now exhibited to the society. It is proper to add, that the ages registered being the ages at last birthday, the weight, &c., registered, is not that due to the age noted, but at a mean to an age half a year later. Thus, all the persons who were 20 last birthday, are between the ages of 20 and 21, or 20^ at a mean. This has been attended to in making the projections.
Besides the EngUsh, Scotch, and Irish curves, I have exhibited those of the Belgian development, from M. Quetelet's experiments, reduced to English mea- sures. The thickness of the shoes not being included in these experiments, half an inch (perhaps too little) has been added to make them comparable with the others. It is important to add, that M. Quetelet's experiments here quoted, as well as my own, were made upon persons in the higher ranks of life — in both cases, in fact, upon persons having the benefit of aca- demical instruction.
The number of persons examined by me in the two winters before stated, was thus divided : — Scotchmen, 523; Englishmen, 178; Irishmen, 72; from the colo- nies, &c., 56 ; total, 829, I was careful to obtain a fair average of persons of all degi-ees of height and

According to Quetelet, this amounts to one-eighteenth of the

weight.

114

ON MAN.

btrength, iu which respect the Scotch average is more linexceptioiiable than the others. There is always a tendency in such cases to get too high a development, because duninutive persons are the least likely Tolun- tarily to come forward. An example of this is found in the mean height obtained by M. Quetelet, from a register of 80 individuals at Cambridge, between the ages of 18 and 23, giving a mean of 69'6 inches, in- stead of 687, as my experiments indicate.
The numerical results derived from the graphical process before described, are given at the close of the paper, and seem to warrant the following conclu- sions : —
1. That in respect of weight, height, and strength, there is a general coincidence in the form of the curves with those of M. Quetelet.
2. The British curves seem to have more curva- ture for the earlier years (14 to 17), or the progress to maturity is then more rapid, and somewhat slower afterwards. If we may depend upon the Enghsh curves, this is more strikingly the case in natives of that country than of Scotland, at least in point of weight and strength.
3. The tables incontestibly prove the superior deve- lopment of natives of this country over the Belgians. The difference is greatest in strength (one-fifth of the whole), and least in weight.
4. In comparing natives of England, Scotland, and Ireland, more doubt arises, owing to the difference in the number of experiments ; those for Ireland are confessedly most imperfect. Yet I conceive that the coincident results in the three tables, entitle us to conclude that the Irish are more developed than the Scotch at a given age, and the English less. Some qualification is, however, due, in consequence of the remark (2) ; for in the earlier years (14-17), it would even appear that the English so far get the start of the Scotch, as not only relatively, but also absolutely, to surpass them (in strength and weight) ; but between 17 and 19 they lose this advantage. I am disposed to think that this appearance of a result is not accidental.
5. The maximum height seems scarcely to be at- tained even at the age of 25. This agrees with M. Quetelet's observations. Both strength and weight are rapidly increasing at that age.
6. In the given period of hfe (14-26) aU the deve- lopments continue to increase ; and all move slowly from the commencement to the end of that period. Hence the curves are convex upwards. [This is not the case below the age of 14, for weight and strength. — Quetelet.']
AVeights in Pounds (including clothes).

Age.

15 years,
16 ~
17 - -
18 ~
19 ~ -
20 ~
21 ~ -
22 ~
23 ~ -
24 -
25 „ -

English.

Scotch.

Irish.

114-5

112

127

125-5

129

133-5

131-5

136

138

139

141-5

141

143

14.5-5

144

146-5

148

140

148-5

151

147-5

15f)

153

149

151

154

1.50

152

155

151

152-5

155

Belgians.

102
117-5
127
134
139-5
143
145-5
147
148-5
149-5
150

Heights in Inches. Full Dimensions (with shoes).

Age.

English.

Scotch.

Irish.

Belgians.

15 years,

64 4

04-7

61-8

16 ~ -

665

60-8

64-2

17 ~ - -

C7-5

07-0

66-1

18 - -

081

68-5

68-7

67-2

19 „ -

68-5

68-9

69-4

67-7

20 ., - -

08-7

69-1

69-8

67-9

21 - -

68-8

09-2

70-0

680

22 ~ -

08-9

69-2

70-1

68-1

23 - -

68-9

69-3

70-2

68-2

24 ~ - -

68-9

09-3

70-2

68-2

25 ~ -

68-9

69-3

70-2

68-3

Strength in Pounds.

Age.

English.

Scotch.

Irish.

Belgians.

15 years,

280

204

10 « -

a36

314

236

17 ~ - -

352

340

369

260

18 ~ - -

364

360

389

280

19

.378

378

404

296

20 ~ -

385

3^

416

310

21 „ - -

392

402

423

322

22 ~ -

397

410

427

aio

23 ~ -

401

417

4.30

335

24 ~ -

402

421

431

337

25 ~ -

403

423

432

339

No. XL
Extract /rom the Correspondance Mathimatique et Phy- sique, 1st Series, vol. 11. part 1. January 1838.
M. Horner's Investigation into the Development of the Growth of Boys and Girls.
Several years ago we published tables to show tlie degi'ce of growth in both sexes at different ages. These tables, which at first sight might seem merely curious, became afterwards of real utility, especially in England. Their importance, indeed, was so much felt, that it was deemed advisable to repeat our expe- riments in several places, in order to find a measure of the modifications likely to be produced in our results by circumstances to which we could pay no attention. Thus, Mr Eorbes of Edinburgh has measured a great number of young Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Irish- men, and a comparison of his results with ours has shown a remarkable correspondence in respect to the gradual development ; at the same time, however, it has, notwithstanding, exhibited a real difference be- tween the mean height of individuals belonging to different nations.*
In order to find out the influence produced on the development of the growth by working in manufac- tories, ]Mr J. "W. Cowell has made different interesting observations at Manchester and Stockport. The re- sult of these has been published in the first volume of the Factory Reports, and in an essay On the Philo- sophy of Society.
Hitherto we have only seen, from No. 339 of the Penny Magazine, July 1837, that the same experi- ments have also been repeated by Mr Horner, another Enghsli factory inspector. Mr Horner thought that he had observed that the people, iu order to evade the law excluding young children from the lieavy work in the factories, had hit on the plan of using false cer- tificates of age, and Mr Horner, to discover the fraud, resorted to a direct test. He made use of a table similar to ours, and in order to arrive at a nearer ap- proximation of the trutli, he resolved to institute collateral observations. ]Mr Horner, therefore, pro- cured from twenty-seven surgeons, tlie measure of 16,402 individuals, of whom 8469 were boys, and 7933 girls, of the age from 8 to 14 inclusive, and from the following places — Manchester, Bolton, Stockport, Preston, Leeds, Halifax, Roclidale, Huddersfield, and Skipton, and the neighbouring rural districts. The following table is an extract from one of greater dimen- sions, in which the distinction has been noted between towns of first and second rate magnitude and the country : —

See the Correspondance MaMmatiqnc, volume ix. page 205

and foUowing; and Transactions of the Royal Society, Edin- biirah.

ON MAN.

115

Age.

From 8 to Si years,

From 8i & below 9 years,

~ 9

"

9i ~

~ 9^

"

10 ~

~ 10

"

1(% ~

~ m

~

11

~ 11

"

\\\ ~

~ Ui

~

12 ~

- 12

"

12J ~

~ 12i

"

13 ,-

-, 13

~

\^ ~

~ m

~

14

Number
of Children
Measured

327 267 339 272 527 438 418 375 574 506 550 421 664 577 559 478
767 712 660 618 1269 1260 864 980 951 1029

boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls, boys, girls.

Mean Height.

foot. 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

inch.
94 I 8ii'
log / 11« \ \\i ' Oi )
J
1 1 in
2i \
2i f 3^1 3h > 33 \ 3J <
4i /
5i 1
54 /
6i )
6^ I
7J I
8 /

Average
Height of
Boys & Girls
taken
Together.

foot. inch. 3 9i
3 lOi
3
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4

1
IS
2i
3i

4S
5i
Ci
7J

The average, or the mean heiglit of the young people between 14 and 18 years, has been ascertained according to the particular accounts given by Mr Harrison, surgeon at Preston.

Number of

Total of

Age.

Young

Average

Mean Height

Persons

Height.

ni

Measured.

both Sexes.

foot. inch.

foot. inch.

From 14 to 15ye.irs,

117 male sex.

4 8i, 4 9 )

4 8i

^ «. ~

140 fern. «

„ 15 to 16 ™

82 male -

4 lOi)
^ loil

4 105

^ *0 -*

106 fern. „

~ letoiT ~

43 male -

5 Oil 4 11^1

5 Oh

~ ~ ~

90fem. ~

~ 17 to 18 ~

47 male ~

5 1 5 )

5

„ „ ~

112 fem. ~

In order to compare the height at similar ages in

England and in Belgium, we have expressed, in the following table, the ciphers given in the Penny Maga- zine in metres ; and in order to get, for instance, the lieight of a child of nine years of age, we have taken the mean of the child's height in the age between 8 J and 9 years, and the height of the age of 9 and 9A, &c. &c.

Age.

English.

Belgians. '

Boys.

Girls.

Boys.

Girls.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

9 years,

1-202

1-191

1-219

1-195

10 <-

1-234

1-2.32

1-275

1-248

11- „ -

1-273

1-267

1-330

1-299

12 ~

1-306

1-310

1-385

1-353

13 ~ -

1-338

1-347

1-439

1-403

14 -

1-400

1-403

1-493

1-453

15 „ -

1-457

1-420

1-546

1-499

16 ~

1-511

1-502

1-594

1-535

17 ~ -

1-.530

1-518

1-6.34

15.'i5

Of measurements which have been made in Cam- bridge, we have seen that, in general. Englishmen at the time of their complete bodily development are taller than the Belgians ; yet we drew our conclu- sions also from the measurement of students. The results we communicate here are derived from young labourers.
From this it may be seen that the heavy work in manufactories forms an obstacle to the bodily deve- lopment of men. We have already obtained analogous results from the nximbers communicated by Mr Cowell, which refer to the youth employed in manufactories, and from others who were not so employed. In the following table we have placed together notices which, up to the present moment, we have procured on this matter ; they may thus be compared with the preceding observations, and it is to be desired that in other covmtries similar observations should be made.
[Aote.] — We have also inquired into the law of growth of plants, and in several animals ; and al- though we have not as yet had time to pursue them with the requisite care and to the necessary extent, they have already afforded very interest- ing results, and some remarkable points of compa- rison.

Mean Height of Youth from 9 to 25 Years.

Age.

Boys.*

Girls.*

English.t

Scotch. t

Irish.f

Belgium.:}:

Working

Working

in Manu- factories.

Employed.

in Manu- factories.

Employed.

Boys.

Girls.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

metres.

9 years,

1-222

1-233

1-218

2.'iO

10 _ - -

1-270

1-286

1-260

254

1-227

1-200

11 _ - -

1-302

1-296

1-299

323

1-282

1-248

12 „ - -

1-355

1-345

l-.'i64

.363

1-327

1-275

13 - - -

1-.383

1-396

1-413

399

1-359

1-327

14 ™ - -

1-437

1-440

1-467

479

1-403

1-386

15 , - -

1-515

1-474

1-486

1

502

1-6.35

1-643

1-487

1-447

16 ~ - -

1-565

1-605

1-521

475

1-689

1-696

1-559

1-475

17 " - -

1-5.92

1-627

1-5,35

542

1-714

1-724

1-610

1-500

18 ~ - -

1-608

1-775

1-593

1-645

1-729

1-739

1-744

1-670

1-.544

19 ~ - -

1-740

1-750

1-762

1-700

1-562

20 ~ - -

1-744

1-754

1-772

I-7O6

21 ~ - -

1-747

1-757

1-777

1-711

1-570

22 ~ - -

1-750

1-757

1-779

23 ~ - -

1-750

1-76(J

1.784

24 „ - -

1-750

1-760

1-784

25 ~ - -

1-750

1-760

1-784

1-722

1-577

These results were ascertained in the neighbourhood of Manchester.

t These by Jlr Forbes of Edfnburgh. t These by measurement of the wenltliy class.

116

ON MAN.

No. XII.
ADDITION TO THE FOURTH SECTION OF THE SECOND BOOK.
Remarks on the Quality of the Blood, according to the Age and Sex.
We are of opinion that all the relations which may vary in different individuals, either according to age or to sex, ought to be subjected to investigations such as the preceding. In this respect the quality of the blood merits our attention, for it undergoes very remark- able changes. The investigations of MM. Lecanu and Denis have furnished, in respect to these variations, the following results :* —
We observe, in the blood of the foetus, which is ne- cessarily the same as that of the placenta, compara- tively little serum and much cruor ; this quality of the blood also continues for some time after birth, and seems to remain the same so long as the new-born child preserves the peculiar rosy colouring, that is, for two or three weeks.
Prom this period to about the fifth month, the quantity of serum increases and that of the cruor decreases.
From the fifth month to the fortieth year, the quan- tity of cruor increases and that of the serum decreases.
Trom the fortieth to the fiftieth year, again, the serum increases and the cruor decreases.
The following are the mean proportions obtamed by a comparison of the blood of individuals of different ages : —

7 persons from 5 months to 10 j'ears, 13 • • • ■ 10 years • • 20 • ■
11 . . • • 20 ■ . . . 30 • .
12 . . • • 30 • • . ■ 40 . • 6 • • . . 40 • • . . 50 • •
8 • . . . 50 ■ • . . GO • • 2 . . . . 66 • ■ ■ • 70 • •

Proportions. 830 Serum, 11 Cruor. 800 •• 14 •■ 7C0 •• 17 •• 700 .. 17 •• 760 .. 16 .. 780 .. 15 •■ 790 •• 14 ..

These are the results at different periods of life.
As to the different quality of the blood in the male and female sex, M. Lecami has found that in the male there exists comparatively less serum in the blood than in the female. He found, in the

Maximum, Minimum, Mean,

Blood of the Male. 805-263 Seriun. 778-625 ■ . 791-944 . .

Blood of the Female. 853-135 Serum. 790-394 821-764

The blood of the male has consequently 29'820 less serum than that of the female.
On the other hand, the proportion of cruor is greater in the male, as may be seen by the following table: —

Maximum, Minimum, Mean,

Blood of the Blood of the
Male. Female.
148-450 Cruor. 129-999 Cruor.
115-850 •• 68-349 ••
132-150 •• 99-169 ••

Thus the blood of the male sex contains 32-981 more cruor than that of the female.

No. XIII.
ADDITION TO THE FIRST AND THIRD SECTIONS OF THE THIRD BOOK.
Remarks concerning the Highest Development of Ihe Passions.
The author of a kind notice of our work, published in a periodical, considers the opinion very bold that the passions of men attain their highest energy at the twenty-fifth year, and that, consequently, those talents which presuppose the development of the passions, and especially imagination, ought to produce at this

S. Lecanu — Etudes sur le Sane/ Humain. Paris : 1837. 4to. And

"Denis— Recherches Expirimentales sur le Sanff Humain, p. 287.

period of life the most distinguished works. With the view of opposing our opinion, the critic cites the instance of J. J. Eousseau, who began to write his best works when about forty. Even if this instance were completely applicable to the question, it proves nothing : as we see that even the most accomplished scientific men commit such mistakes, it cannot be often enough repeated, that the result of calculations of probability can only apply to masses, and cannot be applied to individual cases. J. J. Rousseau did not die at that age which is usually reckoned the mean duration of the life of man ; and yet no one would think of doubting on that account the correctness and the real value of the bills of mortality.

No. XIV.
Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie JRoyale des Sciences de Bruxelles. 1836. No. 5.
Remarks on the Influence of Age on Insanity, and on the Dispo- sition for Crime, hy M. Quetelet.
In ray work on Man, and on the development of his faculties, I have endeavoured to lay before the public the few documents which science possesses concerning the age most liable to mental disease. The accounts of Paris, Caen, and Norway, the only ones I could procure, all agreed in showing that most diseases of the mind occur between thirty and forty. In order to be able to compare the results, I took the total of the insane as unity, and thus I deduced for the different periods of life the following proportions : —

Paris.

Caen.

Norway

Below 20 years,

0-06

003

0-17

From 20 to 30 years, -

- 0-20

0-17

0-19

•• 30to40 -•

0-24

0-29

0-21

.. 40to50 ••

- 0-22

0-25

0-16

-- 50to60 ••

0-14

0-17

0-13

Above 60 years,

- 0-14

0-09

0-14

Since the publication of the work containing these investigations, I have received, through the kindness of Sir Charles Morgan, some interesting communica- tions regarding the statistics of the lunatic asylums in Ireland, collected by Mr Radcliffe. Amongst these notices, there is a tabular view of 5021 insane, whose age was extracted from tlie tables of tlie institutions. Besides this, I found in the work of Mr Porter — Tables of the Revenue, Population, &c., 1834— a view of the insane in bedlam, which likewise contains information regarding the age of the insane who were received into this institution and not considered incurable. According to this -view, there were, in the years —
Insane. Mean Age of the
Insane.
1830, - - - 201 37 years.
1831, - - - - 212 35 •-
1832, - - - 1C3 37 •-
1833, ... - 184 26 ..
1834, " - - 217 36 •■
They remained in the institution an average jieriod of 204 days. The age of 977 of these insane will be found in the following table, in which also the notices concerning Ireland have been entered.

Age.

Bethlem Hospital.

Irish Lunatic Asylums.

Insane.

Pro- portion.

Insane.

Pro- portion.

Below 20 years, -
From 20 to 30 years,
■ ■ 30 to 40 . •
• • 40 to 50 . -
• • 50 to 60 ■ . Above 60 years, -

61 261 292 203
107
53

0-06 0-27 0-30 0-21 0-11 0-05

500 1551 1284 939 609 136

010 0-31 0-25 0-19 0-12 0-03

Total,

077

1-00

5021

1-00

It may be seen that the numbers of the Bethlem Hospital agree pretty well with those of France and

ON MAN.

117

Norway, according to which most insane exist between the years of thirty and forty ; as far as Ireland is con- cerned, the maximum in this country appears some- what earlier. However, we must not conclude from the circumstance tliat " in general the greatest num- ber of insane are to be found between thirty and forty years of age," that also at this age the greatest number of outbreaks of this disease occur. In order to ascertain the critical age, we must take into ac- count the population and the number of individuals from the different classes given in our table. If we then take the average number of the ciphers for those coimtries of which we now speak, we find —
Mean of the Distribution Proportion

Insane in

the

of the

of the

above 5 Tables.

Population.

Population.

Below 20 years,

0-08

0-40

0-20

From 20 to 30 years,

- 0-23

0-17

1-25

• • 30 to 40 • •

0-26

0-14

1-8C

•■ 40 to 50 -. -

- 0-21

Oil

1-91

• • 50 to CO ■ •

0-13

0-09

1-44

Above 60 years,

- 0-09

0.09

1-00

Thus it appears, that if we have regard to the popu- lation, and if we may be allowed to generalise the pre- ceding results, that the age between forty and fifty, or rather the fortieth year, is the period of life most subject to insanity. In my essaj^ on the Natural Philosophy of Society, I have shown that it is the same age in •ft'hich most masterpieces of dramatic literature are produced in England and France, with this only dif- ference, that England has in that respect a slight advantage over Erance. May Ave draw from this the conclusion, that the human mind is affected by dis- eases which are in proportion to its energy or exer- cise ? This is still a problem, the solution of which is of great importance to society, and which unquestion- ably will be elucidated by the theory of probabilities which is founded on correct observation.
To the preceding question another may be added, which perhaps is even of more direct importance to society, the question, namely. What influence does age exercise over the disposition to crime ? Several years ago I had shoAvn, what the residts of the following years have confirmed, that in France not only the number of crimes committed by individuals at certain periods of life almost always recur in the same pro- portions, but also that the proportions, notwithstand- ing their difference, are equally regular, if we draw a distinction between the different kinds of crimes on account of the sex of the criminals.
Heretofore, the docimients which have been afforded by the administration of justice in Belgium have shown that the same regularity is also to be found with us ; further, that in like manner the proportion of the sexes in criminals of different ages is in both countries nearly the same. From this correspondence of the results, we must therefore conclude that they are either reproduced 5'ear after year by a kind of miracle, or that they arise in a very great similarity of the social organisation in the two countries, in so far at least as regards those relations which influence crime. I have even observed that this phenomenon of moral life shows a greater regularity of occurrence than many phenomena of the material world.
A short time ago, documents have been published regarding the admuaistration of cruninal law in the grand-dutchy of Baden, which likewise furnish infor- mation respecting the age of the accused individuals ;*

Uebersicht der Slrafrechtespjlege it. s. ic. Karlsruhe : 1834. 4to.

(Account of the Administration of Criminal Justice, &c.) The celebrated jurist, Jlittermaier, in commimicating this remark- able work to me, had the kindness to express his opinion regard- ing the investigations in which I was engaged, in tlie following terms : — " I am convinced that the manner in which you view things, proceeding, as you do, by combining facts, is the only way in which we may hope to penetrate the mysteries of nature.

and here again we meet with a remarkable correspon- dence of numbers, as may be seen from the following table : —

Age of the

Grand-dutchy of Baden : 1833.

France

Accused.

Nimiber of the Accused.

Proportion.

1826-18£9.

14 to 18 years, -
18 to 30
30 to 40 .. 40to50 .. - 50 to GO . . 60 to 70 ■• - 70 years and above,

93 784 381 211 106
33 1

0-48/* 0'24 0-13 0-07
0-02 0-00

0-53*
0-23 0-14 0-06 0-03 0-01

1009

1-00

1-00

At what conclusion must Ave then arrive from so many documents Avhich show so surprising a corre- spondence, although the ciphers are not very large ? Must we entirely deny the free will of individuals, or must Ave suppose that it is without influence if we consider the phenomena of society on a large scale — as happens with the phenomena of the material Avorld, where the internal action and reaction of a system do not disturb the equilibrium ? This at least seems to be deducible from observation, if Ave do not perhaps prefer blindly to reject what it teaches us.
That Avhich in my opinion modifies the results of different years, is not the influence of free will, as far as it can in fact be active, but rather the changes Avhich society undergoes by degrees, through the gra- dual reform of its institutions — as through the oscilla- tions of its habits and Avants — changes Avhich fortu- nately take an extremely sIoav course. If the social organisation could experience sudden changes, the influence of free Avill would continually defy our fore- sight, which is of course based on a knoAvledge of past ages. Of Avhat use Avoidd it be then to introduce wise institutions, or to think of a reform in our legislation ? Experience convinces us more and more that, Avith the same social organisation, we may be prepared year after year for the return of the same moral pheno- mena. Violent changes or revolutions may indeed take place, Avhich, for the moment, disturb the common course of things, the influence of which may even pro- dace lasting modifications ; but there is the same rela- tion to be here observed as in epidemics and famines Avith regard to mortality. Do Ave reject the tables of the mean duration of life, upon Avhich insurance com- panies found their speculations, on account of the dis- turbances their operations may experience from the occurrence of an epidemic' We may even foresee a revolution, or any other important shock society receives, at least to a certain extent ; whilst this is not the case as regards an epidemic, and most other cala- mities which devastate mankind. Every country has its table of mortality, as every country must have its table of disposition to crime ; therefore, we cannot conclude that, if we had found regarding the influence of age upon crime in France, Belgium, and the grand- dutchy of Baden, the same restdts, we necessarily also should arriA^e at the same results in England. We juay, perhaps, find others, but I do not hesitate affirm- ing that the ciphers of 1835 Avill also recur in 1836, as the same ciphers have occiirred year after year in France, always under the supposition that the state of society undergoes no remarkable change.
All my investigations regarding the nature of crime lead me to the same results as yours, and the inferences which the legisla- ture might di-aw from them are of the highest importance. It is a sad truth which you profess in your work, that it is society which prepares the crime. This truth is especially confirmed by the statistics of recidive cases (relapses.)

The French tables do not follow the same divisions according

to the age.

118

ON MAN.

Mr Porter, to whom we owe very interesting sta- tistic contributions, lias, sometime ago, published the first accurate tables respecting the age of the accused throughout the whole of England, for the year 1834 ;* and his results agree with those of France, Belgium, and the grand-dutchy of Baden, in so far as the maxi- mum of the number of criminals belongs to the same

Age of the Accused.

England: 1834.

France :

Accused.

Proportion.

1826-1829.

Below 16 years, - From 16 to 21 years, .. 21 to 30 •• . . 30 to 40 • • • . 40 to 50 • • ■ • 50 to 60 • • Above 60 years.

2,604 6,473 7,069 3,146 1,525 686 303

0-12 0-29 0-32 0-15 0-07 0-03 0-02

0-02 016 0-35 0-23 0-14 0-(»6 0-04

21,806

1-00

1-00

A remarkable diflFerence between the tables of England and those of France is to be found in the circumstance, that in the former country there is com- paratively a much greater number of juvenile accused than in the latter. This is partly owing to the cir- cumstance, that the English assizes have also to decide on most of those crimes which in France are brought before the correctional police. Before the bar of the latter there appear, however, far more juvenile accused than before the assize or criminal courts. On the other hand, there is in England a class of criminals who train up children as implements for theft and all kinds of petty larceny.f But if we set aside these two causes, and other deviations which render difficult tlie comparison between two countries whose institutions and laws are so different, I think I require to yield nothing of the views with which I concluded several years ago a paper on the disposition to crime, which the academy directed to be inserted in tlie seventh volume of its Transactions, namely, that this afflicting condition seems to be developed in proportion to the intensity of the bodily strength and the passions of men, attaining their maximum about the twenty-fifth year, the period when the body has nearly reached its full development.
Afterwards the intellectual and moral development, which follows a slower course, contribute to the de- crease of this disposition to crime, which in after life becomes still more striking in consequence of the de- crease of the bodily strength and of the passions.

No. XV.
Extract from the Bulletin de VAcademie Boyale des Sciences de Bruxelles : 1836. No. 6.
Influence of Age upon the Disposition to Crime.
Addition to the foregoing remark : — " Every country has its table of mortality, as every country must have its table of the disposition to crime," &c. &c.
When I communicated, about a month ago, the preceding remarks to the academy, I did not imagine that so soon thereafter facts would confirm, in the most decided manner, my opinions. I was then citing the proportional number of criminals of different ages, as the result from the statistical documents regarding England for 1834; and observing that they agreed with those of Belgium, France, and the grand-dutchy

Tables showing the Number of Criminals Offenders in the

Year 1834, &c.
t The cause which likewise must influence the results respect- ing the number of juvenile criminals, is, that the population of England has proportionally more children than that of France. From the tables of populatio7i for the two countries, it results, that in England, for 100 below M years, there are only 150 adults, whilst in France there are more tli.in -ioo.

of Baden only in so far as the age of 23 years ap- pears as that when most crimes are committed, I had no hesitation in saying, that the differences which are exhibited in other respects are by no means acci- dental, but must be the result of the social organisa- tion of England; so that, as their organisation has been the same in 1834 and 1835, the ciphers observed during the former year ought also to occur, without change, in the latter. The documents of the Enghsh tribunals for the year 1835, which Mr Porter kindly communicated to me a few days ago, have just now decided the question. The following is an extract from the two reports : —

Age of the Criminals.

12 years and less, 12 to 16 years, 16 to 21 . . 21 to 30 • • 30 to 40 • • 40 to 50 • • 50 to 60 • • 60 and above, Age unknown ,

Total,

Proportion for each Age.

1-78

1-67

9-82

9-70

28-83

29-65

31-49

31-92

14-01

14-01

6-79

6-60

3-(l6

3-24

l-a5

1-30

2-87

1-91

These results, which differ considerably from those of France, agree, as we see, with each other in a re- markable manner ; especially if Ave take into account that we have not to refer to Poisson's Law of great numbers. These were, in fact, during the two years the documents of which Ave haA-e compared, founded on 22,451 and 20,731 criminals: this makes, accord- ing to Mr Porter —

In WU, .. 1835, -

1 criminal to 619 inhabitants. - 1 . . . . 631

ISM.

1835.

10-94
- 6-50 73-97
0-72
- 1-92

9-72 6.53 74-66 075 1-78

5-95

6-56

- 100-00

100-00

The same regularity appears, also, in respect to the sex of criminals ; for of 100 criminals, there Avere
84 men and 16 women in 1834.
83 . . . . 17 . . . . 1835.
The same regularity is also observed in other relations Avhich come under our view. Thus we find, for in- stance, if Ave distinguish between the different crimes,

Crimes against person, .... property, with violence,
without violence.
Injury to property, - - - - -
Forgeries, &c., . . . - .
Crimes not included under the preceding
categories, . . . . .

Total, -
This regularity is certainly as great as that which has been observed in the annual number of births and deaths, and still greater than that which has been observed in the recurrence of certain phenomena con- sidered as purely physical. England, then, forms no exception to the folloAving thesis : " There is a budget which is paid with frightfxd regularity — a budget, namely, of prisons and scaffolds." I repeat once more, because i attribute a great importance to this observation, that "Human society, considered on a large scale, exhibits laAvs similar to those which regulate the material A\-orld ;" that the greater the number of ob- served individuals may be, the more avUI disappear all bodily and intellectual peculiarities ; and the series of general phenomena, by means of Avhich society erects and maintains itself, predominates Avith remarkable regularity in their recurrence. Thus the possibiUty may be explained of analysing the different fiiculties of men in an inductive manner ; and what in future will be Avanting to us are, not methods of observation, but observations made in sufficient number and Avith sufficient care to claim full confidence for the deduced results.

[ 119 3

TRANSLATOR'S APPENDIX.— PHYSIOLOGICAL AND PATHOLOGICAL
STATISTICS.

It was originally my intention to have added exten- sively to the admirable work of M. Quetelet, novr sub- mitted for the first time to the criticism of the British public ; but two considerations have induced me to lay aside this idea, at least for the present. The first is, that accurate and official details, upon either general or national statistics, are not yet procurable, to a pro- per extent, in Great Britain. Secondly, the additional matt«r, even admitting it to be perfectly accurate, which could scarcely have happened, must to a cer- tain extent have led the attention of the reader from the main object — the leading idea, if I may so speak, of the work — tliat bright and original conception of a great mind, which those who have perused the pre- ceding pages must now fully understand.
Hitherto the attempts to apply to hiunan physio- logy and pathology the science of numbers and weight, have neither been very numerous nor very successful. I shall merely select a few instances as illustrative of the principles advocated by M. Quetelet.
L— PULSATIONS OF THE HEART.
The left ventricle or cavity of the heart acts as a powerful piston, and by its contractions discharges into the great artery of the body a certain quantity of arterial blood at each contraction. These contrac- tions constitute, in fact, the pulse of the heart ; but as the blood so discharged passes rapidly along the arteries to every part of the body, it is usual for the physiologist, and more especially the medical man, to reckon the number of these contractions at some of the more remote arteries, and the radial artery at the wrist is for many reasons the vessel usually selected. The phenomenon called the pulse, is erroneously sup- posed by many to reside in the arteries ; but it is, in man at least, dependent solely on the heart's action and on the pressure of the observer's finger. It will now be understood, then, that by the number of the "pulsations" is meant the number of contractions which the left ventricle of the human heart performs in a given time.
The statistics of these pulsations, also of the num- ber of respirations, had not escaped the observation of medical men. The reader is by this time aware of the extent of the valuable researches of M. Quetelet on these points — correct so far as they go, but requiring modification in consequence of an important element or two having been overlooked in the inquiry.
About one hundred years ago, Dr Bryan Robinson* made many accurate observations respecting the hu- man pulse. If Kepler was the first to endeavour to arrive at the " constants" of the human pulse, yet he probably failed to discover that remarkable law, so clearly stated by Dr Robinson, which rests on the in- fluence of posture (and muscular action generally) over the number of the human pulsations. " I took," says he, " the pulses in a minute, and measured the lengths of a

A Treatise on the Animal Economy. Dublin : 1733.

great number of bodies. I took the pulses when the bodies were sitting, that they all might be situated alike with respect to the horizon ; and in the morning before breakfast, that their hearts might be as free as possible from the influences of all disturbing causes ; and when I had got a very large stock of observations, I took the means of the pulses." Unfortunately, he has not published the tables of observations on this point — a great neglect in an original observer, render- ing it impossible for future experimenters to verify his observations. Instead of this, he says that he found those means " to be nearly as tlie biquadrate roots of the cubes of the lengths of the bodies inversely." Language of this kind has happily disappeared from most modern physiological works.
In the following table he lays down two other laws of the human pulse, tending to prove that the quick- ness of the pulse is, to a certain extent, inversely as

Pulse from

Ages

Length in

Observation

Pulse

in Years.

Inches.

before Breakfast,

by Theory.

and Sitting.

72

65

65

ti8

(>7

68

GO

72

74

14

55

77

79

12

51

«2

84

9

id

90

91

i;

42

97

97

3

.33

113

111

2

.32

120

119

1

2«

126

132

i

25

137

144

(1

18

150

184

the age and height. Having exemplified these laws of the pulse by a variety of observations and remarks, he next attempted to measure the effects of diet and stimulants, and of the time of day ; but in this he failed, as was shown in 1812-14 by Dr Knox, whose in- quiries and experiments led to the following conclu- sions : —
" 1. That Dr Bryan Robinson was the discoverer of the ' differential pulse in man ;' that he described it perfectly, and ascribed it to its real cause.
2. That he appreciated correctly enough the influ- ence of food, and other disturbing causes of the heart's action, but that he knew nothing of the precise nature of the laws regulating these actions, not having sub- mitted them to any statistical inquiry.
3. He first proved indisputably, that from birth to adult age, the rapidity of the pulse constantly declines, and he has given an accurate statistical table to prove this.
4. He endeavoured to show, by the same numerical method, that the rapidity of the pulse was inversely as the height of the person : or, to give an example, let A be five feet, and let B be six feet, then the pulse of A is to that of B as 72 to 65. But this table is not carefully drawn up, and the actual conclusions are not legitimate, though the law may be a correct one.

120

ON MAN.

5. He suspected a diurnal movement in the rapi- dity of the pulse ; namely, that it decreased during sleep, and increased from morning until night. With several of his conclusions I do not agree.
Lastly, He attempted to ascertain, statistically, the effects of muscular motion on the pulse in health ; the ratio of the pulsations to the inspirations ; and the immediate result on the heart's action, of a temporary deprivation of air."
The true nature of the fourth law, regulating the human pulse, was discovered by Dr Knox in 1812-13 -. he calls it " the diurnal revolutioyi of the pulse," and he proA^ed that there was not only a natural, numerical, diurnal revolution in the hearths action, but that there existed a fifth law, namely, " a diurnal revolution in the excitability of the heart to stimulants of all kinds." These remarkable laws being opposed to the received medical notions and physiological theories of the day, were much disputed ; but they have been completely proved by subsequent observers. The following re- marks, quoted from his Memoirs, will readily explain these laws to the general reader : —
" The question of an average pulse for any parti- cular age can only be put, at least in this form, by those ignorant to a great extent of the physiology of the pulse. Systematic writers on physiology, by stating such questions and replying to them, display a desire to satisfy the general reader at the expense of truth. The pulse varies every hour of the day and night, and after every meal ; it is extensively influenced by merely rising from the sitting to the erect i^osture ; and how, without a special attention to these cu'cumstances, any one can arrive at an average pulse, it is somewhat difficult to imagine. Nothing can be more vague and more unsatisfactory than the following table : —
Average of the Human Pulse at Different Ages, according to Bryan Robinson.

Age.

Length in Inches.

Pulse.

At birth,

...

18

150

~ ^ year, -

-

25

137

-, I -.

...

28

126

~ 2 ~

.

32

120

.- 3 -

.

35

113

~ 6 ~

.

42

97

^ 9 ~

...

46

90

«12 ~ -

.

51

82

^14 ~

.

55

77

60

72

68

67

72

65

Magendie.

Elmotson

Mayo.

(last Edition.)

Before birth, 128

At birth,

130 to 140

At birth, - 140

~ 1 year.

120 to 130

At 1 year, - 124

At 1 year, - 120

«. 2 ~

100 to 110

-2 „ - 110

~ 2 „ 100 to 110

~ 3 ~

90 to 100

AMien the first

~ 7 ~

85 to 90

teeth drop out, 86

- 14 ~

80 to m

At puberty, 8(i

At puberty, - 80

Adiilt age,

75 to HO

At manhood, 75

Adult from 70 to 75

First old nge,

65 to 75

Old age, about Gd

Old age, - 611

Confirmed do.

60 to 65

Scarcely found it twice alike.

Here the oldest writer is not only more minute, but approaches perhaps nearest to the truth.
Such tables as the above, are, for the most part, slightly varied copies of each other, and in respect to them I would make the following remarks : —
No mention is made how the averages of these three last tables were struck. "We are left to guess, 1 st, at what time of tl\e day the pulse was noted, and if in all the individuals at tlie same time of day ; 2dly, in male or female ; 3dly, sitting, lying, or standing ;

4thly, before or after meals ; 5thly, morning, noon, or night ; 6thly, whether sleeping or waking.
A little reflection clearly shows that there can be no such thing as an average pulse, unless counted under circumstances precisely similar in aU the indi- viduals experimented on ; and even then we should only obtain the average for that particular hour and time of day. This would be an average pulse in a certain sense. In the absence, however, of such data, the practical utility even of which I question, there still are some, imperfect as they are, which merit attention.
In order to arrive at even an attempt at a fair average, we are forced to go back to Dr Robinson's Treatise, written nearly a hundred years ago, and find it to contain the only approach at an analysis of this subject. He gives, in Table II., the average pulse of two men at every hour of the day (whilst sitting), from 8 A.M. until 11 p.m., taken for several weeks : the mean of these waking hours was — for A, 76 ; for B, 78. But still there is a meagreness of detail, and a narrowness of observation, rendering it impossible to base, on such observations, any important conclusion.
The mid-day pulse of 25 yomig gentlemen, taken between the hours of 12 and 2, in July 1836, was as folloAVS :—

No.

1. H.
2. 11. -
3. R.
4. H. -
5. G.
6. M'G. 7.S.
8. AV. -
9. T.
10. E. -
11. H.
12. W. -
13. AV.
14. S.
15. D.
16. F. -
17. AV.
18. C. ■
19. K.
20. B. -
21. T.
22. D. ■
23. S.
24. M'D. 25.0.

Mean, ■

Age.

5 feet 5i inch.
„ 7 "
6 ~ li - 5-6 ~
~ - 5 ~ 5 „

Height.

/5 10 6-0
5J

5-5 5-8 5-6 5-8 5

3J 6
9 11 11 11* 7" 5-10 5-8 10*

Pulse Sitting.

72-4

Pulse Standing.

72

75-4

This table, which was drawn up with the greatest attention to accuracy, discloses some curious facts in the history of the pulse. So far as could be determined, all these young gentlemen were m good health, with one exception ; and yet we find two, in whom the pulse constantly decreased on rising from their seat, and became accelerated on sitting down ; being the very reverse of a law which all physiologists had thought to be universal.
Besides these two, in whom the pulse showed so singular a character, there Avere six others Avho had no differential pulse, that is, in whom the muscular action required to maintam the body erect did not accelerate tlie pulse a single beat.
Is there, or is there not, a " diurnal revolution " of the pulse in respect merely to numbers, independent of stimulation by food or exercise ? Now, I fancy that this has been completely proved in my first memoir, published more than twenty years ago. But some liave asserted that this morning acceleration and evening retardation depends altogether on the use of food and other stimulants, and that, were it not for these, the pulse would not rise early in the morning and fall towards evening, but would smk constantly. This opinion is incorrect, as the following table, given as a specimen of the experiments by which the exist-

ON MAN.

121

ence of a differential pulse was established, -will tend to show : —
Table showing the differential pulse, observed in Mr S., aged 20, morning and evening ; proving a diurnal revolution, both as to numbers and as to excitability, altogether independent of food or exercise, and proving the morning pulse to be quicker than the evening one.

Date.

Hour.

Horizontal.

Sitting.

standing.

Differential.

April 5,

10 P.M.

53

64

78

25

~ 6,

7 A.M.

60

75

SW

30

~ 7,

7 A.M.

65

80

90

25

- 8,

10 P.M.

57

66

78

21

_ 9,

7 A.M.

65

80

90

25

~ 10,

rlO A.M.

60

82

95

35

XU) P.M.

58

70

76

18

Average Differential Pulse. Morning, - 28-7 Evening, - 21-3
Horizontal. Sitting. Standing. Average morning pulse, - 62 78'3 90
Average evenin g pulse, - 56 67 77
The apartments occupied by Mr S. (a gentleman of the most regular habits and in excellent health) seemed to me cold, and exposed to the boisterous westerly Avinds of this cUmate. I have no doubt that tlie temperature of the room had fallen greatly during the night, otherwise the difference between the morn- ing and evening pulse would have been still more marked.
The morning pidse was of course noted before breakfast.
AVithout doubt, were we to continue long without food, the pulse Avovdd first sink, and then become ex- ceedingly quick on the sUghtest excitement. No one doubts this ; but that tlie morning pulse is quicker than the evening one, altogether independent of anj' stimulants, is proved, I think, beyond a doubt by this and other tables.
The next question, which is a more important one in many respects, is as to the existence of a diurnal revolution in the excitabihty of the heart ; by this I mean a varying susceptibility, according to the time of day, for a healthy powerful action of the heart, when influenced by food, exercise, &c.
The numerous observations detailed throughout this paper, and in my former memoir, published in 1814-15, may, it is hoped, settle this question with mipreju- diced i)ersons. The excitability of the heart dimi- nishes regularly from an early hour until late in the evening. Indeed, I have reason to think that, since the publication of my first memoir in 181.5, few have doubted this fact ; and I beg leave, therefore, to refer at once to that memoir."
The following observations will explain to the reader the nature of the " elements" omitted by M. Quete- let:—
" I can nowhere find in the valuable woi'ks of M. Quetelet, that he was aware of the effects of position on the pulse, or of its diurnal revolution, or of the diurnal change in its excitabihtj- ; and this lessens, I regret to say, the otherwise entire confidence I and all others woidd be disposed to place in the results arrived at b}' this profound and ingenious philosopher. In the tables, for example, constructed to determine the influence of sleep on the pulse and respiration, compared with the waking state, no mention is made of the time of day or night, nor of the position of the person whilst awake, Avhether horizontal, sitting, or standing upright. The piUsation of the person sleep- ing woidd, in aU probability, be reckoned in the even- ing, at a time when the pulse sinks naturally, altoge- ther independent of sleep.
Again, he found that in a male child from four to five years old, the pulsations and inspirations were —

In the construction of these tables, two great data have been neglected, namely, the position of the per- son and the time of the day.
If the pulsations and inspirations were reckoned during the night, as an index of the effects of sleep, then the effects of the time of day are mistaken for the effects of sleep ; for at midnight the pulse nume- rically is low in a healthy and stout person, whether asleep or not, and the excitability of the heart is nearly at its zero. Again, the pidse would be counted at one time whilst the person was in a horizontal position, and at another time whilst sitting, or even standing. This would also make a difference of 10 or 12 beats, which M. Quetelet has not taken into account. I question much if any effects arise from sleep, except- ing of a very trivial nature ; but restlessness and watchfulness, arising from any cause, when the body ought to sleep and requires it, would produce a highly excited pulse, the result of weakness and temporary ailment.
In this climate, the temperatiu-e of our rooms often sinks very much during winter, and especially towards the morning ;* with the temperature the pulse sinks, and this may be one cause why, as I have just re- marked, some have doubted the fact of the pulse being quicker in the morning than towards evening.
The effects of a cold room in depressing the pulse, is such, that even the active exercise of writing fails to counteract it.
The folloAving table shows that the pulse remained much depressed under circumstances in which it ought to have risen very much : —

1st December.
2 A. M. — In bed, - -
5 A. .M.— Sitting and writing for some hours,
(There was no fire in the room).
6 a.m. — Still writing, ...
7 A. M. — Ditto, ....

Asleep.

Awake

Pulsations, -

- 77-3

Pulsations, -

93-4

Inspirations, -

- 24-5

Inspirations, -

- 29-3

Here the pulse ought, but for the cold room, to have risen very much, for the action of writing raises the j)ulse considerably ; that of composition still more. Those whose minds are much occupied with business, are not/a(> subjects for experiments on the pulse.
The use or abuse of Avine and spirituous liquors, renders all observations on the pulse inaccurate. These liquors, in my opinion, are purely medicinal. Their daily, or even frequent use in any cUmate, or in any quantity, I apprehend to be a great error in regimen, and can never be required. I think them directly opposed to the enjoyment of perfect health and strength."
I shall conclude these remarks by adding the gene- ral residts : —
" 1. The velocity of the heart's action is in the direct ratio of the age of the individual, being quickest in 3'oung persons, slowest in the aged. There may be exceptions to this, but they do not affect the general law.
2. The question of an average pulse for all ages has hitherto been determined upon insufficient data.
.3. There is a morning acceleration and an evening retardation in the number of the pulsations of the heart, independent of any stimulation by food, &c.

The thermometer being seldom above 61 or 62 degrees of Fah-

renheit, even with a strong fire in the room. It is unnecessary to remark to any medical person that, if he sits before a strong fire, his pulse will rise almost at any time, and that if he sits still in a cold room imtil his feet feel chilled, his pulse will sink pro- portionally ; hence, if possible, all observations on the pulse ought to be made in summer. I attribute to an inattention to the fact of the coldness of apartments in this country generally during the night and towards morning, why some have thought that there is no diiuTial revolution of the pulse as to its numbers, inde- pendent of stimulation by food and otherwise ; or, in other words, that the pulse will not accelerate towards morning spon- taneously.

122

ON MAN.

4. The excitability of the heart undergoes a daily revolution, that is, food and exercise most affect the heart's action in the morning and during the forenoon, least in the afternoon, and least of all in the evening. Hence Ave should infer that the pernicious use of spiri- tuous liquors must be greatly aggravated in those who drink before dinner,
5. Sleep does not farther affect the heart's action than by a cessation of all voluntary motion, and by a recumbent position.
6. In weak persons, muscular action excites the ac- tion of the heart more powerfully than in strong and healthy individuals ; but this does not apply to other stimulants — to wine, for example, or to spirituous liquors.
7. The effects of the position of the body in increas- ing or diminishing the number of pulsations, is solely attributable to the muscular exertion required to maintain the body in the sitting or erect position ; the debility may be measured by altering the position of the person from a recumbent to the sitting or to the erect position.
9. The law of the differential pulse is not universal. There are exceptions to be found even in those in per- fect health. It is also possible that there may be some in whom the diurnal revolutions of the pulse takes place only in consequence of the use of stimulants. But this has not been proved satisfactorily.
10. The most powerful stimulant to the heart's ac- tion is muscular exertion. The febrile pulse never equals this.
11. The law of relation between the inspiration and pulsation of the heart lias been stated by M. Quetelet."

II.— CLIMATE.
Since the publication of M. Quetelet's work, the different effects of various climates on tlie sickness, mortality, and invaliding of British troops, have been carefully and admirably investigated by Major Tul- loch.* Tliese researches are not confined exclusively to British troops, as they include an inquiry into the effects of climate on the Negro or black troops in the British service, when removed from the tropical to colder but yet comparatively warm, or at least mild, regions of the earth. Previous to laying before the reader some of the more important results deduced by Major Tulloch, from the data placed in his hands by the unwearied exertions of Sir James Macgrigor (to whom the chief merit of these reports is due), I shall take the liberty of making the following observa- tions.
The various cUmates of the globe may practically be arranged under two zones or belts — inter-tropical and extra-tropical, north and south of the equator. The extra-tropical regions may again be subdivided into two or three regions, whicli may be designated as warm, temperate, and cold or frozen. These respective regions differ much in climate, and, to a great extent, in their botanical and zoological sections, including man himself; for, whilst the tropical regions of the Old World liave been inhabited from the earliest his- toric period by the Negro and other dark-coloured races, the warm chmates have equally been held by the Pelasgic, Copt, Syrian, Arab, and Jewish (on the supposition that these are distinct races of men) ; the temperate by the Celtic and Saxon ; and probably (for the fact is not certain) the cold or frozen by a race, the Fin and Laplander, differing from all the others. The following observations may conveniently form an introduction to the subject of emigration, which I shall discuss in the next section.

See Statistical Reports ordered to be printed by the House of

Commons.

The influence of climate over the health of Euro- peans of the Saxon and Celtic races, in tropical regions possessing no countervailing advantages, such, more especially, as great elevation (this being seemingly the only security), had been ascertained, at least practi- cally, and on a great scale, long prior to Major Tul- loch's researches. The first report of that gentleman referred to the West Indies. " The main object kept in view," says the major, " lias been merely to deter- mine the extent of sickness and mortality at each sta- tion, the diseases by which it has been induced, and such causes of these diseases as appear sufficiently obvi- ous or tangible to admit of remedy." This report was followed by a second on the sickness, mortality, and invaliding among the troops in the United King- dom, the Mediterranean, and British America ; and this by a third on Western Africa, St Helena, the Cape of Good Hope, and the Mauritius.
It would appear, from these documents, that neither the Saxon, nor Celtic, nor mixed race, composing the troops of Great Britain, can withstand, even imder the most favourable circumstances, the deleterious influence of a tropical climate. Disposed at one time to ascribe this sad result to the deplorable habits of intemperance, the besetting vice of all soldiers, I am now, though most reluctantly, compelled to admit that even temperance, however it may diminish the effects of the climate, and add to the chances in favour of the European, is by no means a permanent security. So far as regards the vast regions of the earth — the most fertile, the richest — the question as to their per- manent occupancy by the Saxon and Celt — I mean as Britain and France are now occupied, or any other country, by its native inhabitants — will be regarded as settled by almost all who peruse these reports. The Anglo-Saxon is now pushing himself towards the tropical countries ; Mexico has been invaded and partitioned ; another battle of San Jacinto wiU shortly decide the fate of California ; Central Mexico may follow, and Peru : but can the Saxon maintain him- self in these countries — in Brazil, Columbia ? — It is to be feared not. Experience seems to indicate that neither the Saxon nor Celtic races can maintain them- selves, in the strict sense of the word, within tropi- cal countries. To enable them to do so they require a slave population of native labourers, or of coloured men at least, and, in addition, a constant draught from the parent country. The instances of Cuba, Brazil, Mexico, Columbia, &c., where the Spanish and Por- tuguese seem to be able to maintain their ground, do not bear so directly on the question as many may suppose : for, in the first place, we know not precisely the extent to which these have mingled with the dark and native races ; and, secondly, the emigrants from Spain and Portugal partook, in all probability, more of the Moor, Pelasgic, and even Arab blood, than of the Celt or Saxon.
But can these latter maintain their ground in the warm but extra-tropical regions of the earth ? This question has not yet been fully answered. The Dutch have held possession of the Cape for nearly two hun- dred and fifty years, and have thriven well ; have been free of disease, and multipUed exceedingly ; but — and here comes the trying part of the question — they have never laboured. So with Algeria, which the Celt now attempts to colonise. Can he stand labour in the field ? I doubt it exceedingly. Time alone can satis- factorily offer a solution of this question. Yet in many parts of Southern Australia, the Saxon and Celtic races can withstand labour in the field ; but the ex- periment has been made on too limited a scale to warrant important deductions. But the cold and frozen regions they tolerate easily ; it seems, indeed, to have been their congenial soil. Yet even here, fever, that scourge of the human race in aU climates, commits sad ravages, and consumption of the lungs, by its numerous victims, causes many ever-recurring woes. But the reproductive principle is equal and

ON MAN.

123

even much superior to all the diseases incident to these climates when inhabited by their indigenous races ; not so, however, when the natives of tropical countries attempt to settle in them. IMajor Tulloch has proved that to them such climates are at least as disastrous as the tropical regions have proved to Eu- ropeans.
Before concludmg these general remarks, I take the liberty of adding a single one in respect to acclimata- tion. When our troops occupied Walcheren and Flush- ing, during the deplorable scheme of invading Europe, the mortality assumed a most alarming character : it more than decimated the British troops, as it seems always to have similarly affected the French, the Dutch or Saxon inhabitants suffering, as was said, in no shape from fever, wondering at the mortality amongst the British, and asserting the climate to be as good as any other. Now all this, if true, must arise from acclimatation, seeing that both races, English and Dutch, arise from one parent stock ; and it seems probable, therefore, that in progress of time the de- scendants of those very men who fell in the prime of life at Flushing, cut off by fever, might experience no ill effects from a climate to which they and their fore- fathers, for several generations, had become inured. This is merely thro^vn out as a hint for future in- quirers. In the mean time, it has been proved tlvat the mortality of our troops increased with length of residence in the West Indies and in all tropical coun- tries, so that acclimatation is the reverse of salutarj', at least in so far as regards the first emigrants. This law holds even in cold climates, such as Britain, at least in regard to large towns, a residence in which, by persons who have come to reside in them from the country, is constantly injurious to health ; the longer always the worse. So much for the theories of medi- cal men in respect to acclimatation ; on careful in- quiry they have proved (a not unusual occurrence) the reverse of truth.
Upon the whole, every reliance may be placed in the following deductions by Major Tulloch, the result of the first series of his inquiries.
" It has been supposed by many, that the diseases which prove so fatal to Europeans in these latitudes, especially fevers, are, if not a neccssarj', at least a very general, consequence of continued exposure to a high temperature. The suificiency of this, however, as a uniform cause of sickness and mortahty, is con- tradicted by the fact, that these vary considerably in different stations, the mean temperature of whicla is nearly alike. The range of the thermometer, for in- stance, in Antigua and Barbadoes, is rather higher than in Dominica, Tobago, Jamaica, or the Bahamas ; yet we find that the troops in the latter stations suif'er nearly three times as much as those in the former. There are also several instances in which epidemic fever made its appearance, and raged with the utmost virulence during the winter months — a circumstance not likely to have taken place if that disease had originated in increased temperature.
If elevated temperature was an essential cause of the mortality to which Europeans are liable in this climate, we might expect it in every year to produce similar effects ; whereas, on the contrary, it appears, from the tabular statements in the preceding report, that the mortahty in one year is sometimes twenty times as high as in another, without any perceptible difference in the range of temperature. This fiict has already attracted the notice of some medical authors, Avho, in treating of yellow fever, adduce instances of various epidemics both within and beyond the tropics, during which the temperature was not above the average, and was sometimes even a Uttle below it, and inversely where the existence of a high tem- perature was not attended with the prevalence of fever.*
♦ Craigie— Prac<«c« if Phytic, pp. 224, iX, 2rj. I

In accounting for the unhealthiness of these colonies, great influence has been ascribed to excess of mois- ture.
That neither heat nor moisture can be the prknary causes which influence the health of troops in the West Indies, is at once established by referring to the comparative view of the ratio of mortahty in each year at every station, in which there are numerous instances of two adjacent islands, or even of two con- tiguous stations in the same island, being subject in an equal degree to the operation of these agencies ; and yet, while the one has been desolated by the ravages of fever, the other has been enjoying a de- gree of salubrity equal to that of Great Britain.
Though heat and moisture are not the primary causes of fever, however, it is highly probable their operation tends in some measure to increase its in- tensity. The tables illustrating the influence of the seasons on the health of the troops in each station, show, that the greatest number of admissions into hospital, and deaths, has, on the average of a series of years (though not uniformly or equally in each year), taken place in those months Avhen the greatest degree of heat Avas combined with the greatest mois- ture ; and it may be observed, as a striking exempUfi- cation of this fact, that as the sun proceeds northward in the ecliptic, carrying heat and moisture in his train, the period generally termed the unhealthy season is later in the northern colonies than in those to the south.
The unhealthy character of that period of the year in whicl) the greatest degree of heat and moisture is combined, is not, however, confined to the West Indies, but extends also to the East, as well as over a large portion of the northern temperate zone." Hence (Major Tulloch continues) these causes cannot spe- cially render the AVest Indies so unhealthy. He also shows, by a comparison of stations, that neither can tlie rank vegetation of marsh or savannah be held the primary cause of West Indian maladies, and concludes with the following suggestion, which chimes in with an idea gradually acquiring more and more importance in medical statistics : —
" We are too sensible of the diflSculty of the subject to venture on any theory of our own, which might on subsequent examination prove as futile as those which preceded it ; but we merely wish to call the attention of such persons as may be disposed for further inquiry, to the circumstance tliat as j^et no experiments have been made on the electrical condition of the atmo- sphere in the West Indies, diu-ing periods of epidemic ; and as it is possible either an excess or deficiency of that powerful thougli miseen agent, may exercise an important influence on the vital functions, the subject seems worthy of attention. Heat and moistiire are Avcll known to be intimately connected with the deve- lopment of electrical phenomena, and its influence on vegetation has also recently been estabUshed by ex- periment ; consequently, if the prevalence of disease could be satisfactorily traced to that source, the rea- son why heat, moisture, and vegetation should have been mistaken as the causes, when acting oiUy as auxiharies, would be readily accounted for ; and even should the results leave the cause of disease as unde- termined as before, science will at least be benefited by the inquiry." The main practical result accruing from the researches of IMajor TuUoch, has reference to the effect of an elevated site on the he;dth of a resi- dent population within the tropics.
This is a point deeplj^ affecting all such colonisa- tion schemes as that proposed for the Darien isthmus, and other tropical locahties. The report demon- strates, beyond a doubt, as regards remittent fever, " that, at an elevation of from 2000 to 2.500 feet, set- tlers or troops are likely to be either wholly exempt from that disease, or to encounter it in so very mo- dified a form, that the mortality from all causes will not, on the average of a series of years, materially

124

ON MAN.

exceed that to Avliich an equal number of European troops would be subject in the capital of their native country. The diseases of the tropics seem, like the vegetable productions of the same regions, to be re- stricted to certain altitudes and particular degrees of temperature. The researches of Humboldt on this subject haA'e tended to establish that yeUow fever is never known beyond the height of 2500 feet, so that the nearer this boundarj' can be approached the more likely is the health of the troops to be secured."
In the second report by the same able statistician, ^ve find the following deductions. Tliey refer chiefly to the comparative salubrity of the lilediterrauean stations, and those occiipied by our soldiery in North America. After showing that the Mediterranean troops, from many causes independent of climate, are less exposed to the influences producing pulmonary disease; Major TuUoch proceeds thus : —
" When M'e find, notwithstanding all these circiun- stances apparently so favourable to the greater deve- lopment of these diseases in Canada and Nova Scotia, that the troops there do not suffer fi'om them to a greater extent than in the Mediterranean, it would manifestly be incorrect to attribute their prevalence in North America to the reduced temperature, and sudden atmospherical vicissitudes, incident to that quarter of the globe, seeing that the sufferings of the troops from these diseases are equally gi-eat in other climates Avhere no such causes are in operation to induce them.
The caution necessary to be exercised in attribut- ing to certain pecuUarities of climate the prevalence of any class of diseases, is so strikmgly exhibited by the proportion of rheumatic affections ascertained to have occurred among the troops in different colonies, that the following abstract wiU best serve to illustrate our observations on this head : —

Admissions from

Rheumatic

Affections annually

per 1000 of mean

Strength.

Jamaica, . . - -

29

Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,

30

Bermudas, - - - -

33

Malta, ....

34

Ionian Islands,

3ii

Gibraltar, ...

38

Canada, ....

40

Mauritius, ...

46

AVindward and Leeward Command,

49

United Kingdom,

60

Cape of Good Hope,

- 67

Thus we find that in the mild and equable climate of the Mediterranean, or the Mauritius, tlie proportion of rheumatic affections is even greater than in the inclement regions of Nova Scotia and Canada, and that, though some of the provinces of the Cape of Good Hope have occasionally been without rain for several years, these diseases are more frequent in the dry climate of that command than in the West Indies, where the condition of the atmosphere is as remark- ably the reverse ; yet have extreme cold and atmo- spheric vicissitudes, coupled with excess of moisture, been assigned as satisfactory causes for their preva- lence.
Considering that medical officers have hitherto pos- sessed no means of comparing the influence of sucli diseases in different climates, any erroneous impres- sions which may be entertained on that subject, need not excite surprise. The information now collected, in regard to those prevalent among troops in every colony, will best serve to counteract such impressions, and afford a surer basis for future theories on that subject.
The results of this report, in regard to the relative prevalence, at different stations in British America, of remittent and intermittent fevers, add still further

to the difficulty of establishing any uniform connexion between the presence of marshj^ ground and the ex- istence of those febrile diseases to Avhich the exhala- tions from it are supposed to give rise.
When, in subsequent reports, we come to investi- gate the operation of these diseases on the west coast of Africa and other colonies, Ave shaU be able to ad- duce stiU more satisfactory evidence on this subject ; in the mean tune, we have felt it our duty to place the preceding facts in a prominent point of view, not for the purpose of establishing any particular theory, but to show how inadequate, in many instances, is the supposed influence of emanations from a marshy sod to account for the origin of these diseases. AU the evidence obtained seems only to A^arrant the in- ference, that a morbific agency of some kind is occa- sionally present in the atmosphere, which, under cer- tain circumstances, gives rise to fevers of tlie remit- tent and intermittent type; and that, though the vicinity of marshy and swampy ground appears to favoiir the development of that agenc}^ it does not necessai'Uy prevail in such locahties, nor are they by any means essential either to its existence or opera- tion.
Notwithstanding the doubt in which this branch of the investigation is still involved, we may venture, from the facts adduced in all the reports hitherto sub- mitted, also to draw the conclusion, that when this morbific agency manifests itself in the epidemic form, its influence is frequently confined to so limited a space, as to afford a fair prospect of securing the troops from its ravages, by removal to a short dis- tance from the locality where it originated. The history of the epidemic fevers at Gibraltar furnishes several remarkable instances of this kind ; and we liave also shoAvn that, both in the West Indies and Ionian Islands, one station has frequently suffered to a great extent from yellow fevei% while others, Avithui the distance of a few miles, have been entirely exempt. In the epidemic cholera at Montreal and Hahfax, which seems to have been in this respect somewhat analogous in its operation, we have also had occasion to remark the sudden cessation of the disease imme- diately on the removal of the troops, even to a short distance.
Instead of entering, therefore, into any discussion as to the causes which seem thus to limit the range of these epidemics to particular localities, we shall merely call the attention of medical officers to the fact, that on the outbreak of any serious disease of that nature, they may forthwith take into considera- tion the expediency of removing the troops from the locality where it originated — a measure which, when- ever camp eqvupage can readily be procured, or the necessary accommodation obtained for them, is likely to be attended with but little temporary inconve- nience, and may probably lead to the happiest results. ^Ve are aware that this suggestion is by no means a new one, having already been made and acted upon in various colonies, and we only advert to it now, for the ijurpose of bearing testimony to its apparent effi- cacy, and encouraging the adoption of it Avhenever circumstances will permit."
It may be interesting to many of our readers to have placed before them the following section on the " Influence of the Seasons in producing Sickness and Mortality among the Trooi)s serving in North Ame- rica" : —
" The following table, illustrative of this subject, has been prepared from the retiu-ns of the Canada command. In Bermuda, Nova Scotia, &c., the dates of the admissions and deaths have not been recorded Avith sufficient regularity to admit of similar results being exhibited on as extensiA^e a scale, and avc have therefore confined our calculations to Canada, Avhere, on account of its severity, Ave might expect to find the influence of Avinter on the health of the troops very strongly manifested .- —

ON MAN,

125

Table showing the Influence of the Seasons on the Sickness and Mortality of Troops in British America.

IMonths.

Admissions into Hospital in 20 Years of Troops in Canada.

Deaths in 20 Years of Troops in Canada.

By Acute Diseases.

By Chronic Diseases.

By Surgical Diseases.

Total by aU Diseases.

By Acute Diseases.

By Chronic Diseases.

By Surgical Diseases.

Total by aU Diseases.

January,
Februaiv,
JIarch,
April, - - -
Jlay, -
Juue,
July, -
Augxist,
September,
October, -
November,
December,

2,142 1,918 l,f»oO 2,551 2,820
4,183 5.144 4,440 3,055 2,708 2,252

273 227 206 294 303 298 353 354 .•)32 241 229 197

2,270 2,026 1,910 2,038 2,216 2,479 2,570 2,678 2,436 2,280 2,241 2,072

4,085 4,171 4,126 4,883 5,339 5,840 7,105 8,176 7,208 5,576 5,268 4,521

3(J 31 31 33 28 58 53 103 54 38 32 35

35 23 41 39 34 37 29 21 24 27 27 23

5 3 3 1
9 8 4 4
3 3

76 57 75 73 64 104 9<J 28 82 71 62 01

Total,

36.310

33C(J

27,216

66,898

532

360

51

943

Thus, so far from the extreme severity of the winter in Canada operating very prejudicially to the health of the troops, we find, that in January, February, and March, wlien the minimmn of tlie thermometer is many degrees below zero, the admissions from acute diseases, in which the influence of the seasons is most likely to l)e manifested, are not half so numerous as in July, August, and September, while those from chronic and surgical diseases are also lower, though not in the same proportion. In fact, so rare are the cases of sickness during winter, that not more than five and a half per cent, of the force come imder treat- ment monthly ; whereas, during July, August, and September, the monthly admissions average more tluin ten per cent, of the force. The ratio of deaths follows the same law, though the influence of the cholera during the summer and autumn of 1832 and 1834 increased the relative mortality at that period in a still greater proportion than the admissions.
The numbers reported sick on each muster-day, establish the same results in regard to the compara- tive salubrity of the winter season, not in Canada alone, butjilso in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Bermuda.

Mean Sick.

Nova Scotia

Canada.

and New

Bermuda.

Brunswick.

January,

124

72

28

February,

125

73

27

March,

124

72

30

April,

127

69

31

May,

123

78

30

June, - - -

1.35

81

30

July,

144

82

32

August,

161

89

35

September,

162

84

33

October,

136

80

34

November,

124

67

32

December, -

116

67

.30

The general prevalence of febrile afiections in Upper Canada during summer, might be supposed to account for the preponderance of sickness there at that season ; but the same peculiarity extends also to the lower province, where febrile diseases are more rare. The same feature is observable among the civil inhabi- tants, as will be seen from the following abstract of the deaths in each month among the population of the several districts in the lower province, made up pursuant to an order of the House of Commons, dated 6th December 1832.

Deaths in each Month, from 1829 to 1831 inclusive, in the following Districts of Lower Canada : — ■

Total

Months.

Quebec.

Mon- treal.

Three Rivers.

Caspar.

St Francis.

in whole Pro- vince.

Januarv,

974

1186

194

10

1

2365

Februarj',

986

1241

244

16

2

24!»

March, -

1005

1.325

292

10

3

2735

April, -

1012

1293

318

2629

May, - -

978

1382

392

14

6

2772

June, -

1129

1496

307

10

1

2943

July, - -

1464

2221

3(J8

13

4068

August,

1395

2178

358

9

5

3945

September,

1147

1502

240

11

1

2961

October,

956

1.392

215

15

„

2578

November,

950

1130

186

11

2

2279

December,

1070

1236

170

14

2

2498

Thus, even in the lower province, where intermit- tents are comparatively rare, June, July, August, and Septenaber, prove much more fatal to the civil inhabi- tants than the most severe of the winter months. The preponderance of mortality during that period may in a slight degree be accounted for by the influx of emigrants in summer, but is by far too great to be entirely attributable to that source ; especially as the preceding abstract shows that it commenced prior to the month of April, while the ports Avere closed, and again fell to its former level in November, though many of the emigrants must have been still in the province.
In the state of New York, the seasons are found to exercise a corresponding influence on mortalitj^ even when no visitation of 3'ellow fever is experienced. From 1816 to 1826, the dates of decease of 24,852 per- sons were carefully recorded, and of every thousand of these deaths the relative proportion in each month was found to have been as follows : —

January,

-

75

July, -

- 95i

February,

75i

August,

108i

March, -

-

74

September,

- 109J

April,

-

73

October,

97

May,

-

72

November,

- 79^

June,

Total,

65

December,
10<J0

75i

From aU these facts, then, we are forced to arrive at the conclusion, that the constitution of the soldier, serving in these commands, is not affected in any material degree either by the extreme severity of a North American winter, or the sudden transitions he undergoes at that season, in passing from a heated guard-room, with the thermometer at 80 degrees, to his sentinel duties in the open air, under a tempera- ture of 25 or 30 degrees below zero. On the contrary, the degree of health enjoyed by the troops during winter is not exceeded in any quarter of the globe.

126

ON MAN.

The extreme rarity of sickness and mortality among the crews of vessels employed in the arctic regions, when exposed to a lower temperature, and still more sudden vicissitudes than any Ave have had to record, affords a striking illustration how little the constitu- tion of our countrymen is likely to be affected even by the severest climate to which they are exposed.
While febrile affections of the intermittent and re- mittent types prevail during sprmg and autumn, bowel complaints during summer, catarrhs and all the train

of pulmonary affections during spring and the com- mencement of the winter, there are comparatively few diseases of any kind during the severest part of the season, except those of the eyes, induced by the re- tiection of the snow, frost-bites from exposure, and a few cases of acute rheumatism and pneumonia, which, however, may be said to prevail with equal severity at other periods of the year."
The following table is also curious and interesting, as contrasting the soldier and the civilian.

Ages.

By Tables of
Scotch Benefit
Societies.

By Tables of
English Benefit
Societies.

Returns of East
India Company's
Labourers in
London.

Returns of Portsmouth
Dock Labourers.

Returns of Woolwich
Dock Laboiurers.

Constantly Sick per 1000,
Average number of Days 1 Sick in each Year, - >
Average Duration of each i Attack of Sickness, - J

.20 to 30 \30 to 40
20 to 30 30 to 40 20 to 30 30 to 40

11-4 13-2
Days. 4-1 4-8

15-4 18-3 Days. 5-6 6-6

13-6 1
13-8 ;
Days. 4-021 5'06>
18-7 I 22-6 <

19-9
Days.
7-3
13-2

23-4
Days.
8-5

In the third report by IMajor Tulloch, the two ex- tremes are happily contrasted, viz.. Western Africa and the Cape of Good Hope ; the latter, perhaps— nay, almost certainly — ^the healthiest climate in the world, the former proverbial for being a grave to Europeans. His details fully bear out the general character of the stations. In conclusion, it may be remarked, that, independent of all other important results, these reports are peculiarly valuable from the ample refutation they afford, to all minds open to conviction, of the more generally received medical theories in respect to the causes of many fatal and harassing diseases. They may also prove of much practical benefit, in freeing the minds of emigrants from those terrors which the very thought of particu- lar localities has long been apt to induce. Rheumatism

and ague rise to the mind, whenever men think of a Caniidian winter ; but we find that, in reality, the soldiery in the Mauritius suffer more severely from that disease than they do in British America. In short, jMajor TuUoch's elaborate researches lead to the conclusion, that atmospheric causes, operating on all climes in common, and modified only to a compara- tively slight degree by local circumstances, form the great source of the morbific influences affecting man kind. When this point is more fully investigated, and fitting remedial means discovered, emigration will be stripped of half its difficulties, and a new lease given to civilised man, as it were, of a large portion of the globe, of which at this moment he can scarcely be called the occupant.

END OF TREATISE ON MAN.

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