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Georg Curtius, Greek Etymology, English edition, translated by Wilkins and England

Full text of volume 2

PRINCIPLES OP GREEK ETYMOLOGY. By GEORGE CURTIUS, PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG . TRANSLATED, WITH THE SANCTION OF THE AUTHOR . BY AUGUSTUS S. WILKINS, M. A .. PROFESSOR OF LATIN AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER , AND EDWIN B. ENGLAND, M.A., ASSISTANT LECTURER IN CLASSICS IN THE OWENS COLLEGE , MANCHESTER . VOLUME II. LONDON : JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, 1876 . Lately Published . THE STUDENT'S GREEK GRAMMAR. A GRAMMAR OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE. By Professor CURTICs. Translated under the revision of the Author . Edited by WM. SMITH , D.C.L. Eighth Edition . Post 810 , 68. ELUCIDATIONS OF THE STUDENT'S GREEK GRAMMAR. By Professor CURTIUS. Translated with the sanction of the Author. By EVELYN ABBOT, M.A. Second Edition . Post 8vo. 18. 6d. A SMALLER GREEK GRAMMAR. FOR THE USE OF THE MIDDLE AND LOWER FORMs. Abridged from Curtius' Larger Work. Eleventh Edition. 12mo. 38. 64 . THE ACCIDENCE OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE. Extracted from the above Work . 12ino. 28. 6d . Translators' Preface. Quim$. -Q- 10 The proof- sheets of the present volume have had throughout the advantage of the revision of Professor Curtius. In addition to some minor additions and corrections, an important change has been made for this translation by the author in pp. 307–309, as a result of the discovery stated by him in his Studien Vol. VIII p. 465. The few additions and corrections which have been made by the translators have also received the author's sanction. The pages of the third German edition have been added in the margin , enclosed in brackets , for the convenience of students, as reference is made to that edition in several popular manuals. In the first volume this was the less necessary that the greater part of it was occupied with the lexico graphical arrangement of groups of words, to which reference is usually made by the number of the group. The character j has been retained throughout for the palatal spirant , denoted in English by y. This has been done mainly in order to bring clearly before the reader the identity of this use of the character with that which is common in Latin words. But it is believed that it will also be of advantage to the student thus to become familiar with the sign invariably used for this sound in German works on philology. We cannot omit this opportunity of calling attention to the Rev. W. W. Skeat's ' Hand- list of some Cognate Words in English , Latin , and Greek ' , which contains the English representatives of many of the roots discussed in these volumes. The numbers in the indexes refer throughout to the pages of the fourth edition of the German work , which will be found , not enclosed in brackets , in the margin. Contents . Book III . Irregular Substitution of Sounds ( pp. 1-412). Pages Retrospect, and preliminary considerations: the general re lations of sounds to each other . . 1-51 A) Sporadic transformations of explosives 51–159 1. Labialism 51-89 c) from gh 99-101 a) a from k . 56-73 d) Dentals from la b) ß from g . 73-85 bials ? . . . . 101--104 c) from gh 85-87 e ) Apparent insertion d) Labials from dentals 87-89 of a dental 104-106 2. Dentalism 89--106 3. Aspiration.. 106-134 a ) < from k . 91–95 4. Loss of aspiration 134-146 b ) 8 from g . 96-99 5. Softening 147 --- 159 B) Sporadic Changes of the Nasals 160-166 C) Sporadic Changes of the Liquids. 166–180 D) Sporadic Affection of the Spirants 181-339 1. Transformations of 4. Further Changes 232- 234 the Digamma . 182-234 2. Transformations of a) Digamma changed the J... 234--339 to a vowel 184-203 I. Traces of the exis 1. v = f . 184-192 tence of J in Greek 234-237 2. o oro f . 192-200 II . Vocalisation of the J 238-245 3. i representing F ? 200—203 1. 1 = j .. 238-239 b) Prefixed vowels as j 1. 12. E 239-245 witnesses to a di 3. V j 245 gamma 203-211 III. Change of J into c ) Digamma trans other Consonants 245-312 formed to other A) j as y 245--249 consonants 211--234 B ) Relation of j to Ś 1. p = f . 211--219 249-312 F 219–228 1. § as the represen 3. y F 228-232 tative of dj ... 249-254 . and d . 2. U CONTENTS V in - 60 . A) dv dj aj, pe VV . . a) Initial 250-253 nected with verbs b) In the middle of 295-297 a word 253–254 297--298 2. $ from gj though ι) βδ 298–299 254-255 a) d at the end of roots . 299--305 3. & and dd for dj . 255-259 a ) Initial 5. d with a parasitic j 305-312 256-257 b) In the middle of IV. Changes of the J in connexion with 2 word 257—259 other consonants . 313-339 4. J or I with pre 1. λλ ej, fixed 259-305 vj 315-316 a) Ś j 261-269 2. 66 oj. 316 b) di j 269-272 3. 60 ( tt) from tj, $ j 316-318 c ) de 272-273 4. 66 ( 17) from nj, xj 318-321 d) 8 j . 273-305 5. Ś dj and vj?. 322 a) Feminines in -2 6. GG (TT ) apparently and -18 . 277–281 from aj, & appar B) Stems in -ad 281-284 ently from Bj . 322-323 7) Patronymics in 7. 66 (tt) apparently -da ... 284-286 from dj and yj. . 323-328 d) Names of young 8. xo from ghj . . 329 animals in -dev 286-288 9. πτ supposed to come € ) Adverbs in -da, from pj, bhj, bj . 329-332 -δον, -δην, -δις 288-293 10. uv supposed uj 333-334 $) & for j in verbal 11. I asal transposed forms . 293-295 into the preceding n) & in noms, con syllable . 334-339 E) Interchange between the spiritus asper and lenis 340-351 1. The lenis in the place of the asper 343-346 2. The asper in the place of the lenis 346-351 F) Groups of Consonants . 351-372 1. Loss of a Consonant 352-359 2. Change of organ . 359--361 a) Loss of a sibilant 352 , 357 3. Other affections 361 - 363 b) Loss of another 4. Several affections consonant . 357-359 combined . 363-372 G ) Dissimilation with a view to avoid a like sound in con secutive syllables . 372-378 H) Sporadic vowel- change 378--389 1. i as the representative of a 378--382 2. v as the representative of a 382-387 3. 1 and v interchanged 387-389 I ) Vowels prefixed and inserted . 389-404 1 ) Vowels prefixed . 391-399 . . . . . VI CONTENTS 399-404 405-412 2 ) Vowels inserted Final Considerations . Indexes . I. Index of Subjects II . Greek Index . III . Italian Index IV . Sanskrit Index . V. Eranic Index . VI . Teutonic Index . VII . Letto - Slavonic Index A. Lettic B. Slavonic VIII . Keltic Index . 413-421 422-471 472-491 492-505 506 --- 508 509-519 520-528 520- 524 524-528 529 --- 533 In the second book 616 * ) words and families of words 409 are quoted, in which we thought we could establish the ( 377 ) regular representation of the Indo -Germanic sounds, by the corresponding Greek sounds, as it is stated p . 83 ff . and in the table p. 123. As it is not unimportant to form a clear conception of the wide extent to which the rule holds good , before we pass on to consider the exceptions, we will begin our present task with a short retrospect. In these investigations, as well as elsewhere , numerical proportions contribute to the formation of more definite ideas. Though these can be only approximate, inasmuch as the separation of individual roots and stems rests upon no principle which can be very exactly defined , it is im possible to deny to them a certain value. In the first place the number 616 is raised to 657 by the fact that 41 numbers occur more than once (marked with a and b , sometimes even with c ) : this has of course been done only to avoid disturbing a numeration once fixed by the sub

• ) No. 73 has been omitted by an oversight, No. 217, 276 have been cancelled, hence there are only 616 , not 619 , as the

cortinuous numeration would give. I have left this uncorrected in later editions , because the correction , and also the removal of the double numbers would have necessitated many numerical alterations, without any corresponding advantage. CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 1 2 BOOK III . 77 " 22 τ > » 22 22 > » > > » > > 27 > 22 > sequent addition of other numbers. But further, the greater part of the roots and words quoted serve not only as an instance of a single, but in the great majority of cases to establish a double or triple representation of sounds. For instance, rt. dak (No. 9) has been quoted only under x , but it may serve just as well as an example for d and for a. Thus the 657 numbers contain a considerably larger number of examples of the regular substitution of sounds. If we pay no regard at all to the vowels and only con sider the consonants , we get the following general result. 410 In addition to the 129 examples quoted for x we may ( 378 ) add from the remaining letters 11 total 140 to the 53 examples quoted for y we may add 9 62 42 x 1 43 51 14 65 53 o 21 74 29 ਹੈ 2 31 67 35 102 6 B 4 10 23 13 36 Of examples of the guttural n ( 7) there are 7 to the 33 examples quoted for v we may add 32 65 40 32 72 36 P » 122 158 42 2 78 120 17 59 76 5 1 6 13 F 58 71 8 spir. asp. 16 24 3 I 2 5 The grand total is therefore 1167 certainly a considerable number, especially as regard is paid here to the agreement of the consonants in stem -syllables alone, while this is excluded of course in derivative or inflexio nal syllables , however clearly recognizable, and the case is the same with the agreement of the vowels. And as almost all the examples quoted give rise to a greater or less 22 > > 22 2 91 2 ܕܕ ܬܐ << < " >> 2 > >> » > >

امید « « و > » " 22 22 » > S >> > > " > RESI'LTS ALREADY OBTAINED . 3 number of derived words which are not taken into cal culation , we may estimate tolerably well how important a part of the Greek vocabulary follows the regular subs titution of sounds; or in other words , to what an extent the Greek vocabulary corresponds to that of the kindred languages without our assuming any other transitions of sound than those postulated in the fundamental law already stated. But the numbers here given have also another value : they give us a clear idea of the relative frequency of the several consonants. It is noteworthy that in stem -syllables the most common of the consonants which have been faithfully preserved are 0 , , 2 , 1 , 0, , d , t , v , y , and that too in the order here given, while ß can only be proved to have been original in 10 examples. From this last fact, we are tempted to doubt whether the sound b existed before the time of the separation of languages, and whether it did not possibly estab lish itself first in a later period of severance, which only (379 ) became complete by degrees. ( Cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 411 122). This is the reason why in the table on p. 85 a note of interrogation is appended to b , where it is given as an Indo - Germanic sound * ). Also in examining the irregular transitions of sound, the several numerical proportions of the regular substitution will be of importance to us , that we may measure by the help of these the extent of the sporadic transitions. In etymology , which admits of so much doubt in different directions, we cannot afford to neglect the advantage supplied by definite numbers. We do not, however, by any means intend to plunge any deeper into calculations of this kind , though they are not unimportant. This is rather the place, seeing that here we are on the point of passing from the rule to the exception , to enter generally into the question of the possibil

• ) The b as an Indo - Germanic sound has found a champion in

Bickell Ztschr. XIV 425. But even he can only point to a small number of words , in which it is probable that the b existed originally. 1 * 4 BOOK III . ity of the exception , and, where this is possible, to find a principle for the deviations from the rule. We may consider it as proved that language is on the whole ruled by fixed laws , which operate with the force of nature; and that such laws especially and preeminently concern that department of language, with which we have here to do , the world of sounds, but little affected by the capricious action of the self - conscious spirit. But as this world of sounds is a natural object, apprehended when in constant, though slowly advancing change, it follows, as we have already seen above , that the sounds of no single language preserved to us correspond entirely with those which we may assume as proper to the primitive Indo - Germanic language, before the kindred tongues branched off. But on p . 23 we recognised as the fundamental direction of this change, the downward tendency, the diminution , or, as we thought we might best describe it , the 'weathering away ' of sounds. For in fact it is very natural to compare these with stones which are gradually diminished and wasted by atmospheric influences , and yet retain so stubbornly their core ; the more so that by means of this figure we oppose an incorrect theory of growing and sprouting, which is justified for another department of the life of language. The sounds of language as such do not increase but dimin ish , they do not grow , but wear out, and get rubbed off, or , to express it otherwise, after the structure of a nation's language has been on all essential points established , in ( 380) the course of time the nation allows more and more of 412 the phonetic value of words to be lost. Not as though this contradicted the ineffaceable connexion, which we felt bound to assume between the sounds attached to words and the conceptions denoted by them . But a conception, which at the first ' outbreak ' of the word required a full sounding phonetic form , was often adequately denoted, after the conception had once been firmly established , by a weaker group of sounds, an abbreviation as it were, or shadow of the original. Weakening is therefore the main NATURE OF PHONETIC CHANGES. _5 principle of all phonetic change which is not occasioned either by the contact of sounds one with another, or by the purposes of the structure of language ( p. 52 ff.) *) . And this principle comes ont clearly in the regular represent ation of the Indo - Germanic sounds in Greek. For at any rate the two kinds of extensive phonetic change, which we denoted on p. 87 as “ splitting of sounds' and loss of sound ', are , considered more closely , a wearing off, and confusion. There is no need to prove this in the case of loss of sound. No one can doubt that there has been a diminution of sound , if the Greeks replaced the primitive vastu ( No. 206) afterwards by @otv , with the loss of the

• ) Max Müller (Lectures II 176 ) uses for the phonetic phenom

enon , which we call weathering away', the expression “ phonetic decay ' , and rightly regards as the cause of it a certain ' laziness of utterance or muscular relaxation '. But we can hardly follow him in believing it possible to distinguish from the phonetic changes, which thus arise , a second kind , which he denotes by the name of dialectic growth ’ or dialectic variation ' : and still less can we assume that the source of this second phonetic change was an earlier, undefined pronunciation of the sound . Indefiniteness of sound seems to me inconsistent with that forcible articulation , which is especially characteristic of the oldest languages. Besides , dialectic differenti ation never ceases. If the difference between the Skt. ap and the Lat. aqua were only to be explained by supposing that neither the guttural nor the labial was heard before the break - up of the prim itive Indo - Germanic language, but something between the two , we should be obliged to assume likewise an undefined pronunciation for the Lat. aqua , inasmuch as we find apa replacing it again in Wallach ian. Further, as a Teutonic h (Goth. ahva) corresponds to this p qu , we should have to postulate a sound , fluctuating between p , k and h . But where does any such sound exist ? Our task is rather to refer all the phonetic changes to one source. But this laziness of utterance , constantly increasing in the course of time, operated in different ways . And this difference we must try to explain from the nature of language. We may assume in this case three main kinds of motives : firstly , the influence of neighbouring sounds; secondly, the production of involuntary by - sounds, or parasitic sounds; and then thirdly, a more intellectual principle, the desire to distinguish words. 1 6 BOOK III . ( 381 ) digamma. But the splitting of the vowel is also a wearing 413 off. a is the vowel , the production of which requires the clearest and sharpest articulation , as we can see from the fact that in very many languages it passes sometimes into o , sometimes into e in the mouths of those who are less educated , and in consequence have less control over their organs of speech , the physical reason of this lying in an altered position of the mouth. From this natural characteris tic of the a, it never arises in Greek and Latin from any other vowel. The splitting of the old Indo - Germanic a into a , e , o, therefore, otherwise regarded , amounts to this, that in a number of instances a is retained , in a number more it is ' weathered away ' , sometimes to e , sometimes Of course, this splitting secures peculiar advantages, especially to the two Graeco - Italic languages, in which it is most regularly carried out ( p. 89), and is used by the spirit of language for the most significant and various distinctions* ); so that weathering away , otherwise regarded, presents itself as beautifying and enriching language. Only from the stand - point of natural history , which we here occupy , this change falls under the fundamental principle of the weakening of sound. The same is seen at the first glance to be the case with many other changes and alt erations. Certainly no one could deny that the Greek v arose by weakening from the Indo - Germanic u ; and hence that the Boeotians, who retained the u , have an advantage over the remaining Greeks in the retention of the more vigorous sound, just as the majority of the Romance nations have over the French , who are in this respect to be com pared to the Greeks. For there is no doubt that the pronunci ation of theGerman ü, as it exists in its genuine form and fully brought out in the north of Germany, may be regarded as established for v , at any rate during the most flourishing period of the Greek language: at a later time this sound un to 0.

• ) Cp. my essay “ Comparative Philology in its relation to Class

ical Scholarship ' [ E. T.] p . 33 : [ Peile ? pp. 6—7 , 213 — 215 ]. INSTANCES OF WEAKENING . 7 questionably underwent a further thinning, until at last it entirely coincided with i. ( Elucidations of my Greek Gram mar p. 25) . But the sound ü arises from u by the tend ency which the pure u shows to pass into i , the thinnest and lightest of the vowels , by the oinission of the pro trusion of the lips, needful , as physiologists show * ), to bring out the full u . The weakening of u into v was the first instance in Greek of the appearance of that tendency, ( 382 ) which has been constantly growing in the course of 414 time , to give i a predominance over all vowels. Hence the change from u into v is the beginning of that itacismi, which we find developed into such excessive monotony in modern Greek. ( Cp. Heyse System der Sprachw. p. 268) . Among the specifically Greek transitions of sound al ready mentioned the change of an initial s into the spiritus asper was spoken of above. This transition is distinguished from those just discussed by the fact that it is not by any means universal. For , on the one hand, in ordinary Greek it is only found at the beginning of a word , and then always before vowels, and on the other hand, it is not universally carried out even here. Sometimes the old o is retained , either by the side of the spiritus asper : gūs by the side of ús (No. 579) , or without any such by form : σάος (No. 570), σάω ( No. 571 ) , σίαλον ( Νο. 557), būpivě ( No. 519) . But the number of stems , in which this is the case , is after all a very small one , compared with the many stems , which admit this change at the beginning before vowels. Of 28 stems with o before a vowel , which have been discussed in the course of these investigations, the five just mentioned , and one which has to be discussed hereafter, gépo , are the only ones , which the comparison of the cognate languages makes it 2

• ) Cp. Brücke Grundzüge der Physiologie und Systematik der

Sprachlante (Wien 1856 ) p . 21 : though here it is the converse change from i to ü which is described. It is much to be desired that physiologists should explain especially those transitions of sound which occur in the history of language. 8 BOOK III. as probable that the sibilant originally stood immediately be fore the vowel. On the other hand there are 11 of them in which the loss of a consonant is probable (e. g . oidnoos No. 293 , σάλπιγξ No. 388 , σιγή No. 572 , συ No. 578), one in which we can show that o comes from t (oú Tv ), and two in which we can prove that there has been softening from a harder group of sounds ( oúv from čúv, σώχω from ψώχω) . We must therefore regard it as the exception for o to be retained before vowels , while the rule is for it to pass into the aspirate. In the same way we were obliged to regard the change from the two other spirants v and j to the aspirate, as falling under regular change of sound. Hence as this change of sound thus forms part of a still wider analogy, inasmuch as we may ascribe to the Greek language a disinclination to spirants à characteristic peculiarity, so on the other hand we gain support for the change of s into an aspirate in the fact that this sibilant is regularly dropped between two vowels. For instance , it has long been recognized that we must assume the intermediate form X - óvt , or , more clearly written , ch - ont as the step between the postulated participial stem {6 - OVT Indog. as- ant, Skt. s - ant, Lat. s -ent, and the Homeric é - ovt ; and, especially in the Lacon ian dialect, we have positive evidence of the existence of (383 )such an internal aspiration for the earlier sigma ( Mõ& 415 for Mõoa) * ). Consequently the tendency of a sigma to change before vowels into the spiritus asper is one of the phonetic laws of Greek. This tendency recurs in the Pers ian family of speech , and in the Welsh branch of the Keltic languages ; some traces of it can be proved to exist in the Carinthian dialect of the New High German (Kuhn Ztschr. XII 398 ); according to Max Müller (Lectures II 164) it is also found in some Polynesian languages; accord ing to Ascoli Fonol. 23 it occurs in the Italian dialect of

• ) Giese Acol. D. p . 310 ff., Ahrens D. Dor. p. 74 sqq. Kuhn

Ztschr. II 135 . INSTANCES OF WEAKENING . 9 Bergamo and in the French of Lothringen ; and thus it is proved to be a tendency founded upon the nature of the human organs of speech. So far as I know , no one has as yet shown how this transition is to be precisely represented. Here too room is left for physiological explanation. But there is no need to stay to prove that the spiritus asper is a weaker sound, that it requires less force of articulation than the sigma. Our physiologists hardly regard h as a consonant (Brücke op . cit . p . 8) , inasmuch as ' this sound arises from none of those conditions, which give rise to all the other consonants'. Thus the law of 'weathering away ' is preserved here too , and modern linguistic science, in maintaining the unqualified priority of the sibilant, as against earlier unscientific theories of ' the thickening of the aspirate ' or of ' a variation between s and h ' , has not merely the majority of languages, but reason too on its side. The simple fact that Latin , as compared with Greek, retains this s , would be sufficient to refute false views as to its derivation from Greek. So far we have found all the changes of sound which we have examined , agreeing with the general tendency, which has been pointed out. On the other hand this does not seem to be the case with certain other changes, which have been also already mentioned. The aspirates especially have to be taken into consideration here. We saw that X regularly corresponds to an Indo - Germanic gh, q to a wh , o to a dh. To understand this change of sound, we have first to determine the actual sound of the Greek aspirates; and doubts have been recently expressed about this , especially by Arendt in ' Kuhn's und Schleicher's Bei träge &c. ' II p . 283 ff. Arendt, whose services in the physiological explanation of this process we shall hereafter readily acknowledge, maintains, as regards the phonetic 416 value of the Greek aspirates , that these sounds were only ( 383) for a short time actually double sounds, composed of a hard explosive sound , followed by a breathing, and that at an early time they had passed into hard spirants. 10 BOOK IU . It must be certainly admitted that this transition did take place

for the characters

x , 9 , 9 denote for the later Greeks no longer aspirates, but spirants

and if Priscian

I p . 12 (Hertz) is right in stating the only difference ( ' hoc solum interest ' ) between the Greek 9 and the Latin f to be that the former was pronounced with closed lips ( “ fixis labris ') at any rate q was in his time a spirant, though not indeed like f and the modern Greek p a labio - dental, but rather an interlabial spirant. The question as to the pronunciation is here, as generally , to be stated more exactly thus

when did the new pronunciation begin

? how long are we to suppose the older pronunciation retained ? That the Greek aspirates were still really double sounds in the classical period of Greek antiquity

) is proved by the following considerations, which it would , I think , be difficult to set aside

1 ) the moveable nature of the breathing, which a) is easily detached from the explosive element: πέ - φυ-κα for φε - φυ-κα , έ - τε -θην for έ - θε - θην , τρέφ - ω from rt . Opeo ( cp . p. 52 ), and thus leaves behind the hard explosive sound ** ); b ) but , though its position varies , does not do away with the feeling that forms like fpéyo and toégo belong to each other, and hence c) in the various dialects attaches itself to different explosives in the same word : Ion . ένθαύτα , ενθεύτεν , κιθών, by the side of the ordinary Greek ενταύθα , εντεύθεν , χιτών

i 11

) Lepsius shares my view . Cp. inter alia his essay on the Arabic sounds ( Verh . der Berl. Akad . 1861) p . 105. Ch . Schleicher Comp 3. 201 , Leo Meyer Vergl. Gr. I. 43.

) Hence the extremely common interchange of tennis and aspirate in inscriptions on vases etc .: Χάλχος , Χόλχις , "Έχθωρ, Ευταχ tos. Cp . Jahn Abhandl. der k. sächs. Ges. d . Wiss. Hist. philol. Cl. III p . 739 , Keil Philologus XXIII 259 , and especially Roscher's essay mentioned below . If the pronunciation of x 9 had been like that of the Germ . spirants ch , f , Engl. th , this would be quite incom prehensible . PRONUNCIATION OF THE GREEK ASPIRATES. 11 d ) finally makes a tenuis , with which it is brought into immediate contact, into an aspirate: ág' où for in oủ, though in the popular language, regulated by no grammar, which is supplied us in the inscriptions, we find 417 in this matter the most marked fluctuations between tenuis and aspirate , e. g. άφεστάλκαμεν and απεσταλμένη on the same inscription ( Keil Schedae epigraphicae p . 11 ) . I doubt whether these phenomena are to be found in any language in the case of unmistakeable spirants. On ( 385) the other hand, at any rate the first and second phenomena have their analogies in Sanskrit : da - dhâ - mi for dha -dhû mi, bhót- sjámi by the side of bôdh - âmi: and in this language even Arendt recognizes the sounds under discussion as genuine aspirates. If x had the pronunciation kh, xé - xv tai is to the rt. xu quite as xé-κτη- μαι is to the rt. κτα. 2) The manner in which barbarians, where they are brought before us speaking Greek , imitate the aspirates. The Scythian in Aristophanes Thesmoph. 1001 ff . in altoiav, Avháči, the Triballian in Aves 1679 in oovito substitute the tenuis for the aspirate. 3) The manner in which the old popular Latin re produces the Greek aspirates (Ritschl Monumenta epigraphica tria p . 28) . It is well known that here the aspirate is regularly represented by the corresponding tenuis. In the case of $, to be sure , this does not say much , because the Romans had no dental spirant, which came near to the later Greek 9. But still they had at their command s , which they used e. g. for the by no means identical Greek § ( sona Soóva ), and which certainly comes nearer to the sound of the English th than the pure t does . And yet they pronounced tesaurus, Corintus, tiasus. In the same way they were by no means without a sound for X , supposing this to have been already a spirant, which, though not adequate, still came very near to it. For it has been supposed with justice that in the breathing of the Latin hi there was more friction against the palate, than in the Greek spiritus asper. But in no Greek word does h take 12 BOOK III . t and p. the place of the Greek X : at this time it is regularly c : calx zálig , Nicomacus, Aciles. The difference between o and f consisted , according to Arendt's views , only in the fact that the former was an aspirate produced entirely by the lips, while the latter was produced between the lower lip and the upper row of teeth . But how are we then to explain the circumstance that in the older time the place of g is so rarely taken by f in Greek words , but far more commonly by P, which is much farther removed from a spirant: Poino- s = Doivig, Pilemo = Φιλήμων, Nicepor ( Nixngópos), Sisupus, purpura = roogvoã , or by b : Bur rus, Bruges Πύρρος , Φρύγες ? On the contrary all these phenomena, of which the excellent Index grammaticus to Mommsen's Corpus Inscr. Lat. p . 600 is now a store house, are completely intelligible, as soon as we assume for that period sounds, the first element of which was k, Indeed even at the time of Ulphilas, the sound of the Gr. x at any rate does not seem to have been by any means that of the Germ. ch, for in Gothic it is very often 418 represented by k : drakma, malkus (Rumpelt I 194) , and in other cases , e. g. in the name Christus, it is preferred to express it by a special sign of its own ; and yet the Gothic (386 ) h in the groups hr, hi , hn cannot in any case have been pronounced very differently from the assumed spirant, and therefore it would have been very natural to make use of this sign, if the sound of the x had been that assumed by Arendt. 4) Though we must not lay much stress upon the evidence of ancient writers as to the pronunciation of their sounds in general, because of the indefiniteness and am biguity of their descriptions, yet it is worth while noticing that Dionysius of Halicarnassus de comp. verb . c . XIV ex pressly speaks in the case of aspirates of the nooo9nxn TOŨ avetuotos , and that the Romans, although they ob served and handed down very correctly the peculiar sound of the Greek v and q (Quint. XII 10, 27 ) , which were strange to them , do not give the least intimation of a PRONUNCIATION OF TIIE GREEK ASPIRATES. 13 particular pronunciation of the Greek 9; and yet the sound of the modern Greek , and the very similar English th is such a remarkable one, that it certainly would have needed description for those not accustomed to it from youth; and indeed would have required special prominence to be given to it . 5) Modern Greek dialects have often in the place of an aspirate the corresponding tenuis (Mullach Vulgarsprache p. 28, 94, Morosi Studi sui dialetti Greci della terra d'Otranto p . 105 , Deffner Stud . IV 237): έκω , στοκάζομαι, τεκνίτης in the dialect of Rhodes, Tél . = Délw among the Asiatic Greeks ,, λευτερόνω = ελευθερόω in the Peloponnese .. It is most common to find or in the place of the old of (tyva ρίστην , γραφόμαστε ). As early as in my review of Mullach ( Ztschr. VI 236) , I argued from this that this circumstance was only to be explained from a pronunciation of , in which a hard explosive element was heard; and I still doubt whether a tenuis can ever be produced again from a spirant, as Arendt assumes. He quotes against my view the old Norse th , which is replaced by a t in the modern Norse languages. But the question arises whether this old th was a real spirant. The spirants f and h remain unchanged in the Teutonic second ‘ shifting of the mutes ' , whilst the Gothic th passes into d, certainly a considerable argument towards proving that this th and the parallel Norse th did not differ from f and h merely by the organ with which they were pronounced. Further we must follow Rud . v . Raumer and Rumpelt in representing the transition from the aspirate to the spirant as not sudden but gradual. Between the two lies a sound, for which Rumpelt uses the suitable expression “ affricated ' (affricirt ). The affricated 419 sounds still retained a fixed explosive element, which might afterwards again attain to exclusive acceptance; but we cannot understand how a tenuis could ever have come from a pure spirant. Ebel also in his essay ‘ On the History of Sounds' Ztschr. XIII 265 thinks that we may justly find in sounds of this kind an important means of explanation 2 14 BOOK III . 1 ( 387 ) for many of the phenomena connected with the aspirates, and is strongly of my opinion, that in the Greek aspirates a k, t , p were actually heard before a breathing. Arendt can really only bring one argument against the pronunciation which I have demonstrated, i. e. the difficulty of pronouncing xo and , supposing that here two actual aspirates were brought together. But the con clusion drawn from the difficulty of a combination of sounds, estimated according to the usages of another language is always most uncertain. For instance, if he were to measure by this standard , a German, not acqnainted with the Slavonic languages from personal living familiarity, would déclare many a combination common enough in a Slave's mouth , e. g. Bohem. prst, krk, utterly unpronounceable ; and the same verdict would be passed upon a form like months by one ignorant of English . The characters and the sounds corresponding to them do not completely cover each other in any language ; there is always a something left, not to be characterized and not to be described , from which many surprising groups of sounds are to be ex plained. In Greek itself there is no want of such problems, as , for instance , in the pronunciation of oo and it , and of an. It is precisely in groups of consonants that in no language every individual consonant retains its full pecu liarity under all circumstances. In this case natural ac commodations come in , which cannot be expressed by any writing : and hence groups of this kind are by no means adapted to determine the pronunciation of the single ele ments which are united in them . No one will surely think of deducing the pronunciation of the vowels from the diphthongs. Perhaps we have still preserved in the old form androg (C. I No. 1 ) an indication that the Greeks did not pronounce with the full breathing the first of two aspirates so connected. The German k , t , p in the mouth of a North German sound almost like aspirates, when at the beginning of a word before a vowel; but this is not the case in the middle of a word , nor when in connexion PRONUNCIATION OF THE GREEK ASPIRATES. 15 with other consonants. In the same way the breathing which followed an explosive sound may not always have made itself perceptible with equal sharpness. But nothing hinders us from supposing that the x and q in , 99 were still early distinguished from the real piań by the addition of a breathing. Perhaps it was here that the 420 sound which we denoted above as ' affricated ' first made its appearance, and apfthitos was heard rather than aph thitos. I do not therefore feel constrained by this argument to retract my view as to the nature of the Greek aspirates. It seems to me rather to be an established fact that these Greek sounds had not completed their gradual transition into spirants , at any rate in the first centuries after Christ. (388) The beginning of this corruption seems to have been made by the Laconians, though even they did not from the beginn ing – as Ahrens D. Dor. 70 shows - substitute o for g*). Hence , if the Greek aspirates had, at any rate ori ginally, the force of k, p , t , with an appended breathing, and if they originated from gh , dh, bh, it seems at the first sight , that there has really been, in this transition, rather a strengthening than a weakening. For the tenuis, inasmuch as a more intensive articulation is required to bring it out than for the medial, that is to say , in this case , a more energetic obstruction of the organs of voice concerned, ( Brücke Grundzüge der Physiologie d. Sprach laute p. 57) must have a stronger sound unconditionally

• ) On the Greek aspirates, their interchange with the tenues,

which began tolerably early , especially with uneducated writers, their pronunciation etc. we have now the careful investigation of W. H. Roscher de aspiratione vulgari apud Graecos ( Studien I , 2 . p. 63 ff., Fleckeisens Jahrb. 1870 p. 449 ff. ). This establishes most strikingly the view , that the Greek aspirates contained an explosive element, and also , which is proved especially from forms like όκχος , πίτθος , σκύπφος , that the following breathing often belonged to the same point of articulation as the explosive sound. But in spite of this it seems to me still doubtful whether the Greek aspirates were in this sense originally and always affricatae. The oldest way of writing them KH , II Ħ does not point to this. 16 BOOK III. P 10 ascribed to it , than to the medial. We should thus be obliged to consider that the tenuis with a breathing added, must be stronger than the medial with a breathing added, and therefore with regard to this widely prevalent law of the Greek sound, there would be an exception to the general tendency of the language. Of course we might be tempted by this surprising circumstance to look about for another explanation of the facts. What if the Greek hard aspirates were more primitive than the soft aspirates of Sanskrit ? In this case everything would be regular ; we might regard the softening of kh , th , ph, into gh , dh, bh , which we should then have to assume for Sanskrit, simply as weakening. Such a view would really be in itself by no means absurd , and hence I have already taken it into 421 serious consideration in my essay on " The Aspirates of the Indo -Germanic languages' (Ztschr. II p. 323 ff.). This is a question which cannot be answered , as has often been attempted , from the few isolated facts which have casually presented themselves, but only with reference to the sum total of the consonants in all the languages of our stem . Now if we survey these, we arrive , as I have shown more ( 389 ) fully there, at the following facts. In the place of the Greek aspirate there appears , as we saw , in Sanskrit a medial aspirate : in the Persian languages as a rule a medial, with a few medial aspirates: in the Slavo - Lithuanian, Teutonic, and Keltic languages, a simple medial : in the Italian languages either the spirant f, which can be shown to be of later origin , as the representative of bh and dh, and the simple breathing h , or , especially in the middle of Latin words, here too the medial. In illustra tion it is sufficient here to refer to No. 167 , 169 , 172, 307 , 309 , 325 , 402, 411 , 417. Who can fail to see that these facts may be explained from the existence of an original soft rather than hard aspirate ? If the hard aspi rate had been a common possession of our stock before the separation of languages, we should necessarily have expected to find this, or at any rate the k , t , v , which fa bli1 PRONUNCIATION OF THE GREEK ASPIRATES. 17 come nearest to it , surviving elsewhere than in Greek. Now there are , it is true, four words , limited to Latin alone, in which t may be regarded with some probability as representing a Greek 9: these are the words patior, lateo, puteo, and rutilus which are certainly related by kin ship to παθείν , λαθεϊν , πύθειν , ερυθρός. But even with these, as I have shown above p. 335, other explanations are possible ; as we saw on page 66 , the in natɛiv and nutelv is secondary, and hence we may fairly assume that the shorter root was in Greek expanded by 9 , in Latin by t. And as to xovšpós, whose immediate correlative occurs in Lat. ruber , Umbr. rufru , (No. 306 ) the t of ru- tilu - s may properly be regarded as a part of the suffix, like that of fu - tili - s or fut- tili - s (cp. p. 204 above). However, even supposing that in some words a Latin tenuis really corres ponded to a Greek aspirated tenuis , it would be simpler to regard this as an isolated deviation , to be explained from a temporary preference for the hard explosive sound, (which cannot be denied for a certain period of the Italian languages , and especially for the Umbrian ), than to build upon it conclusions as to the condition of sounds before the separation of languages. Indeed even an agreement 422 of the two languages of Southern Europe on this point, which may be really established , though it is limited to a few word - stems , would at most only make it probable, that before the separation of these two most closely related families from each other, a hard aspirate was in existence *).

• ) As the special Italian changes of sound are foreign to the

purpose of this book , I will only intimate in passing my position with regard to the acutely stated views of Ascoli on the Italian aspirates ( Ztschr. XVII , 241 ff., 321 ff.). According to Ascoli it was not in the earliest Greek times , but before that , in the Graeco - Italic time, that gh , dh , bh were shifted to kh , th , ph , and then in the earliest Italian time changed into hard spirants , which he designates by h , o , f: these were then fixed later on , on the one hand as h and f, on the other hand as 9 , d , b. This new theory is preceded by an attack upon the view maintained by Grassmann and myself, which I cannot consider to be made good on a single CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 2 18 BOOK III. (390) For the much earlier period before the splitting up of the great stock into its main branches nothing would be thus proved. On these and similar grounds, I rejected , in the essay quoted , the assumption of original hard aspirates, i . e. of hard aspirates existing before the separation of languages , as the source of the corresponding soft sounds. Recently however this view has still been maintained by 423 two distinguished scholars, by Sonne in his valuable essays ( Ztschr. X -XIV) and by Kuhn. The latter puts together the reasons, which influence him to depart from the pre valent opinion , in Ztschr. XI 302 ff.; and although the point. A. raises a two - fold objection against it. On the one hand he declares the transition , which we have assumed , and which is not at all rare , from dh through the intermediate stage bh to f ( Skt. dhứma - s , Lat. fúmu - 8) as good as a pure impossibility? But I do not see why this change of the position of articulation should be less possible with the soft aspirates , than with the hard : and we have undoubted instances of its occurrence with the hard aspi rates in Greek : Aeol. pne θήρ , φρόνο - ς spóvo - s ( cp. below p. 477) . If the latter transition is established for Greece, it is legitimate to assume the former for Italy. The greater or less fre quency of the instances makes no essential difference. On the other hand the nature of the Latin f is taken into consideration ; this was certainly a hard spirant , and hence it seems to come nearer to the hard aspirate q than to the soft bh ( dh) . But it is by no means inconceivable , that f became gradually hardened only in the course of the history of the separate Italian languages, somewhat as in the Keltic languages f originated in the Indogerm. v , and as in Umbrian the representation of d and g in writing by t and k gives us reason to infer a coarser pronunciation of these letters. Corssen Ausspr. 12 802 has brought forward other objections to Ascoli's some what artificial system , which deserve to be well considered . But I really cannot see , in spite of all that both these scholars say , that the spirant, or , what is in this case equivalent, the fricative f, could ever have produced from itself a b ( cp. p. 418 ) ; and the of the difficulty , to which Corssen has now recourse , viz. to ascribe to the b , which according to his view originated in f, a pronuncia tion at first different from that of the explosive b , seems to me arbitrary; it still seems to me more probable that the aspirate , which at a later time became sometimes ſ' , sometimes b , was originally very different from the later f. way out NATURE OF THE ORIGINAL ASPIRATES. 19 This argu greater part of what may be said in reply has already been brought forward by Grassmann Ztschr. XII p. 81 ff., I will not refrain from going briefly into Kuhn's reasons, especially as Grassmann does not expressly mention them. In a question of such importance it is worth while care fully examining the pro and the contra. The first argu- ( 391 ) ment, which Kuhn adduces on his side , runs thus: ‘ By assuming a transition from gh , dh , bh into kh , th , ph , we assume a strengthening of sound, whilst we see languages as a rule developing in the opposite course ' . ment loses all its force , so soon as we are able to show that another explanation of the transition in question is probable , as will be done presently. Besides the Teutonic shifting from d to t proves that there are exceptions to the direction of phonetic change , on which , by the way, I have myself laid especial stress . The problem is to ex plain these , for they cannot be altogether denied away. ' Secondly Greek shows only aspirate tenues, Gothic only th , hence no medial aspirates , while the consonantal system of Greek is in general nearer to the primitive language than that of Old Indian '. But the latter statement is true only with qualifications, and does not hold good e. g. at all of the spirants. As the Gothic th etymologically ori ginated from t , this comes into the question still less. Further, even Greek , by the fact that in not a few cases, to be mentioned hereafter, unaspirated medials correspond to the aspirated medials of Sanskrit, points to an ante Greek series of aspirated medials. Grassmann justly lays great weight upon this. - " Thirdly Sanskrit shows both series ' aspirate tenues and medials — ' completely deve loped side by side ' . And “ the aspirates gh , dh , bh , present in Sanskrit, do not , in the further developement of the language ( in Prakrit and Pâli) , appear in the form of kh , th , ph '. But from this nothing more follows than that the course , on which these secondary languages entered , was different from that, which we see in a sister lang uage on an entirely different soil . Elsewhere too Greek 20 BOOK III. and Prâkrit tendencies of sound diverge completely. Be sides , Grassmann (p. 102) points out at least two instances from Sanskrit, in which dh has been step by step displaced by th. Hence this course of developement has not been altogether wanting in the Indian sphere, and these instances 424 may fairly be used to explain certain others. Fourthly ' we always see , where new aspirates are developed , that it is only the aspirate tenues which make their appearance'. This is true of Greek , in cases where X , 9 , 9 come from H , T , a, and of Gothic. But in Zend we find a gh and a dh of later origin , in the place of g and d ; and similarly in Middle and New Irish , where bh also arises out of b. Hence the possibility that these sounds might have origi nated otherwise than by weakening from kh and th , is established. Fifthly ' several instances of kh , th, ph in Sanskrit agree with Greek % , 9 , 9 , and this partly in forms, e. g. in verbal terminations, which go back to the ( 392 ) earliest formation of language. It would surely be very venturesome to assume here simply the play of chance '. But this is by no means necessary , as Grassmann has thoroughly proved. In some words the Skt. aspirate tenuis has evidently originated from the medial. If nakha - s nail ( No. 447) occurs by the side of Gr. Óvv %, Lat. ungui- s, 0.-H.-G. nag - al, Lith. nága - s, we may assume here the same transition of sound, which is established e . g. for rt. nath, the younger by - form of nadh, for atha by the side of the older adha . That which became the rule in Greek, shows itself in Sanskrit in isolated traces , a kind of agree ment, which often occurs in the case of kindred languages. In the case of other words we may assume an aspiration of the tenuis under like conditions, as is certainly the case with the rt. sta , which in Skt. regularly , in Greek sporadically (ofévos)aspirates the tenuis, which is established by the ma jority of languages. Probably this holds good also of the end ing of the 2 sing. -tha = 69a , where the v of the pronominal stem tva , dropped after the t , has certainly had its effect upon the aspiration. Finally it might even be thought NATURE OF THE ORIGINAL ASPIRATES. 21 that the primitive Indogermanic language , by the side of the soft aspirates, possessed also original hard ones , a view which I mentioned on p. 86 as one for which Grassmann had given some reasons , but which was not yet established beyond question. If this view should be correct , a part of the Indian hard aspirates would correspond from the beginning to the Greek , but we could draw no conclusion from this as to the relation of the soft aspirates to the Greek. All attempts to derive the Indian gh , dh, bh from kh , th , ph are always opposed by the one main argument that in no single one of the kindred languages does a k t or p appear in the place of these sounds , but commonly enough a g , d, b. On the other hand, the number of stem words, in which according to my view a Greek aspirate corresponds to a medial aspirate, reaches 110, while only isolated examples can be quoted for different relations. The facts being such, nothing remains for us but to recognize 425 the hardening of gh , dh, bh to X , 4, 9 as a fact which we have not to explain away , but rather to elucidate in its apparent strangeness. This elucidation seems to have been really discovered by Arendt in the essay already mentioned. The soft aspirates gh , dh , bh are in reality pronounceable sounds. Arendt has refuted the doubts as to their possibility raised by Brücke , by assuring us that he has heard them from the lips of living Hindoos. Hence nothing prevents us from assuming their existence for the Indogermanic period. But it must be admitted that these groups of sounds require a ( 393) delicate sense of articulation , and were therefore exposed to various mutilations. The northern branch of the Indo germanic stem , and also the Persians and the Kelts, made it easier for themselves, by sacrificing the breathing, and leaving of gh, dh, bh only g , d , b. The Greeks re tained the breathing. But as the sound h, as Arendt proves *),

• ) Brücke has ascertained by his investigations , that in the pro

nunciation of gh by Hindoos they begin with g , but end with a k before the h ( as if it were , gkh etc.) Cp. Sitzungsber. d. phil. hist. 22 BOOK III. 1 requires a position of the vocal aperture ( chordae vocales ), which comes nearer to the pronunciation of the hard ex plosives than to that of the soft, they naturally shifted the explosive element, adapting it to the breathing. So regarded, the transition from gh, dh , bh into kh, th , ph comes into the sphere of assimilation. As the soft ß of the rt. Blaß was shifted , before , for instance in Blan - tó - s, to a, so the same sound before the following sharp breathing was similarly shifted to a , e. g. in végos, i . e. nephos from the Indog. nabhas (No. 402) . Ascoli has recently (Ztschr. XVII 242 ff.) found a remarkable parallel to this hardening of the aspirates, which at first sight seems so strange. The language of the Gypsies in the same way replaces all soft aspirates of Sanskrit by the corresponding hard aspirates : Skt. gharma - s, glow, Gyps. kham sun, Skt. dhứma- s smoke, Gyps. thuv, Skt. bhủ - s earth , Gyps. phuv. With the history of the aspirates , which I have car ried out further in the essay already mentioned more than once , a second retrogressive movement of the consonants is also connected ; the raising of the unaspirated medial to a tenuis , a process which forms an important part of the Teutonic ‘ shifting of sounds '. The transition from g, d , b into k, t , p in the Teutonic languages is explained by the connexion which exists between the various sounds of a language, in such a manner that they mutually com pensate each other. When once the change of a dh into d had made its appearance, this drove also the original d 426 out of its place , so that the old d became t , and finally the new t again ' shifted ' the t, which had long been in use , and which had been handed down from antiquity , to th. The name ' shifting of sounds ' ( Lautverschiebung ), so happily invented by Jac. Grimm, quite suits this view. But we cannot approve of the attempt of Jac. Grimm, followed by Raumer, who in other respects has done Cl. d. Wiener Acad. 31 , 219. See also the discussion of the aspi rates in Rumpelt ' Das natürliche System der Sprachlaute' p. 130 ff. SHIFTING OF THE MEDIALS. 23 - to ex such good service to this part of phonetics , plain this phenomenon by the help of the Greek sounds, which have been already shifted. We must rather start from the Indogermanic sounds , which in this case have their most faithful copy in Sanskrit. This view of this important phonetic change has recently , much to my satis faction , been supported by several scholars , as by Lottner ( Ztschr. XI 204) , by Grassmann (XII 110) , by Arendt (ib. 442) , by Steinthal (Ztschr. f. Völkerpsychologie III 251 ). (391) All these confirm the explanation which I have mentioned by observations of their own, and Steinthal justly brings into prominence the importance, for the collective life of languages, of the fact that each , even in its phonetic system , forms a whole, in which everything is mutually conditioned *) .

• ) I am not at all shaken in my view by the different representa

tion of the shifting given by Hovelacque " la théorie spécieuse de la Lautverschiebung ' Paris 1868 , in which the position ascribed to the original gh , dh , bh is particularly arbitrary and indefinite , or by Scherer “ Zur Gesch . der deutschen Sprache' p . 85 ff., where there is no attempt to examine thoroughly the view here given. So I wrote in the third edition. Since then Scherer has treated the question more thoroughly in the Ztschr. f. österr. Gymn. 1870 p . 640 ff. Inasmuch as the main reason , which determined me to con jecture the change of the soft aspirate into the soft unaspirated ex plosive as the starting - point of the shifting , was that the Teutonic change of the medial into the tenuis would be otherwise hard to understand , and as this point is not anything like satisfactorily sett led on p. 654 , I feel by no means convinced by Scherer's arguments, in spite of his characteristic confidence, which is not always ex pressed in the pleasantest way. Perhaps I may have another opportunity of discussing this question at greater length. Fick, with whom I agree otherwise in drawing out the scheme of the Indogermanic branches , will not allow ( p. 1055 , ed. 2) that the be ginning of the shifting was common to the Slaves , the Lithuanians and the Teutons. “ If when the Teutons separated from the Slavo Lithuanians, the difference between the soft aspirate and the medial was already lost , the Teutonic , with its shifted mutes , could not show aspirates, tenues and medials, but only aspirates and tenues ' . Of course , supposing that already every trace of a difference between the old and new medial was destroyed ; but why should we not as 24 BOOK III . More precisely regarded, it was an impulse of the mind, the impulse to carry out further the rigid distinction of that which had been handed down from an earlier period of the language as distinct , whereby the Teutonic family of speech diverged from the Slavonic, which is the most 427 nearly related to it. And this mental impulse explains sufficiently the exceptions from the natural law which forms the rule. Here , if anywhere , I believe , the saying holds good, that exceptions , recognized as abnormal, prove the rule ; and by the consideration of this great group, our certain ty is heightened that we were right in the case of the ex ception maintained for the aspirates. It would be just as per verse to deny these facts, as to wish to draw from them any careless conclusions , as though there were no truth in our assertion of the main direction of phonetic change. Rational scientific explanation of complicated problems can only be attained by making a rigorous distinction between rules and exceptions , between wide - reaching laws of language, and sporadic appearances, which are explicable from special We shall have to come back in the course of these investigations to the isolated relations of the aspirate to the medial , which are still to be recognized even in Greek, and to the peculiar transformations of all compound and double sounds. We may explain , with yet greater ease than the trans formation of the aspirates, two other phenomena, which at first sight might seem to be in opposition to the main direction , which we have asserted. To these belongs the change of an original j into & , the thorough discussion of which we have reserved for one of the subsequent chap ters, because it could only be carried out in conjunction with a whole series of other phenomena of language. The transition from j to Ŝ will be there seen to be by no means a strengthening, but a coarser pronunciation accom causes. sume that there was always a slight difference remaining ? Cp. Ztschr. II 331 . WEAKENING OF SOUNDS. 25 panied by a transformation of the spirant. Just as little ( 395) can it be regarded as a strengthening , if the delicate spi rants j and v often appear in Greek under the form of the corresponding vowels 1 and v. For in the first place , ow ing to the close kinship of j and i , of v and u , it is in many cases impossible to make out , whether the consonant or the vowel is the more primitive. The Vedic Sanskrit shows an extensive variation between these nearly related sounds , and makes it probable , especially in the numerous formative suffixes with a j, which have Greek and Latin suffixes with an i corresponding to them (10 - s , id , lov, Lat. iu - s, ia , ior ), that before the separation of the languages the vowel was predominant here. Secondly, the soft vowels 1 and v require hardly more force of articulation than the corresponding spirants, which of all sounds suffer the greatest displacements and losses , so that here too we by no means suppose any strengthening of the sounds. In fact, even if 428 it should appear that other vowels also , most commonly a and o , take the place of these spirants , this will not seem to us an exception to the general direction. If therefore it is on the whole an established fact that the individual sounds of language do not become strengthened , but rather get weathered away in the sense which has now been more precisely defined suffer loss , we shall do best to use this as a basis for our further investigations. Even for irregular or for sporadic substitution of sounds, we must take as our guiding line the fact that we are to expect only a transition of the stronger sound into the weaker, not vice versa . We have seen already ( p. 23) how much has been gained for the control and regulation of etymology by this one principle, the recognition of which we owe entirely to comparative philology. The etymologies of the ancients ultimately went so far as to regard as possible the change of any letter into almost any other ; and the comical attempt of L. Ross , to make the ‘ Italicans ' once more into sons of the ' Graeci ' ( cp. Hadley's Essays pp. 141-167) amounted to or 26 BOOK III. the assertion of the principle that ‘ no sound was secure against changing into another '. All such assumptions are based upon the tacit presumption , that change of sound is occasioned by accidental instances of inaccuracy and vague ness on the part of speakers. What is accidental can only be guessed at; and hence the older etymology had really a character of pure divination , and in the delight it took in its professed art of solving riddles , it was not rarely the first to set itself such riddles. In place of these endless metamor phoses , which, viewed as a whole, leave on us the im (396) pression of magicians' or conjurers' tricks, we endeavour to establish a natural law , which operates with a certain necessity. If we succeed in this, an important limit is put to arbitrary etymologising, inasmuch as certain assumptions in the sphere of phonetics at any rate are excluded with about as much probability as the hatching of a duck from a hen's egg or the growth of an apple on a cherry- tree . We readily acknowledge that this goal is not yet reached. On the one hand language strikes into somewhat compli cated paths, especially in the case of double sounds , and the appearance of parasitic sounds; it does not always decide with entire consistency between various possibilities ; on the other hand we shall only recognize fully the natural necessity of certain transitions, when we have examined a 429 greater number of languages from these points of view, and when finally physiology also has proved to us from the nature of the human organs of speech , the ease of certain phonetic transitions , the difficulty, or even the im possibility of others. Wide- reaching tasks are here set us , and we cannot remember too often , that we are only as yet at the beginning of them. But particular investiga tions of this kind have been already made , especially Schleicher's excellent investigation of zetacism [Zur ver gleich. Sprachengeschichte pp. 33— 161. Bonn 1848 ], and we must not here lose sight of the goal, as has unfortu nately been done not uncommonly, even by disciples of comparative philology. Even in the present position of 1 WEAKENING OF SOUNDS. 27 inquiry we must hold fast to the principle : every transition of sound, which cannot be regarded as a weakening, is to be looked upon as a priori incredible. For example, if it has recently been maintained, that in certain derivative endings the guttural tenuis x has originated from the dental medial 8 , or if on the other hand this same x has been derived from o or F, we are averse to such suppositions *) . We should not bring ourselves to accept them, until a greater number of unmistakeable instances of such a transition ( 397 ) were presented to us, and until it was shown how such metamorphoses could take place. According to these explanations, we shall have to endeavour to examine the relation of the various sounds to each other , arranging them according to the force required for their articulation , in order to be able to estimate what sporadic changes of sound are probable , what are im probable. It is understood , of course , that by changes we mean only such as take place without any influence from juxtaposition, which is evident and universally recognized : that e. g. the change from y into x before t : ex - tó - s, or before 6 : öğw i . e. ex - ow , is here. left quite out of the question. For in such changes, which fall under the head 430 of assimilation, the transition of the weaker sound into the stronger is unmistakeable. In the same way , the for eign or loan - words of each language are entirely excluded from our consideration at present. We may see most clearly This must be my judgment also upon the repeated attempts of Savelsberg (Ztschr. XVI 54 ff., 356 ff. etc. ) to prove a transition of the dental sibilant s into the guttural explosive k. Even the first step in this endeavour is a failure. The fact that Skt. & on the one hand arises from an Indog. k , on the other hand in certain cases from an , does not prove in the least the kinship of k and s , in asmuch as the latter change only rests apon the substitution of one spirant for another. Again the assumption of the sound sch for early periods in language , to serve as a link between s and k , is altogether improbable. I am sorry to be obliged to express myself here, as tirely opposed to an old friend and fellow - worker. en 28 BOOK III . from the numerous Greek loan - words in Latin , how much wider are the laws which govern the phonetic relations of such words. Loan - words are of course exposed to mani fold transformations, while they are being carried like merchandise from one nation to another. In such cases we have only to deal with attempts to accommodate the form of foreign sounds , which often cannot be exactly re produced , to the sounds of the borrowers' own language. Hence , for example , the various ways of reproducing the Gr. 9 among the Romans, which appears sometimes as p ( purpura ), sometimes as 6 ( Bruges), sometimes as f ( forbea pooßń Fest. s. v. ). We have further the adaptation to the native vocabulary , for which Förstemann ( Ztschr. I ad init .) has introduced the excellent name 'popular ety mology' ( Volksetymologie ) [ Cp. Max Müller Lectures II . 367--8, 529 --- 533 ). We cannot doubt that Lat. câdúceus, as was conjectured long ago (Vossius Etym. s. v. ) is really only a Latinisation of Dor. καρύκιον ( Αtt. κηρύκειον) , and probably in spite of the length of the â we may recognize an assimilation to cădo, cădúcus. But it would be very incorrect , to regard the transition from r to d as admissible generally , i. e. even in native and inherited words. In Greek the number of words , that may be shown to have been borrowed , cannot be great. But even in the case of these , many phonetic transitions occur, which we could not allow for the inherited stores of the language. Benfey II 88 compares the Gr. náving with the Skt. pundarika - s: this is perhaps the single instance in which Gr. o corresponds to a d of the Indians, and the assimilation to the Gr. one is unmistakeable. Bopp (Gl.), Benfey II 65 and , following them , Christ ( Lautlehre p. 14) compare Báoavo - g with the Skt. páshậna - s, stone: this word too may be regarded with ( 398 ) Benfey as only a borrowed word , but I do not attempt to decide whether the Greeks borrowed the name for the lapis Lydius from the Indians, or whether both these nations received it from a third : for in Sanskrit too the word is quite isolated. Benfey compares Hebr. bâshan land of basalt. RELATIVE STRENGTH OF VOWELS. 29 Hence it would be a serious error to quote this comparison in order to prove ß equivalent to Skt. p. If, after thus defining the limits of our sphere, we review the individual sounds according to their proportionate strength , the vowels offer the least difficulty. For it is universally recognized that a , the strongest of the vowels, requires the greatest force of articulation , and that u and į stand by its side as weaker sounds ( cp. Bopp Vergl. Gr. 1² 13 etc.). We must therefore absolutely reject the 431 transition of u or i into a , and indeed hardly any one could have supposed this to take place ; but conversely we must hold the change of a into u or i as in itself probable; and hence in Latin and German too we find in numerable instances of a u or an i by the side of an original a. In the case of Latin indeed this transition does not seem to be direct , but to have come in through the intermediate stages of o and e , so that e. g. we may assume with certainty between Skt. dâna - m and Lat. dônu - m the form dôno- m, and with great probability between the ne gative particle which in Skt. Gk. and Osc. takes the form an , and Lat. in the intermediate form en. For the Italian languages we may refer on this point to the thorough in vestigation of Corssen in the second edition of his work on the ' Pronunciation etc. of Latin ' Vol. II. It is true that of the Teutonic languages it is precisely the oldest form , the Gothic , which shows the most commonly i and u in the place of an a , e. g. in is - t = Skt. as - ti, Gr . {6- ti, Lat. es - t, and in the negative un-, where the vowels have remained to the present day, in German as in Eng lish. Hitherto no intermediate stages have here been de monstrated ; on the contrary the ë of the Old High German, which corresponds to the Greek and Latin e , is derived from i, and the corresponding o from u, by 'breaking '[ i.e. by the influence of a contiguous consonant ]. But from my investi gation of the splitting of the A - sound (Sitzungsberichte der k. s. Ges. d. Wissensch. 1864 p. 9 ff .), the results of which have been mentioned above, pp. 53 and 88 , it seems to me 30 BOOK III. probable that the Old High German has rather preserved in these cases the older sound, so that this branch of the Teu tonic family , though only known to us at a later date, still gives us here, as in other cases , the representation of an ( 399) older condition of the language , than the Gothic. I will not here enter into the analogous phenomena in Slavonic and Lithuanian . But even in Sanskrit it is by no means un common to find the softer vowels in the place of an older a , and that even in stems , which have elsewhere , and partially in kindred formations of Sanskrit itself, retained their a ; especially in the st. pi -tar nom . pi -tân ( No. 348) = na - tep nom . na -re, Lat. pa -ter, Goth. fa - dar; hir - ana - m gold (No. 202) by the side of Zd. zar - anya ; sthi- ti - s Gr. otá -61- s for sta - ti - s (No. 216) ; niç - â night by the side of nak -ta - m , Goth. naht - s, Lith . nak - tì - s (No. 94) ; 432puras Gr. rápos (No. 347) ; rt. çudh purify Gr. καθ in xat - apo - s ( No. 26 ), while the Slaves replace the a of this root by i : Ch. Sl. čis - tă clean. Sanskrit grammar ex plains these weakenings in part by the influence of the accent ; this cannot however be made entirely and solely responsible for them , for the a remained unaltered in Greek in narne , though unaccented , and it was only in Sanskrit that it underwent the degradation just mentioned . We see in Skt. to a yet more extensive degree a long å degraded under similar conditions into a long i , a phenomenon, which is very surprising , and which certainly deserves a thorough discussion. Greek is entirely free from this seri ous mutilation of the original form. In our tables on p. 128, [ Vol. I 158] even i and v could not be placed among the regular representatives of an original ă. After the original a had at an early period split into a e o , the majority of the Greek dialects remained at this stage, while the Aeolic dialect, and , apparently at a much later period , the Italic languages, went one step further, frequently weakeninge and o into į and u . In this respect, therefore the vowel system of Greek is on the whole older than that of Latin, though this has on the other hand preserved much in its RELATIVE STRENGTH OF VOWELS. 31 > consonant - system more faithfully from the primitive time than Greek has. The splitting of the a into the triple chord cannot occupy us further here , as we are proceeding to the irregular substitution of sounds. It can only be understood from the particular conditions of the individual (400) words , and hence it falls within the sphere of specifically Greek phonetics , which is foreign to these investigations. We here regard etymology as the science of the discovery of the origin of words. The etymologist may expect for every Greek a, a , o an original a , for ā , n , w an â. That is sufficient for our present position. It is difficult to find out a definite law for the splitting of the a. Even Christ in his Lautlehre p. 13 ff. – though on the whole I quite agree with his treatment of particular cases *) has not been able to point to any such. But with regard to the proportionate difficulty of the three regular a- sounds, the series a, 0 , & is certainly in its right order. From this 433 order we can also explain the fact that not uncommonly a , sometimes o , and most rarely & corresponds irregularly to an original long å. For ă in the place of â Christ justly quotes the numerous feminines with ă in the nom. , av, am in the acc. , the nominatives of masculines ( intóta ) and the ă of neuter plurals. In all three cases the phenomenon is common to the Greeks and the Italians. Further the shortened stem - syllables in @yos Skt. âgas (No. 116) , Fúotv = Skt. vastu (No. 206) belong here. We have o corresponding to an å of the Skt. in the parallel words γόνυ Skt. gánu , Lat. gěnu (No. 137) , dóov Skt. dâru ( No. 275 ), and in numerous verbal and nominal forms,

• ) It cannot however be proved that a has been preserved wher

ever the full meaning attached to it was retained in all its force . The only instance brought forward in favour of this view , the a privativum , is explained by the influence of the n originally belong ing to it : and therefore should have been added to the instances on p. 15. The meaning of the stem - syllables in verbs , and verbal nouns does not hinder the change either into ( pépw , fx® ), or into o ( popevs , doois ), and yet this is certainly an important meaning. 32 BOOK III. > which, while the root has , show o in just those forms in which elsewhere a lengthening appears : yé- you - a = ģa - gân - a , popo - s bhâra - s (No. 411 ) . We touched upon these phenomena on p. 54. It is true that ε also corre sponds sometimes to a Skt. á ; but where this is the case, there are usually doubts whether the length of the vowel was original. For instance , as we find contrasted with the Skt. participial suffix -mâna - s, not only -uevo - s in Greek , but also -minu - s in Latin , and in both languages the still shorter - uvo - s, -mnu - s (uéd - 1 - uvo - s, uéo -1- uva , al -u -mnu - s, col -1 -mna ), we are not disinclined to regard the length of the â as distinctively Indian . This is also to be assumed in cases , in which the Indian grammarians ascribe a long vowel to their roots ; dhâ , dâ, while as we (401 ) saw on p. 46 a truer view starts with shorter roots. fa tó - s is therefore parallel to Skt. hi- ta - s ( for dha - ta - s ), fé- ua probably belongs to an older stage than Skt. dhân - man. When we pass on to the consonants, we have first to take into consideration the relation of the two main classes of consonants to one another. How are the ex plosive or momentary consonants related to the fricative or continuous sounds ? At first sight it might seem as though the latter class were the stronger , inasmuch as we hear a stronger sound, when a r is vigorously rolled , or an s is thoroughly hissed on the teeth , than in the case of t or d. But it is not the strength of the sound which reaches the ear , with which an investigation is concerned, but the force of articulation . The explosive sounds, called in the older terminology mutes, are produced, physiologists tell us, by causing an obstruction at a certain place in the mouth , and then letting the breath pour out at one moment (Brücke Grundzüge d. Phys. u. Syst. der Sprach laute p. 30 ); while the fricative or continuous sounds on 434 the other hand are produced, when at a certain place in the organs of speech there is merely a ‘ narrowing' caused, in consequence of which the breath , as it streams out, presses through or rubs , and thus produces a continuous GRADUAL WEAKENING OF TIIE CONSONANTS. 33 Lat. ar sound. Hence we cannot doubt which class of consonants requires the more energy : of course it is the former, in asmuch as obstruction is an action of greater force than narrowing. We shall therefore be inclined , in cases where two sounds appear to correspond etymologically , to ascribe the priority universally to the explosive sound over the continuous sound , and to explain the transition of the former into the latter as an enfeebling of articulation, which gradually came in. It is in agreement with this view that the changes of t into s Indog. and Lat. tu , Dor. tú , common Greek Gú, of d into 1 - Gr. dárov, 0. Lat. dacruma ( No. 10 ), later lacruma , of d into r — vorsum for ad - vorsum , of b into v Ital. avere = Lat. habere, ofc k into a sibilant - centum = kentum, Fr. cent, of g into j (y) – Geist in Berlin pronounced Jeist ( Yeist) always in this direction , not in the reverse order , are universally recognized, and may be established by countless examples from periods of languages , which may be known historically with completeness. But to these also belong a number of other changes, which are in part yet stranger, and which have to be explained by means of intermediate steps. For instance, there is the transition from k to e , ex tremely common in Sanskrit. Whatever may have been the pronunciation of this palatal spirant ( cp. p. 27) , in any case there was in place of the obstruction at the back of the palate a narrowing , in consequence of which a palatal fricative sound was heard instead of the older explosive sound. But if the Slavonic languages go one step further, ( 402 ) replacing the primitive k by the dental s , this change too finds its place here: hence e. g. that of the Indog. dakan, Skt. daçan into Ch . Sl. desetă ( No. 12) , towards which we have perhaps the intermediate stage retained in the Lith . ilészimtis , for the sa here sounds like the German sch Eng. sh ] , and is therefore related to the original k just as the initial sound of the Fr. cheval is to that of the Lat. ca ballus. The replacement of the Old Greek aspirates kh, th , ph by the Modern Greek spirants X , ( = Eng. th) , 9 CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 3 34 BOOK III . 1) e . a ( = O ) , and the change from the soft aspirates gh and bh , which can still be proved to have existed in the earliest Italian period , into the Italian spirants h and f belonged to the same category ( p. 422). It is only by intermediate stages that similarly in the Romance languages v developes out of p ( intermediate stage b) Fr. savoir sapere in the Slavo - Lithuanian , 7 and 3 out of g - Ch. Sl. zna ti , Lith . žin - aú , Indog . rt. gna recognize ( No. 135 ) , the lispingly pronounced d in modern Greek , e. g. dév ουδέν - and d in Danish , e . g. in the name Mailvig from the full medial. The law of weathering ' is preserved 435 with especial clearness in all these cases , inasmuch as in the place of forcible sounds breaking out at one and the same instant , we have those fricative sounds, which , just because it is less necessary to pronounce them at a particular point in the mouth , can be so much the more easily shifted further . But if we are thus justified in expecting as a rule only the transition from explosive to fricative sounds, and not the reverse , we may at the same time point out here, that there are important exceptions . One of the most widely - extended and important is the change of an original v into g , which we find in Greek dialects , and still more plainly in the Romance languages (Ital . golpe vulpes ). But we shall soon explain more in detail , how this phonetic change is not immediate , but is brought ab out by a prefixed parasitic g , and thus through the inter medial step gv. If any one chose to compare the Homeric particle of comparison ou immediately with the stem of the reflexive pronoun fa , he might easily be brought to assume a direct transition from f into 9 , as Pott does, who compares on with the Skt . vâ , or (II " 318 ) . But the reflexive stem fe had originally the form ofɛ . The hard sibilant probably did not agree well with the soft labial spirant. Either it hardened the F by assimilating influence into the aspirate ; thus arose the stem ope in opeis, GPétepos, or it gave way before the f , which , later on , being left defenceless , was weakened into the mere breath APPARENT EXCEPTIONS. 35 ing: Fɛ, . But as an initial o, when followed by other consonants, always easily falls away , especially in the Laconian dialect : gi σφί, φαιρίδδειν σφαιρίζειν(403) ( Ahrens Dor. 109) , ope might thus also become pe , and the Homeric pń might come from ooń , identical with the Goth . své , as ( cp. No. 601 ) . Hence here too the origination of the more forcible sound from the weaker is explained by the influence of juxtaposition, just as in Persian the compound sound cu becomes sp : Zd. spâ = Skt. qvâ ( St. guan for kvan No. 84). And the case is the same with the change of a f into ß before e , which is common in the Aeolism of Lesbos : βρή - τωρ for Fρή - τωρ ( No. 493 ). Here the dissimilating influence of the following liquid brings about the strengthening of the soft spirant, just as elsewhere the contiguous vowel caused a similar effect. For the aversion of the Romans to the compound sound tu produced from the stem ferv ferb-ui, and perhaps it was the similar influence of a Gr. o which produced from the Graeco - Italic stem vol ( Lat. vol - o ) the Greek Bok (Poúlouai) . All this has only been mentioned here in order to set aside hasty objections, and to prepare the way for further investigations. For it is just as important, in the sphere of sporadic changes, with which we are now 436 dealing, to establish their main direction , as it is on the other hand to leave open the possibility of exceptions; although we must require for these the evidence of special occasions and indubitable analogies, if we are not to reject them . The task of the student of language in such questions is like that of the geographer. It is not enough to have discovered the general direction of a current in the sea ; it is necessary to follow this out in its deviations, which are produced by special causes , such as shiftings, back eddies and the like. But such deviations do not contradict, they rather confirm the existence of this main direction . We must, however, in investigations of this kind avoid also the opposite error , that of admitting too readily changes which follow the general direction . Languages 3 * 36 BOOK III . ( 404 ) are inclined indeed to weakenings, but it does not follow by any means that they are always sinking into them : with all their changeableness, there is a great persistency shown in the history of languages. Hence nothing would be more perverse than to suppose that changes correspond ing to the fundamental direction are to a certain extent to be expected everywhere, or that there is an unsteady fluctuation of such a nature that occasionally the stronger sound may , in some ramification or other of a root, change into the weaker. In this respect every language is to be regarded as an unbroken whole throughout, and even changes which are in themselves not improbable can only be proved to be facts by the evidence of undoubted instances. After this digression we return to the several con sonants. We had determined the natural relation of the explosive to the fricative sounds to be this, that the former are inclined to pass into the latter , but not the latter into the former. But how is it with the several subdivisions within these two classes ? As to the explosives, it may be considered on the whole as an admitted fact that the tenuis is stronger than the medial. For though physio logists regard the distinction between the tenuis and the medial as consisting mainly in the fact that the latter are accompanied by that phonetic element which they call ‘ voice ' , still no one can fail to see that the obstruction formed for k is a firmer one than that formed for g , and so with the rest ; and thus the popular names ' hard ' and ' soft ' receive their justification , while the appellations ' tenuis' and 'medial' rest upon a fashion of regarding the relations of the breathings, which could have had signi ficance only for the time of the Alexandrian grammarians. For us , and in all probability for the Greeks of the classical 437 period , g is just as devoid of breathing as k , and there fore there can be no question of a ' medial ' between k and kh. The change of the tenuis into the medial, which we should for this reason expect, is thus also one of the most incontestable phenomena of language. The extent to which RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE DIFFERENT EXPLOSIVES. 37 it is to be admitted in Greek will become apparent here after: but we may here point out some certain instances of it , as for example the derivation of donya from rt. åpk , ởkk (No. 7) , that of tńy - avo - v from the stem of tnxa ( No. 231 ) , that of the rt. uit , uioyo by the side of Skt. mis, Lat. miscco (No. 474). The same change is familiar in Latin words like vi - ginti by the side of the Boeot. Fi xati (No. 16) , neg - lego for nec -lego, publ- icu - s compared with Old Lat. popl- icu - s, quaclra - ginta by ` the side of quattuor, and in numerous Romance forms , like It . lagrima = lacrima, Fr. abeille apicula , It. lido = litus litus.. We must not however overlook the fact that in all the cases quoted and in many others the softening takes place in the middle of the word, and is undoubtedly closely connected with the influences which the hard explosive sound experiences from the surrounding vowels , nasals, and liquids. ( Cp. Corssen Beitr. 53 , 83 , 1 ° 77 , 126 , 207.) The medial, inasmuch as , according to the statements of physiologists, it contains ' voice ' , is from this very reason nearer to these sounds than the tenuis. Even Sanskrit has probably not remained quite free from these influences. For who could doubt , that ag- ra - m point, top , is connected with the rt . ak and all its ramifications , quoted by us under No. 2 ? *). The relation of the Greek aspirate to the correspond- ( 405 ) ing tenuis is at first sight less clear. We might be in clined to assume a x equivalent to k + h to be stronger than k , and of course similarly for 9 as compared with t, and for gas compared with a. But Sanskrit alone is sufficient to warn us to be cautious. Here , as has been already mentioned , the hard aspirate arises often in a time which can be historically demonstrated, from an earlier

• ) This is done however by Johannes Schmidt in his careful and

valuable essay " The root AK in Indogermanic ' Weimar 1865 p . 4 ; he connects ag - ra - m with the rt. ag' ( No. 117) , and explains it as ' the driven '. Possibly he is thinking here of a twig driven or pushed out, a shoot. But has the rt. ag this meaning ? 38 BOOK III. tenuis, e. g. that of pra - tha -ma -s the first , where the suffix is the same as that of the Latin in - tu - mu - s, op - tu mu - s , and the ta - ma - s preserved even in Sanskrit in many superlatives. In the same way we find in Greek neq - aań by Skt. kap - ala - s and Lat. cap - ut (No. 54) . Hence we shall hereafter discuss the aspiration of a tenuis as a pho 438 netic affection , and inasmuch as the strength of articula tion betrays itself especially in the exclusion of all accom panying sound, the true view of this process will be to regard the addition of a thick breathing after the tenuis as a more incomplete, less pure and therefore weaker articula tion . The tenuis cannot have been universally preserved quite in its original form , any more than the a ; just as the a by a weakening of the organs of articulation in the direction of the u and i passes into o and e, so we find sometimes as an attendant on the tenuis that breathing, which, as we shall see hereafter , has analogies in other parasitic sounds. But there are changes not only in respect of quality and degree , but also in respect of organ. Now is it possible to prove an order of succession also for the organs, as compared with each other, or does the relation of the gutturals to the labials and the dentals defy any such estimation according to the strength of articulation ? It was certainly not by accident that the Indian grammarians placed the consonants in the order in which Sanskrit gram mar still arranges them . They put the gutturals first, and after them the remaining explosive and nasal sounds, in the order in which they are produced in the mouth , pro ceeding from the back forwards; i . e. gutturals, palatals, linguals, dentals, labials. And this order reappears in the class of the semi - vowels , jrlv, and in the sibilants : & sh S , until the list is finally closed by h , which is to a certain extent organless, belonging to no part of the mouth ( 406 ) in particular. This order of the organs corresponds to the historical succession, in which the sounds proceed from one another, at any rate in so far that we see the first RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE DIFFERENT ORGANS. 39 a class of the consonants, the gutturals , passing into the following classes, but not vice versâ. Of course we do not assert that at a certain stage in the history of language there were only gutturals , and then by the side of them dentals, it may be, and so on . The question of priority, so stated, is absurd : nothing induces us to assume that at any time any one of the three main parts of the mouth, at which the gutturals, dentals and labials are produced, was ever entirely unused . It is surprising that even a sober and cautious scholar like Heyse , in his System der Sprachwissenschaft ( p. 117 ff.) takes the trouble to draw up from this point of view a ' list of the order of the origination of the consonants according to their organs. But we may certainly venture to assert that the gutturals, which are the hardest for children to pronounce , require the greatest force of articulation * ), and therefore , as laxity and ease of articulation increase in the course of the history 439 of language, pass into the sounds belonging to other organs, but rarely if ever arise out of them ; so that thus the direction of the change of the organ is on the whole from the back forwards. The greater ease with which den tals are pronounced as compared with the sounds of the other organs may be recognized sufficiently from the fact that they occur by far the most commonly in the formal elements of language, in the terminations of inflexion and word -build ing , so that almost the only groups of explosives which are found , are those in which the second consonant is a dental :

• ) The fact , which Max Müller Lectures II 164 quotes, that some Polynesian languages are entirely without gutturals, while the dentals are found everywhere , is quite in harmony with this view . The

disinclination of the Keltic languages to the p is remarkable. Prof. Windisch informs me that no word has yet been adduced , in which the two main divisions of this family retained in common the Indo germanic p . Cp. Ebel Beitr. I 307 , Stokes Ir. Gloss. 13 and above Nos. 366 , 367b , 371 , 214 , 392 , 393 etc. This does not however prevent a p from appearing sometimes in the British branch in the place of an Indog. k , as is shown under No. 624 ff . 40 BOOK III. kt, gd, pt, bd etc., and the order is never reversed. We should also notice here the fact, to which Pott 12 211 calls atten tion , that it is almost only dentals and labials which are found in the prepositions of the Indogermanic languages. Of course, when Pott adds the remark , that these seem to be the ' most primitive ' sounds, we cannot follow him in this, nor think of such a thing for a moment. Are we really required to regard the pronominal and the numerous verbal roots of our linguistic stem , which contain a guttural, as less “ primitive ' . Where is there the shadow of a proof of this ? I rather take the circumstance adduced to mean that the dentals and the labials were of less importance than the gutturals, and were therefore better adapted for that whole class of words of lighter stamp , so to speak: ( 407 ) while the gutturals, which could only be brought out by a more forcible movement of the heavier back part of the tongue, which furnished more resistance, found their chief employment in the most important part of the vocabulary. This fact is again the main reason why the dentals and labials are so much more numerous than the gutturals, as Förstemann Ztschr. I 169 , II 37 shows with regard to Sanskrit, Greek , Latin and Gothic. But the gutturals were in many ways driven out of the sphere which was origi nally their own, and replaced by their front- rank men . To take a few examples out of many. In Sanskrit many gutturals pass into palatals, with regard to which we may refer to p. 26 ; in Greek we find , in the same place , as we 440 shall see more fully below , not unfrequently instead of these , labials : Skt. interrogative stem ka , Lat. quo, Gr. no ( only in New Ion. xo) , rt. gân go , Gr. Ba ; more rarely dentals : Skt. kim , Lat. quid , Gr. tí. The original dh is not uncommonly replaced by f in the Italian languages, and also by b in the middle of Latin words: Skt. madhja ( fem . ), Osc. mefiu , Skt. rudhira - s, Gr. Xovfpó - s, Lat. ruber, Umbr. rufru (No. 306) , a phenomenon , which I have dis cussed more in detail in Ztschr. II 334 f., a partial shift ing from the dental to the labial organ , and thus again RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE DIFFERENT ORGANS. 41 in the direction forwards. Cp. Corssen I ? 148 ff. The changes of the Lat. c and g before e and i in the Romance languages are produced in such a way that the guttural first becomes palatal , and then from this point gets shifted further forwards ( Lepsius Das allgemeine linguistische Alphabet p. 39) . Precisely the same course is found in the case of the similar changes in the Lettic , Slavonic, Teutonic and numerous other languages, as is shown most fully by Schleicher ' Zur vergleichenden Sprachengeschichte'. It is true that in this sphere of what Schleicher calls Zetacism , to which we shall have hereafter to return, movements in another direction are not wholly wanting. There is especially a shifting, from the influence of con tiguous sounds, both of a dental and occasionally of a labial into a palatal sibilant. Indeed in some dialects under particular conditions there is actually a change from p into k, as in the dialect of Naples under the influence of an l which has been softened to an i , e. g. chiano planus (Wentrup Beiträge zur Kenntniss der neapolit. Mund art Wittenb. 1855 p. 11 , cp. Diez I 270 ) * ). But cases of this kind belong, like zetacism generally , to the sphere of assimilation in the wider sense , and prove absolutely noth ing against the main direction which we have asserted. The transference of a consonant from one organ to another will , as a rule , generally have its reason in such special influences of assimilation or dissimilation. Where there is such an essential change of the original sound we can- ( 408) not possibly content ourselves with the assumption of de generation or weathering, and hence we shall have to look about afterwards for adequate explanations of Greek linguistic processes of this kind. Here all that was necessary was to clear the way for our subsequent in

• , An isolated change from p to k is found in Irish : secht (No.

337) Skt. saptan , and also in borrowed words: corcur purpura , clum = pluma. 42 BOOK III . vestigations by pointing out the prevalent direction of phonetic change *). 4 + 1 If we now proced from the explosives to the fricatives, we shall find it easiest to recognize a well - established rule for the relation of the nasals to each other. The guttural nasal is a rare sound in all Indo - Germanic languages. It only occurs before other gutturals , and therefore it de pends upon these, and can change into the nasal of an other organ only when the explosive which follows it also changes its organ. Thus the n in the Lat. vincere i . e. vinkere is clearly guttural : in the Ital. vincere it is palatal, in the Provençal vensser (Diez Gr. I. 235) it is dental. But the other nasals enjoy greater freedom . It is certainly generally the rule that, where m and n correspond, mis the older sound : and this is especially the case at the end of a word, where Greek v corresponds to the very frequent primitive m : dóuo - v = Skt. dama - m , Lat. domu - m . We find the same phenomenon occasionally in German, e. g. Faden for the older fadam (Grimm Wörterb. s. v. ) , re gularly in Old Prussian (Bopp die Sprache der alten Preussen p. 11 ) , and in two languages, which are still more closely related to Greek , the Albanian and the Messapian (G. Stier Hieronymi de Rada carmina italo -albanica Brunsv. 1856 p. 56, Bopp üb. das Albanesische p . 4 , Bulletino dell' Inst. arch. 1859 p. 215) . In the Romance languages this change is not confined to the end of a word : Fr. rien cum ; it appears sometimes also in other places : Fr. natte = mappa , Wall. furnice formica ( Diez I 199 [Brachet, Etymological Dictionary s . v. changer ] ). The reverse transition also occurs in these languages, though > rem , It. соп

• ) With regard to the relation of the dental consonants to the

labials , it is hard to prove any definite relation of priority between these classes. Ludw . Lange Ztschr. f. d . österr. Gymn. 1863 p . 299 quotes several reasons in favour of the greater difficulty of the labials, which are well worth considering. But on the other hand the change of the dental aspirate into the labial is , as we shall see below , a fact which cannot be denied away. RELATIVE STRENGTH OF THE NASALS , ETC. 43 , more rarely : Span. mueso for nuestro (1 203) : and we can hardly deny its existence altogether in the earlier stage of language ; so that a greater mobility must be generally ascribed to these more mutable sounds. Hence it seemed to me before ( p. 86) that we might admit a certain waver ing between m and n , the clearest instance of which was the Lith . gem - ù nascor, gim -ině gens by the side of the prevalent root- form rev (No. 128) . With regard to the two liquids r and 1 thus much ( 109) is certain, that greater force is required for that vibration of the tongue , by which the ‘ trill ' r is produced, than for that loose position of the same organ, in which I arises. Hence the priority of r over 1 is in numberless cases a recognized fact. Sanskrit very often preserves the more forcible sound in words , where the European languages prefer the softer 1 (Lottner Ztschr. VII 19 [Fick Indo - 442 germanen Europas , pp. 201—261] ) , as e. g. in rt. ruk' Gr. Ivx , Lat. luc ( No. 88) , rt . bhrâg' Gr. prey , Lat. flag , fulg (No. 161 ) . For the same reason r is a much more common sound in Sanskrit than l , and is proportionally more frequent than it is in the two classical languages (Förstemann Ztschr. II 39) . The relation is less firmly established in modern languages. A Romance l often appears in the place of a Latin r, e. g. It. pellegrino peregrinus, Tivoli Tibur ; but it is hardly less common to find r in the place of 1 : It . rossignuolo lusciniolus, Fr. apótre apostolus ( Diez I 189 , 207). For a later stage in lan guage, therefore, r and I are almost equivalent, and the choice between the two often depends upon the influences of contiguous sounds: while , for an earlier stage , it is certain that po is the older sound. We are not however justified , as was noticed on p. 86 , and as will be seen still more clearly from the more careful examination of the Greek sounds, in denying wholly to the period before the separation of languages the sound l. It is more difficult to say what is the genetic relation of the spirants, one to another. May we assume a transi 44 BOOK III . tion of the sounds j s v h into each other; and if so , how ? It is certain that of these sounds the weakest is h, in those languages that is in which this character denotes the mere breathing, becoming fricative at no part of the mouth, and being thus the minimum of sound which falls within the sphere of language. Hence of the Indo - Germanic js v there is often nothing left in Greek but the spiritus asper (No. 606—608, 598—605 , 565, 566) . The sibilation of a j plays an important part in the phenomena of zetacism . But it is only the soft sibilant , denoted in French as in the Slavonic languages by % , which we can expect to find in the place of j : this letter hardly ever passes directly into the sharp, hard s. It would be still more unlikely that j should pass into v *) ; and we should have to regard the appearance of a Greek F in places , where we may presume an older j ( thaoiafo, Fóti on inscriptions , cp. ( 110) p. 398 ), as such a transition . But as adequate analogies can hardly be found for this **) , it will be safer to as sume instead of a phonetic confusion , one which is merely graphic, i . e. an unsatisfactory and clumsy way of writing 443 the j, which was still retained dialectically, but which could not be expressed by any character in use. It is not necessary to remind the reader how entirely improbable, even a priori, is the change of an s or a spiritus asper into f , as has been assumed again by Christ ( p. 174). From the earliest period of the Hellenic language, of which we have any knowledge, onwards, the digamma is found to be disappearing. How can we conceive of it taking the place of sounds so common as s and the spiritus asper ? But finally, the various classes of the fricatives have their points of mutual contact. Thus there is an inter

• ) The reverse change from v into j occurs in Wallachian :

jinu = vinum ( Diez I 350 ).

• • ) I cannot be satisfied even by what Usener collects, Jahn's

Jahrb. 1865 p. 233 note. For after all it is merely a conjecture that vßá tribus ( cp. p. 206 ) is from eas - já . How easy it is to suppose that some other root occurs here ! POINTS OF CONTACT BETWEEN THE FRICATIVES. 45 change between the liquid l , and that one of the nasals which is the most nearly related to it , i . e. n, in which it is not very easy to determine from a general standpoint the question of priority. With respect to Greek in no in considerable number of words in the Doric dialect ( Ahrens d. dor. 110 ) 2 before 1 or 0 ( Lacon. 6) passes into v : φίν- τατο - ς φίλτατος , ένθείν – žltɛiv , a phenomenon, which we may safely regard as a rare kind of assimilation, for these dental explosives come nearer to the dental nasal than to l , the sound of which is produced more at the edges of the tongue. For the reverse transition I know no certain example from Greek, except the form litoo - v for vitpo - v , recommended by the Atticists (cp. Lobeck Phryn. p. 305) and prevalent in Herodotus (cp. Bähr on II 86) . But this is borrowed from the Hebr. neter ( Benf. II 57) . The iso lated glosses of Hesych . 'Ελιπεύς : ο Ενιπείς ποταμός , φί λαξ : δρυς, νέος Ηλείοι by the side of φίνακα : δρύν , to which W. H. Roscher has called my attention , are not clear and certain enough to decide anything. Bugge Ztschr. XX 43 and Stud. IV 335 has advocated a more extensive change of n into l. He considers that a certain instance of this is supplied by hírvov a winnowing fan , with its by form νίκλον , νεΐκλον , (for which we have the authority of Hesych .) and the Lith. nëkóti to toss corn in a winnow. The form öllo - s , which generally used to be compared with Skt. anja - s, was taken by us otherwise ( No. 524 : cp . Schleicher Comp.: 218) ; and other words quoted by Christ p. 98 (cp. Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. I 65) are partly very doubt ful , partly , e. g . uéreuv No. 466 , explained by us other wise , and , as I believe , more probably. Aleúumv by the side of aveúuwv (No. 370) holds an exceptional position , be cause we have to do with the letters av, which do not occur in other cases. In the Romance languages there is abundant evidence for the change in both directions. The change (411) from n to l seems somewhat the more common , but it is accompanied by the tendency to dissimilation : Ital . Bologna Bononia , veleno venenum ; but the reverse is also fully 46 BOOK III . established, Provenç. namela blade lamella (Diez I 203, 444 190). In these languages the sounds r ln are generally the most mutable of all , so that even r occasionally takes the place of n ( Span . hombre hominem , Fr. timbre = tympanum ), though the converse is rare ( Diez I 203, 208) . On the whole, we might be inclined to ascribe to the nasal a stronger articulation than to the liquid , inasmuch as it is more closely connected than the latter with a definite place in the organ of speech, while the liquid 1 is the most ' gliding' of all sounds. However, the interchange between a nasal and a liquid does not come into con sideration for the questions which we have here to discuss. It is true that, after Ebel Ztschr. IV 338 , for the first time , so far as I know , and not withcut doubt , had sug gested the possibility of the transition from n to r , Benfey Ztschr. VII 120, and especially ‘ Orient and Occident' I 287, treated the sounds n and r as if they were as good as identical , and employed this assumption to derive numerous suffixes with r from suffixes with n. But this only shows very plainly now rotten is the phonetic foundation which supports the theory of “ theme- formation ', and of suffix mutilation, rejected by us on p. 76. For we do not need such a transition for these suffixes , if we recognize an original variety ; and in stem -syllables there is not a single instance , in which the change of n into y may be proved *) .

• ) Nothing has been bronght forward recently , to make pro

bable this phonetic change, often as it has been defended . Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. II 126 quotes the Romance transition from n into 1, referred to above . But according to Diez this is common only in the case of certain groups of consonants , which like on ( Fr. diacre diaconus) , dn ( Londres, ordre) would be otherwise hardly pronounceable, and we can see how much we have to do here with carelessly articulated sounds , from the fact that the converse change also occurs (Wallach. suspina suspirare ). Schweizer Ztschr. XII 301 appeals to the Swiss niemer niemand and the South German mer = man. But the same explanation applies to this final r , which has but a weak sound here , and this would at any rate prove nothing for a letter in the POINTS OF CONTACT BETWEEN THE FRICATIVES . 47 As to the relation of the sibilant s to r, we must ( 412) ascribe to the s which is produced by placing the tongue firmly against the upper row of teeth , an unqualified pre cedence over the trill. It is therefore a recognized fact in the history of language that where there is a change be tween s and r the priority belongs to the s (Pott I ' 131 , Diez Vergl . Gr. I 222). There is not a single instance of 445 the converse transition in the circle of the Indo - Germanic languages. The ' Zitterlaut ' [ trill ] , as Brücke calls it , can be produced at different places in the mouth , especially either at the back of the palate , or with the point of the tongue on the upper row of teeth. We may probably as sume that it is only the latter sound, described by Brücke p. 42, which can originate in the dental sibilants , inas much as it closely approximates to the place of their arti culation. Hence Corssen 12 238 justly deduces from the frequent origination of a Latin r from an earlier s the more dental pronunciation of the former sound , and he properly connects with this the change from a to r in the same family of speech , which may be compared with re spect to the place of articulation. The Teutonic change of these sounds may be compared with the Italian. In both families it is found especially in the middle of a word between two vowels, but also at the end. It seems to be quite unknown at the beginning. With the Greeks , it is only in a few dialects that o passes into e , and , very remarkably , this is under entirely different conditions from those present in the Italian lang middle of a word. Sonne, an opponent of the participial theory, assumes for the forms of the 3 plur. act. Zend in -are a derivation from ars = ans , ant (Ztschr. XII 288) . If this view were correct ( cp . Spiegel Beitr. II 23 , Kuhn IV 211 ) , though this seems to me very doubtful, after the remarks of Schleicher (Comp. 8 p. 666 ), this would only be an example of a single group of letters , and further one derived from an entirely different gion of language. We are therefore by no means justified in assuming such a change for the time before the separation of languages , to which we cannot at all confidently ascribe such lax articulation . 48 BOOK III . = хоб uages , i . e. especially at the end of a word : río τίς ( Laconian) , and in the middle of a word never between vowels , but only before consonants : Elian xoquñtai uğrau ( cp. car - men for cas-men Corssen Beitr. 406) . It is therefore probable that this phenomenon in Greek was especially conditioned by the influence of following con sonants. Unfortunately we have not sufficient material for a more exact investigation. Connected with this suppo sition is the remarkable fact, to which I called attention in my review of Ahrens de dial. dor. Ztschr. f. d. Alterth. 1844 p . 637, that in the Elian decree we find the forms τοις and τοΐρ , τις and τίρ occurring side by side , but the forms with g only before an initial consonant, those with s only before an initial vowel , or at the close of a section . Perhaps we may explain from this the surprising fact, that no grammarian mentions this change among the peculiari ties of the Laconian dialect , while it is spoken of as Elian and Eretrian , and yet a considerable number of glosses in Hesychius leave no doubt as to its occurrence in Laconia . The great majority of these glosses , pointed out by Ahrens ( 413) dor. 71 ff. show the at the end of a word *). We find the same in a solitary example in Aristophanes (Lysistr. 446 988 nahabo ya) . If we suppose that the Laconians changed s into g only when final , and before certain initial con sonants , but elsewhere left it unaltered, we have an ex planation on the one hand of the silence of the grammar ians, who took as little notice of such a change as of Xu navti, ły koloố and the like , and on the other hand of the Hesychian glosses , which may have been extracted by a gloss -writer from Laconian texts without noticing or at any rate without paying any attention to the context in each case . Anyhow this Greek change, which is limited at most to a few local dialects is to be carefully disting >

• ) Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. X 206 proves that the change of o into

e in the middle of a word is not at all surely established for the Laconian dialect. RELATION OF S TO 1 . 49 uished from the Italian : it finds its analogy much rather in the conditions under which a final s in Sanskrit passes into r , though these again are much more limited , and differ in many respects. But we cannot fail to see that the difference in the facts points to different natural causes, and hence to an relation between 6 and q entirely different from the Italian : indeed we cannot find the slightest trace of any approximation of the g to din Greek , and the breathing , with which initial o was written * ), essentially distinguishes the Greek trill from the Italian . Perhaps it is probable from these facts that the Greek e , at any rate in the majority of dialects, was produced further back in the mouth , a view to which Kuhn Ztschr. IV 31 was also led by his investigations ' on the phonetic develope ments connected with s ' . But in any case we may distrust all etymologies of ordinary Greek words , which are based upon this change, a point upon which Pott (Personen namen p. 29) has justly again laid stress. But etymologies are still always being proposed , resting upon this assump tion, and indeed the converse transition from @ to o is not wholly unheard of. On this rests 0. Müller's explana tion of Πελασγοί from rt. πελ and άργος, but althougli, apart from this , the f preserved in the El. Féoyov, Lacon. (414 ) Béoyov disproves this etymology in the case of so old a word, it still finds supporters. It is just those assumptions 447 which run counter to a sound method , that seem to be always exercising afresh an irresistible attraction for many scholars. Nitimur in vetitum . The other changes of a continous sound into one of

• ) There is a remarkable anticipation of the later way of writing the letters, established by the grammarians, in PHOFAIEI on the old in

scription of Arniadas of Korkyra , discussed by Ross , Jahn's Jahrl). Vol. 69 p . 514, so far as I know the only one. It is true that here the breathing follows the r, after the Latin fashion : Rhodus. Cp. Franz Delitzsch , " Possibility of aspiration with the lingual r ', appendix to his essay “ Physiology and Music in their importance for Grammar, especially of Hebrew ' Leipzig 1868. CURTICs Etymology. II. 4 50 BOOK II. another class are reduced to the sporadic representation of 5 by Q and the interchange between F and u. The first substitution is limited to the Cretan dialect, and is indeed really established by only one certain instance, i . e. Toé Gé Koñtes (Hesych . ), where tpé has originated from tf€ ( Ahr. d. Dor. 51 , above p. 80 ). How little authority there really is for dad pornos, which is commonly said to be for dedFoixás, may be seen from M. Schmidt's Hesychius. The M.S. has ded poixág. doiras * ). I con jectured on No. 572 that the curious õiya Góra, derived from the same source , by the side of iza Giána Kúrgiot , was to be traced back to bolya , 6Fiya, and so reconciled with the ordinary Greek siya. The influence of a dental in juxtaposition is certainly to be taken into account in such cases , and a wider conclusion as to the affinity of the sounds F and o must not be based upon them . Grass mann ( Ztschr. IX 8) well connects the change of the F into o with the transition of the same spirant into 1, which is unmistakeable in some Slavo - Lettish words ( cp. above No. 252) . Still we cannot follow him in assuming the gradual intermixture of an r with v , and unpronounccable

• ) The view of the same scholar, that the g was sometimes in

serted in the Cretan dialect, as in Fr. perdrix perdix Diez 1 439 ) cannot be considered proved by the few and ( in part) extremely uncertain glosses, which he quotes on behalf of it Ztschr. XII 214. Among these one is : άτρεγκτος άβροχος , i . e . ά - τεγκ - το-ς, in which we cannot fail to see that tp again corresponds to a : Indo - Germ . tr , foron No. 234 we connected tėyyo with . Goth . thraha. But further the view that these glosses are Cretan is by no means established to the satisfaction of every one. C'p. Rörliger Ztschr. XVII 314.) A parasitic ' r , springing mp after dentals, and gradually turning them into linguals is conjectured also by J. for the Indian languages (Or. u . Oec. III 38:31 with the approval of Benfey. The latter ‘On some Plural - forms' Gött. 1867 p . 15 actually makes an po ' hang on ' ( anschiessen ) to an 1 , probably only a new and not very gentle way of saving the assumption of the change of an n into 1 mentioned on p . 444. How little the ( ireeks at any rate liked this hanging on ' is shown by iv - 8-0 - os, ( p . Fr. centre cincrem . But besiiles, it is really too much to ask us to believe in this. LABIALISM . 51 roots like dhuran. In Latin , some examples of cv changing into cr have been assumed (Grassmann 13) ; but these have in part been otherwise explained, in part need more thorough ( 415 ) investigation after what Corssen Beitr. 408 has said on the other side. The relation of the two labial consonants u and $ 448 will have to be discussed below . It would hardly be possible to establish any physical reason for the priority of the one or the other sound. A) Sporadic transformations of explosive sounds. Now that we have been led by the preceding consider ations to a common foundation for all sporadic transform ations of sound, and have obtained a general view of the direction they take , we proceed to examine the changes in detail. In so doing we naturally start with those con sonants which may be regarded as the most essential and significant elements of language. These are the explosive sounds, commonly called mutes. Of these again the tenuis must universally rank first and the medial and aspirate follow . As we have seen , the gutturals are of all this class of consonants the most exposed to disfiguration. We have to ascertain then the extent and direction of their sporadic transformations in Greek. First we will examine the change of gutturals into labials, which may be aptly called Labialism . 1 ) LABIALISM . One of the earliest observations of comparative gram mar was to the effect that several languages frequently show a p for a k which is often represented in Sanskrit by k , and the labial media b for a g and its Indian represen tative ģ. The fact itself is however not enough ; we must try and find the origin of a phenomenon at first sight so surprising. Lepsius was, as far as I know , the first to 52 BOOK III. 1 1 attempt to account for it. In his „ Sprachvergleichende Ab handlungen " p . 99 he arrives at p by the intermediate steps kv , kp. But kp , as Pott has already objected against Lepsius (Zählmethode p . 176 n . ) , is a harsh group of sounds, and moreover never occurs in any simple Indo Germanic word at all , and we cannot imagine its existence in the primitive Indo - Germanic tongue, especially at the beginning of a word. But as we see , in the case of du , ( 416 ) bellum , and bonus, and bis springing from the Old- Latin 4 19 duellum and duonus and the assumeable duis, ku will serve well enough as the intermediate step between k and p. For kv is to p as du is to b. The labial spirant v affected a preceding k or g in such a way that these letters fled from the throat to the lips, but on becoming p and bv they ex pelled the spirants themselves, and simple p and b were left. We find a striking analogy in the Sardinian dialect of Italian in which , as is alleged by Stier Ztschr. XII 156 , and Delius ‘ Der sardinische Dialekt des 13. Jahrhunderts' Bonn 1864, the Lat. quattuor becomes with softening of the tenuis to the medial --- battor , aqua abba , quinque quimbe, guardare badare, and lingua limba . Abundant instances of other kinds are given by Ascoli, whose comprehensive treatment of labialism Fonol. p . 58 ff. (Germ , transl. p . 49 ff.) deserves the greatest consideration. The intermediate step above assumed may in many cases be actually seen : – often in Latin, occasionally, though perhaps not in its integrity, in Sanskrit and Lithuanian. To start with the latter case , it is clear that inno - g with the by - form ixxo - 9 are to be compared directly with equo - s, and consequently that an and xx , the result of assimilation , are here the represen tatives of kv. To this same kv we are brought by the Skt. aç - va - s and the Lith . fem. asz - va ( mare = Skt. aqvá ), so that akva - s is here firmly established as the primary form . Moreover etymology confirms the view that the k was primitive; for it is very probable that the rt. of the primitive name of the horse, which is preserved also in the Old - Sax. öhu , is ak to be swift, keen ( No. 2, cp . Pott 1 LABIALISM . 53 W. I 525). We remain true then to our method of using what is clear to help us to the knowledge of what is not easily discernible, in pronouncing a Gk. a, where it is confronted by an older k , to be in all cases the product of a pre -Hellenic kv. The circumstance that Latin has as a rule preserved this group of sounds in the form of qu , whereas Umbrian and Oscan as well as Greek in the majority of its dialects adopt the labial , inclines us to the belief that the ku belongs in such cases to the Graeco - Italic period. What made the example just discussed so important was the fact that it showed us the existence of the kv earlier than this period , und that we there re cognized it as Indo - Germanic. But as a rule for this Graeco - Italic ku we find in the other kindred languages either the simple li or such sounds as we are warranted as regarding as the representatives of an original k . When then we find that the interrogative stem in Skt. , Lith ., and Slav. is ka , we are inclined to regard this as the oldest form and the Graeco - Italic kva , kvo along with their analogue the Teutonic hva , as a later one. It was with 450 this view that I discussed this question thoroughly Ztschr. III ( 117 ) p . 401 ff. I there called attention to certain cases in which , as I thought, labialism appeared in Sanskrit as well *). Subsequently Grassmann in the same Ztschr. IX 1 sub mitted " the connexion of the mute consonants with a following v ” to a thorough and acute investigation, which has led him among other things to the conclusion that the ku belongs in a large range of cases to the Indo Germanic period, that consequently e. g. kva and not ka is to be regarded as the primary form of the interrogative stem. Especial importance attaches in this investigation to the Skt. palatal t which corresponds very often to a Graeco - Italic kv. This kí too is pronounced by Grassmann

• ) Aufrecht too allows for Skt . the change of an original k

to p , referring on Ujjvaladatta p . 270 the suffix -apa to -aka . Cp. Schleicher Comp. p. 165. Ascoli ut sup. is not in favour of labialism in Sanskrit. 54 BOOK III . to have sprung in many cases from liv , but all the same, phonetic analogies for this change are still to scek . No doubt the Skt. kí was a momentary sound whose position was shifted from the back to the middle of the palate ( cp. Rud. v. Raumer " Aspiration und Lautverschiebung ' p . 37 ) . That this shifting was due to the operation of the labial v is much less probable than that it took place owing to the influence of a j. The latter assumption is supported to the widest extent by the analogies adduced by Schleicher in his ' Zetacismus '. If we want then to get from kv to li must assume a change from kv to kj. Although at p . 442 we met with a Romance instance of j for v , such a change will be hard to establish for Greek in spite of all that is urged in its behalf. Even Christ's attempt ( Laut). p. 112) to use the old character xóand as a means of connecting the Lat. qu with the Skt. 1 has no found ation of fact whatever. It seems to me moreover hard to believe that the original Indo -Germanic language made such extensive use of the harsh lv, especially at the end of a root. I cannot conceive of such roots as lakv ( loquor ), salv ( sequor), still less such combinations as ghv, which Grassmann, consistent throughout, would have us accept. What language allows such conjunctions of sound ? Many linguistic scholars are too prone to allow in the assumed primary forms conjunctions of consonants which are found in no living language. The expedient of taking the separate sounds, of which the several languages show here one and there another, and adjudging them all in a lump to the 451 supposititious primary form is a convenient one , but its application must be restricted. If we regard the roots of ( 418) language as syllables which once actually existed, which had as yet been subject to no formative process , and which represent simple ideas, as was recommended on p. 47 , we shall hardly be brought to admit such harsh conglomer ations of sound . On these and other grounds, although Leo Meyer in bis Vergl. Gr. I 29 falls in with Grassmann's view , and Ascoli assumes a similar means of connexion LABIALISJI. 55 one . between labialism and dentalism , I hold to the view which has long commended itself to my mind as the most probable In so doing I am supported by Corssen 1 ? 69 and Delbrück Ztschr. f. d . Philol. I 21. Except in the case just adduced , where v belongs to the suffix, I hold li to be everywhere the original sound. Of all consonants k is the hardest to pronounce; the most decided articulation is necessary to keep it pure , free , that is , from attendant sounds. Hence it is that it is the most frequently adulterated by the admixture of involuntary sounds; and of these the most frequent are v , an echo as it were in the fore part of the mouth and j, a sound which travels along the palate. These phonetic adjuncts are like parasitic plants: just as these nestle among alien foliage , endanger its growth and often kill it quite at last, so the above mentioned accompanying sounds work a host of changes in the sounds on to which they have grown and often end by destroying them outright. It is for this reason that I call them parasitic sounds (cp. above p. 428). In this way li, owing to a parasitic v , became tv and then often P , and again , owing to a parasitic j , became kj, Skt. Tá tsch as it was pronounced later and finally now and then t ; just so g became go , then often 6 (cp. Corssen Beitr. 65 ). It is remarkable, as Hugo Weber points out (Etym . Unters. I p. 3) , that the majority of instances of ( ireek labialism , and we may add , dentalism too, are never found at the beginning of a word except before a vowel, and never in the middle of a word except at the end of roots which are originally immediately followed by a vowel, that is, in cases in which the assumed kv, gv , lij , gj were casily pronounceable. Accordingly there will be no need to assume sound - formations like kir, gul. The only ex ception is Boegos No. 645 , in which case however it is not a far - fetched assumption that it arose by metathesis front βερφος (cp. κράτος by the side of κάρτος) . On the other hand the recognition of this view casts suspicion a priori on many more venture-some hypotheses; e. g. that combated > > a 56 BOOK III . by me Ztschr. III 415 as to the comparison of rocoon with the Skt. krî. As we call the affection by the lip 452 spirants labialism , we might call that by j palatism , but Schleicher has already given currency to the name zetacism for the latter phenomenon. Whatever it is called , the transformation worked by zetacism is usually brought about ( 119) by the influence of a neighbouring i- or e - sound , and ex tends to the explosive sounds of the other organs. But it is probable that the same spirant, which is developed in many cases from the following sound, attached itself in others to the guttural without any occasion of this sort. We have instances, especially in the Slavo -Lithuanian languages of the appearance of the spirants s and Lith . sz out of an older k in both of these two ways : without the influence of a neighbouring sound e. g. in the Ch. SI. os - tri , Lith . asa - tri - s sharp from the rt , ak. Kuhn ( Ztschr. XII 147) has collected other analogies of a very instructive nature from the Jutic dialect of Danish, in his notice of Varning's treatise on this dialect. Here we find a j forcing its way in after k, 9 and 1 in accented syllables : kjerk church (Germ. Kirche), hjalt hold (Germ . halt ), in other words its place is taken before an o by a u : kuott card ( Karte). Here Here then then wewe see the parasitic sounds coming into being under our very eyes as it were. This should teach us not to assume the universal existence of spirants which can be so easily developed from the preceding con sonants, for that earlier period in the history of the Indo Germanic tongues. Without venturing further upon the theory of this change of sound, on which the physiology of the organs of speech also will certainly give us , upon a more extended survey , still more complete explanations, we will now proceed to the cases in which we believe we can with certainty set down a Greek n as the representative of an Indo - Germanic T. a) A Greek a corresponds in the following cases to an Indo -Germanic k , which is then represented as a rule by p LABIALISM. 57 in Umbrian and Oscan, by qu in Latin, not seldom by nv in Teutonic, occasionally too by p in Sanskrit. 620 ) Rt. Fen call, say , aor. 8 -(A) ELA- 0 -v , cin - o- v , A- os word, verse, 6x (st.ón) voice, év- on- ý a cry, noise. Skt. rt. valí (vak -mi, vi-vali-mi) say, speak , vali- as word , song, vál speech , voice , vâk - ja - m utterance, speech , vak -ana-m recitation. Lat. vox (st . vớc) , vợc -a -re, in -vi -tare, con-víc-in -m . 0.-H.-G. wah -an (pret. ga -wrog ), ga-wah- anjan men tion (Germ . erwähnen ), gi- wah- t mentio. 0.- Pruss. en -wack - ê -mai invocamus, Ch.-Sl. vyk -anije clamor, Serv. vik - a - ti vociferari. 0.-Ir. faig dixit , ro - iar -fac -sa " I asked ”, r -iar-fact 453 quaesivit , iar- faigid gen . iar- faichthco quaestio (Journ. 1871 p. 374 , 376 , 380 from B. L., 2.2 455. 9). Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 268 , Stokes Beitr. VII 12 . Sonne Epileg omena p. 59 and Ebel Ztschr. II 46 discuss the agreement of the reduplicated aor. which is contracted from X- F8 - Fen- o - v with the Skt . form a- vók- a- m which arose out of a -va -vak - a - m . On the F in Feinny ( perhaps more correctly fúanu Ahr. d . Aeol. 90 ) and Féros Ahr. d . Aeol. 31 , 171 , 226, Hoffmann Qu. Hom . II 23. ευρύ- οπα (120 ) as the “ far- resounding ' is plausibly referred here by Döderlein Gl. 509, Goebel Ztschr. f. österr. G. IX 783. The old guttural is dis cernible in oooa for óx -ja , which is a fem. corresponding to the Skt. neut. vák -ja -m of like meaning , perhaps too in " l-axx- 0- s for Fl - Fax4-0- s by the side of Báryo- s , if the god is named from the shouts and cries uttered at his festivals. Even after Corssen's ob jections ( Beitr. 18 , 1 ° 482) I think Fleckeisen is probably right in connecting the Lat. in -vitare and explaining it to be for invic-i - tare, inrictare ( Rhein. Mus. VIII 221 ) . Cp. note to No. 17 and 19 and Jahn's Jahrb. 1865 p. 126. [ But cp. Nettleship Journal of Philology V 20. ] On the other hand Corssen p . 72 , II 360, makes it probable that con riciu - m and not , as Fl . assumed , convitium is the best authenticated spelling. In this case we must with C. assume a rt. vec as well as toc ( cp. votare by the side of vetare), and derive thence con réc - iu - m , like con- lêg- iu- m , and thence conrícium ( cp. delînio by the side of lênio. From this form of the root again we must derive the above - mentioned invicitare to which invitare was referred . There is no connexion whatever with the rt. Oet (No. 632) . 58 BOOK III . 621) Rt. éit ( for OET) En- w ( augı -- 9 -- uet' -- di ), aor. 2-61-0 - v am busied about something , én - o -uar follow , aor . έ- σπ- ό- μην , επ- έ- τη- ς attendant , όπ 20- v implement. Skt . rt . sak sak - e, si - sak -mi sequor , sap , sap - u -uni sequor , colo, sali -i- s friend ( cp. sukh -i -s ), sak - i- ra -s companion. Lat. sèqu - o -r , scc - u -ndu -s, al-sec - la , sec -to - r, peilis squa , soc -iu -s. Lith. scli- à ( Inf. scli -ti) follow , come after. 0.-Ir. dlo- scich sequitur, aire-scchethar ut sequatur, sechem secutio ( 2.² 430. 1004. 771 ) , sochuide societas, copia ( Z. ” 365 ). Bopp til . s . v. sak and sap , Benf. I 430, II 356, Pott W. III 301. The fluctuation of the final letter shows itself clearly in this case even in the Skt. , where the form sap , äs Kuhn Ztschr. II 131 points out, has among other meanings that of accomplishı ?. Del brück “ Ablat. Loc. Instr." p . 55 adıluces for sak with the Instr. case the meaning ‘ be together '. All doubt as to the connexion of these words ēno and Enouae is hereby removed. Moreover the compound εφέπω comes very near to the middle έπομαι . And this has origi nally , and in Homer exclusively , the meaning " accompany ,' whence äļi ēnectat , not come afterwards, and this confutes the attempt to explain énovtai A 424 by “ will follow " , and also Buttmann's ex planation of onlótępos as the “ younger" ( Lexil . II 126 ). On the 454 offer hand the primary meaning justifies the comparison of on- 20 - v which originally meant not weapon but implement and has just as little to do with the Cioth . répna ( n . plur. ), ( .- H .- ( . uafan , as with the Skt. vap weave ( Christ 227 ) . The Lith . sck - u has moreover this special point of resemblance with the Lat, sequor that it also takes the acc. ( Schleicher Lit. Gr. p . 262 ) . In the earlier writers . Enoual takes the acc, perhaps only in l'ind. Nem . X 37 , and there with a special meaning. Just as the original o is still retained in & GA- 0 - v & -01-6-ur, v for gegen - ó -unv, so perhaps the Hom . c -0667, the helper may be regarded as one of those forms which preserve the effect of the original x in the go. In that case it would stamil for d -conin mne. Hesych. gives the by- formis focontre , ocortie = βοηθός, επίκουρος. Hugo Weber's conjecture Jahn's Jahrl). 1863 p . 590 ) that the Skt. sap and suki are formed by expansion from it pure rt . sa is founded on no actual facts. The Ir . saigim adeo connected with this rt . by Ebel Beitr. II 165 and the Goth . sök ja must alike be separated from this root. LABIALISM . 59 622) ήπαρ. Skt. jakrt ( n .) Lat. jecur. Lett. ak- ni- s. Bopp Gl . , Pott 1 ' 113. The k which is attested by three ( 421 ) languages is represented by a r only Greek. I take inagt jakart as the Gk. stem , and assume that not the primary form of the remaining cases has lost a e just like notí for rpori. The rt . is to be found in the syllable juk. Hence with a different suffix is formed the Skt. jak- an , the basis of the oblique cases . In the Lat. jec - in -or- is we get the n- and --suffixes combined , while the Lett. form shows only n. For an answer to Kuhn's explanation, which is different, see Sonne Ztschr. XII 294. It is the extreme of bold ness with Stokes Ir. Gl. 1032 to connect the 0.-Ir. oa jecur , Cymr. afu , Corn. aui 2.º 23. 1066 ). 623 ) Rt. in ir- to- uai oppress , hurt, iv ( st . in ) a noxious worm, in - o -s a wooden bat (in a mouse -trap ), fuller's press. Lat. ic-o , ic - tu - s. Sonne Epilegomena 51 ff. Hesych. gives the active forms ivai , ivas. From among many doubtful conjectures we may select as almost certain that of the original identity of ig and iy , of which the former would thus be the older of the two. Probably too in - vn woodpecker is related, so that the primary meaning of the rt. is ' hit'. Since in - o - s meant on the one hand wooden bat, mousetrap , on the other rò rõv uvapéwv čoyaletov (Pollux VII 11 ) it comes in very well here. Derived from the latter meaning again , as Pollux rightly re markeel is inoúrial αποθλίβεσθαι, πιέζεσθαι . The old και appears to be preserved in in - gra partition , scaffold , deck , and there is no probability at all either from its sound or its meaning in Joh. Schmidt's attempt ( Rt. AK p . 6 ) to connect it with the rt. dk ( No. 2 ): it appears perhaps also in the proper names " In -apo- s , ' Ix - udlo s ( TÉXTOV 7 57 ), and also in ix- rap near. On the relation of the notions ' near' and ' hit' to each other cp . above p . 114. It is possible too that { v - 1660 v - inj- w (by - form { vínow) along with xv - in - an- o - v , Šv - év -in - o - v ( ep . { v - in - ni belongs here ; it would thus properly mean drive at', hit at . επιπλήσσειν , εμπλήσσειν). Το explain ιπ- απ- ο - ν however we must assume ian as a by- form to in , though I do not venture to 155 pronounce upon its relation to lánow and jacio , which can hardly be separated from one another ( Ztschr. III 108 ). - Savelsberg De Digammo p . 46 agrees with the E. M. in connecting the name of the river 'EviazÚS with this verb , but he takes the verb quite differ ently , and is perhaps right in holding the Scholiast's reading in l'ind. Ol. XI 72 ’Evixevs ( var. lect. Nexevs) to be the older one connecting it with { víocw , especially as 'Eviceús is also found . 60 BOOK III. 624 ) inno -s horse, intóra horseman , ixa - lo - s pertaining to horses, Skt. ayva - s ( Zend, a pó ) horse, arra tara-s mule, acuja -s = TAALO - S (Zend. a pya). Lat. cquu-s , equa , cque(t)-s , equitare. 0.- Sax . ëhu horse. Lith . aszva mare , aszu - ta - í horse hair 0.-Ir. ech equus , cchaire mulio , Cymr. op equus , cbawl pullus equinus (2.² 225. 229. 289. 818). Bopp Gl., Joh . Schmidt Rt. AK p . 45 , Pott W. I 525 , Ebel Beitr. II 161, Stokes Ir. Gl. 17. Cp. above p . 419. The Greeks have preserved the special feminine form only in the proper name Inan - uokyoi. The guttural form ixxo -s is attested by E. M. p. 474 , 12 ( i’rxos onuaival tov i'nnov ) and by the proper name " Ixnos ( Tarentum , Epidaurus). The spir. lenis is preserved in the proper names Aevx ιππο- ς , "Αλκ-ιππο- ς , Νίκ-ιππος , 'Αρίστ -ιππο - ς , Κράτ -ιππο- ς , etc. ( Pott W. I 533 ) , in the Lesb. innlos (Ahr. d . Aeol . 29) , in the Sicelian in- vn équanis (Hesych .) i . e . inn - ivý , equina sc . pellis, vestis . In this, as in many other cases to be discussed below , the spir, asper took its place in the course of time. The proper name "lanv - s ( 122 ) ( Rhegiun) is remarkable. The i confronts an older è as in 16 - ju from the rt, èo . Pott II 1 260 connects also the constructor of the Trojan horse ' En -Elós, but this is doubtful. The pretended Aeolic form iocos, which Giese ( Aeol. Dialect p. 119 ) has shown to be mis spelt, and which has no authority at all , ought not to have been brought up again by Pictet Orig. I 346. He gives us however the Keltic representatives of this stem . Italian forms with the p are Ep-ona, goddess of horses and asses ( Preller Röm . Myth. 594 ), per haps the Campanian Epidiu- 8 ( Mommsen Unterital. D. 258). The Indo - Germanic primary form akva is according to Jac. Grimm's con jecture ( üb. das Verbrennen der Leichen p. 28) preserved in the Cioth . aihva - tundi thorn -bush more accurately than in the 0.-S. ëhu. The rt. is probably ak ( No. 2 ). 625) Rt. λιπ λείπ - ω λιμπάν- ω leave , abandon , λεϊμ- μα, leíŲavo - v remnant, doin- ó- s left. Skt. rt. rik (rinak -mi) to clear off, empty, evacuate, rik - ta-s empty , clear of something. Zd. ric forsake. Lat. linqu - o, re-linqu- o , re -liqu - u - s, lic- e- t, Osk. lik -i tud = lice-to , Lat. lic-C- 0-1. Goth. leihv -an daveitelv, laib- a xatá haluua , bi- laib LABIALISM . 61 jan (0.-H.-G. bi-lib -an ) nepietnaiv, af-lif-nan na ριλείπεσθαι (?). Lith. lëk- u , Inf . Tik- ti remain , leave, lêka- s left over , palaiki-s what is left over. 0.-Ir. léic sine , leicci sinit, ro- léiced concessum est ( Z. ? 19. 435. 443). Bopp Gl. , Benf. II 11 , Ebel Beitr. II 157 . The primary mean- 456 ing , leave , leave free i . e . unoccupied , is evident throughout. licet ( it is left to one , open to one, cp. nataleinɛtat, únolžinetai) is the intransitive to linquere , and is related to it as pendet is to pendere, jacet to jacere, candet to accendere. The mod . Germ . bleiben (remain ) if it belongs here, has preserved the intransitive meaning. For the meaning we may also compare έξεστι , εκπέλει . licet in the meaning “ it is for sale " ( cp . the Engl . to let ) leads to liceri to bargain , bid, give oneself up to one another, from which we arrive at pol -lic -eor, the first part of which compound has been discussed on p . 286 . Cp. Corssen 1² 500 f . Fick ? 168. f. 394 is perhaps right in placing none of the Teutonic words here but those in h (from k ), e. g. the German leihen , verleihen in the sense of abandon , give over, while he gives those with f and b under the rt. lip ( No. 340). So Pott W. III 225. — Perhaps llocwuev, écomuev (Hesych .) contains traces of a Greek dik ; it would then be for lex - jo -uev, but it is not in its right place alphabetically and is therefore a suspicious word. Otherwise M. Schmidt 8. v . , though he states a different view again Rhein . Mus. XVIII 630. The Lat. Tíqu - êre too and liqui along with liqu -or, liqu - idu -s may be annexed to this rt ., since the Germ . lassen ( leave, leti and zerlassen are used in the sense of “ let flow" , " liquefy ", and there is a Zend rt. ric “ pour out " , which Justi is perhaps right in identifying with ric give over ( cp. Corssen 1 ? 502) . 626 ) Rt . μαρπ μαπ μάρπ-τω grasp (aor. έ- μαπ- ο- ν , μέ UCT- 0- v Hesiod .), udon- ti - g robber. Skt. rt. marc lay hold of, in comp. seize , grasp, comprehend , març-ana-m a touching. Lat. mulc - ére, mulc- âre. This comparison rests on the identity , recognized by Lobeck Rhemat. 48 between Bed tal ovllapsiv (Hesych .) and ucquai Gullapsiv, to which may be added βρακεϊν συνιέναι ( comprehend), δυςβράκανον" (423) δυσχερές , δύσληπτον, δυςκατανόητον. - I formerly compared this rt . with the Skt. vark , rrk , which however has no authority, and I agree with Roth Ztschr. XIX 222 and Fick XX 171 , who regard the Skt. març as the representative of the Gk. ( uapx) upan , uapn. To 02 BOOK III . the forms with x seem to belong the proper names Máquaxos, Máq uas , and perhaps e -u - B -lax -siv or d - u - 1 -læx- siv not to grasp , and so miss, fail , and to the forms with a Magyias, Múpanood , per haps too βράπτειν' εσθίειν , κρύπτειν , αφανίζειν , το στόματι έλκειν Hesych . Fick takes uépoy too to be “ grasper ” and “ comprehender “ , uopp- 1 with aspiration of the it as " fashion ” ( Germ. Fassung from fassen to seize ). 627) Rt. όπ see (όπ -ωπ- α , όψομαι ) , όμ-μα (Lesb. όπ- πα) , look , eye, őų (st. On) , Wi- s sight, face , ún the spy , óx- in- Evelv ogle , make eyes , ón- ń (peep hole ), hole, ČA- Eag awl, 19-1 -aduó -s eye. Skt. ak - sh - a - m , ak - sh -an , al - sh - i eye , rt . ik- sh see, look , iksh -a -na-m look , eye. Zd. akhsh see, ashi eye. Lat. Oc - ulu - s . Goth . aug-ô óg -gaduós, aug- jan show . Lith . (at) ank - u inf. ùk - ti to have one's eyes opened, ak - i- s eye , ák - a - s a hole in ice ; Ch.-Sl. ok - o eye, ok -no fenestra. 457 Ir. don -agaid faciei, in -agid adversus (2.2 657). Bopp Gl., Pott W. II 2 , 302, Diefenbach Vgl . Wörterb. I 53, Grimm Deutsches Wörterb. I 789 , Schleicher K'sl. 97. disenssion of the meaning see p . 99 ; it may be added that in this respect the aor. {nowato conspexit ( Pind. fr. 58 Bergk) and { riówo plae ( B 294) , I will look out, select (with the aor. {reo wato ) are characteristic. The original u occurs in the Boeot. öx - t- adio - s optad uós and in oxxo- v og tahuóv Hesych ., on the formation of which words see Ludw . Schwabe de deminutivis Graecis et Latinis p . 81 ; it is beneath the surface in 766€ ( nent.) óxi - ɛ , where the sibilant finds its correlative in the Ch.-Sl. oči the dual of oko. The st. ore corresponds completely to the Lith . aki. It is again traceable in όσσομαι óx -jo -uai, look , perhaps too in Oota. Cp. I. Bekker Monatsber. 1864, 12. In the form órti - s too, which occurs in tel otti- s (Arcadius p . 35 , 12 ) properly three - eyes, but used only of a neck - ornament with three holes, with the by- form toonis preserved ly Hesych. ( περιτραχήλιον τρεις έχον οφθαλμούς υαλους), tlie ττ must owe its existence to the older % . By the side of oc -ulu - s which is quite isolated in Lat. we may perhaps place ecce along with the apparently middle eccere (op. sequere and idov by the side of ide, as imperatives. Many it is true explain the latter to be e Ceres like e Castor. Pott Il ' 138 ( op. Ztschr. VI 92) takes it as I do, but I do not For i LABIALISM . 63 now derive ec from the addition of the demonstrative ce, bnt regard it as an inorganic doubling like that in Juppiter, quattuor. Other wise Corssen II . 635 , 1026 . Among the forms with a we may notice specially on -in - a - s and on - in - evo ( corrupted into ún -la -t& v -6 ) als reduplicated forms ( cp . óvivr,-ut anul 1v- in-« 77-0- v No. 623 , in which latter case the order of the syllables is transposed ). For úg - 4-02 uós two natural explanations suggest themselves as opposed to attempts such as those of Pott II ? 413, 590 , 781 ( rt. Oal “ the bloom of the face " ), in which he owns to some hesitation : either that it is from a rt. ( op . p . 65 ) with an affixed i ( cp . Ło- 4-1 ( t )-s ), when the multiplicity of suffixes might perhaps be explained by the assumption of a verb óptallo as midille step which had perhaps the meaning "eye ', .ogle ', or that it came by inspiration from óntad uo- s Roscher Stud . I 2 , 105 ) , in which case we should have to assume a verb órtallo coming near to the Boeot. Öx- t -reddo- s. Ebel Ztschr. VIII 242) and Grassmann ( IX 23 ) explain the diphthong of the Teutonic word by assuming metathesis with the assumed ah -ra we might compare the Gk. óx - Fo later öx- xo Lottner IX 319 ) ( 424) otherwise. Fick connects also the Goth . aha vous , aljan roui'tsiv, to which belongs the Germ . achten consider . δράκ- ων ( Νο. 13 ) makes it seem probable that oqi - s serpent belongs to this rt. imp . Hesych. apó - wq - o - s . tgÓGŁONOS) , its trochaic scansion in alólos omis in Hom . and Hipponax fr. 49 , 6 points perhaps to óx - F1 - s ( op. p. 443) ūrsas (by- form oneús) is no doubt rightly explained by Joh . Schmidt to be the maker of holes ( onds) (die W. AK p. 27) . essay top . Tobler Ztschr. für Völkerpsych. I 366) the rt. ók , on is identified with the rt. ak No. 2 ) to be sharp), in which case the eye. got its name from its keenness. Pott II ” 590 suggests the Skt . rti ang penetrate , reach , which has an expanded form aksh . Those two views can be easily reconciled , since it would be harıl to separate ar from ak For to be sharp and to penetrate are nearly allied conceptions. 628) ónó -s. Lat. SUMI - S . 0.-H.-G. saf. ( ' ll . - S1 . sok - ů . Lith. sunkà juice ( lex . ) , sink - ti poured 458 off liquid. -- Ir, svig juice, sugail suck. Pott l ' 109, Benf. I 142 , Miklos. Lex. 869, Corssen 1 ° 117. We may give as the primary form suka - s or perhaps sraka s (Fick ? 404 ) , which has survived best in the Lith . plural suka - i resin , the gum on cherry - trees. Of the o only the spir . lenis remains. Per haps we may assign ún- adó - s tender, ön- kó - rapo - s younger in which Döderlein Gl. 343 discovers the idea “ juicy " . to the older stage that had the spir. asp . These words however find natural connections in sap - a must boiled down, sîp -on) soap , sapinu - s pine, In this very ܕ 64 BOOK III. sap-or taste and sap- i- o taste , where the Lat. p has arisen , as in lupu - s, Epona , saepio ( ep. onuós), from I. To sap- io however belongs σαφ- ής which thus properly means “ tasty ", of a keen , decided taste and Gop- ó - s sap -iens, reduplicated with the Aeol. v = ο Σί -συφ- 0 - ς (ep. Tίτυρος , Τιθωνός , μιμος ) , « of sharp taste ” taken actively. Cp. σέσυφος: πανούργος Ηes . The counterpart is to be found in the Homeric à- ovq- nio- s insipiens. Further even Lobeck Rhem . 341 connects with ónós the related form Gvg -aĚ ( yhɛūros), ovqaxítelv ( órwpiſalv Hes . ), in which the physical meaning has sur vived . The aspiration will be discussed below . To sapere belongs also the () .- H.- G . ant-seffan ( pret. ant - suob ) intelligere. Cp. Pauli Ztschr. XVIII 12 , who is perhaps right in connecting also onneuv rot ( Ganpós mouldy, ontedov rottenness) and giving drip as the primary meaning of the rt. sak . The Ir. words are to be found in Corm . Gl. p . 3 s . v . anforbracht, and p . 36 s . v . prúll ( súgad et imlécad a anála “ the drawing and exspiration of his breath " ). 629 ) πέντε (πεντά- πολι- ς , πεντά- δραχμο- ς) Aeol. πέμπε, πέμπ-το- ς. Skt. pankan. Zd. pañcan , Ved. panka -tha -s, Zd. pukh -dha πέμπ- το- ς. Lat. quinque, quin ( c )-tu -s, Quinct-ili-s. Goth . fimf. Lith. penkì, ord. pink -ta - s, Ch.-Sl. pe- ti, ord. petyj. 0.-Ir. cóic , ord. cóiced , Cymr. pimp, ord . pimphet (Z. ? 303 ff.) Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 71 , Schleicher Comp. 399, 407. For the Sam nite Tóunties , Pontius Quintius, to which also Pomp- ê -ju -s no doubt belongs ( cp. Petr- ėju - s ; petora four), see Mommsen Unterit. D. 289. The r is retained also in reundGelv count. It remains a question whether we are to assume with Schleicher a primary form kankan , from which réune would have arisen by a double labialism , or a primary form pankan , which would have been preserved most accurately in Lithuanian , while in the Lat. quinque the initial letter would have been assimilated to that in the middle of the word . It is argued against Schleicher by Friedr. Müller Beitr. II 397 that reduplication appears unsuitable in a word for an odd number. The latter view is supported by Pott Beiträge II 56 , E. F. 1 ° 142 , per haps not without reason . We have a certain instance of such assimilation in Boblicola , which is adduced by Bergk Ztschr. f. Alterthusw . 1856 p . 132 to help to explain the form verre by the side of ferrem i . e . febrem ( 425) in the Carmen Arvale. Benfey Or. und Occ. I 573 collects other similar instances, though many are doubtful . Cr. No. 630. If we start with pankan as the primary form we may perhaps derive it from the it. pak , which occurs in No. 384 as puk , in which case the number five would have been named from the closed hand. i} LABIALISM. 65 630) Rt. tett rén -wv ripe, ten-tó- s cooked , révi-s digest ion , late present rén-tw cook , réu - ua pastry, 459 Nón- Avo- v sacrificial cake. Skt. pak pak-a- mi cook , bake, ripen , pák - a -s cook ing , ripening, pak -va-s done (of meat), ripe, pak - ti -s cooking, digestion. Zd. pac cook. Lat. coqu - o, coquo-s, coqu - ina , cũ -lina. Ch.-Sl. pek - ą coquo , peš -ti fornax, Lith. kep -ù bake, kep -ěje bakeress. Corn. peber pistor , popei pistrinum , Cymr. popuryes pistrix (2.² 1080. 828). Bopp Gl . , Pott W. III 173 , Benf. II 88 , Schleicher Ksl . 88, Ebel Beitr. II 143. We are here met by the same doubt that met us under No. 629 , whether we are to take kak or pak to be the original root. In this case too it is only Latin that has a double guttural throughout, and it is to be noticed by the way that good M.SS. of Plautus and Vergil have more frequently quoquo and the like ( Soph. Bugge Tidskr. f. Philol . 1866 p. 36 cp. Corssen 1² 69 ). Perhaps we should connect xaxx- áßn pot , pan , whose xx may be explained to be from xF. A similar suffix occurs in xá vv αβο- ς , κόν- αβο- ς , κόττ- αβο- ς , Εκ- άβη. Or is the word onomatopoetic like ortopo όττοβο--ςs ,, æqaßo άραβο--ςs ?? – The Skt. and Slav. forms point plainly to the form pak , as does the older present récow πεκjω. In Lithuanian its place is taken by kap, which meets us also however in the Gk. đpro- nóno- s bread -baker, which can not be separated from this rt. ( Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 222 ) . Pott's attempt II 2 781 again to make a “ bread -hewer" ( rt. KOT) out of á proxónos is a complete failure , and no help at all is to be got from zovdporonežov a corn mill. With the Greeks themselves aproxónos was equivalent to αρτοπόπος , and άρτον πέσσειν is the technical expression for bread baking. Lastly we have the double labial in pap Gk. ren , whence too comes the probably Oscan pop- ina as correlative to the common Latin coqu -ina. With this form we may perhaps connect św - w for πεψ- ω , with an added σ ( cp. ί- πτα - μαι for πι - πτα- μαι) along with öy- o - v , on- tó - s for non- to- s and thence on- tów roast . For the trans formation of the initial see p. 698. For the meaning “ ripe ' we may compare Cic. Cato XIX § 71 “ matura et cocta " . Starting from this point we arrive at the meaning ' soft' and in this way aérov was used by way of endearment and abuse too. Mommsen's assertion , that even to the Graeco - Italians baking was as yet un known ( Hist. of Rome Vol . I p. 20) , is rendered doubtful by this root. The 0.-H.-G. bahhan however belongs to No. 164. CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 5 66 BOOK III. 11 .1631 ) Interrogative - stem ro ( New - Ion. xo) ró - di , που where ? πό- θεν whence ? πως how ? πό - τε when ? TÓ-TE00-9 which of two ? ró - TO -s where in order ? Ao - co - s qualis ? ró- 60-9 quantus ? Skt. ka- s , Zd. n. s . kô ( fem. ká, n . ka -t) who ? kva , Ved. ku- ha where ? ku -tas whence ? ka - thá how ? ka -då when ? ka-ta-ra-s ( Zd. ka -ta -ra ) which of two ? ka - tama- s which out of many ? ka- ti how much ? Zd. cvañt quantus ? ( 426 ) Lat. quod, quó, u - bi ( for quo- bi) = Umbr. pu- fe, 460 qua - m , quan -do, u - ter ( for quo -tero-s), uter-que Osc. pi-tiru -s-pid , Umbr. pu -tre- s -pe, quo- t , quo tu - s, qua -ntu -s (Umbr. n. s . fem . panta ), quá - li -s. Goth . hva - s (fem. hoo, n . hva who? hvan when ? hva -r, O.-H.-G. hwâr, wê where ? Goth. hva - th whither ?? hva -thar , 0.-H.-G. huödar which of two ? Lith. kà-s (m. and n .) who ? kù -r where ? ka -dà when ? ka - í how ? ka- trà - s which of two ? Ch.-Sl. ků- to quis ? ky-j (neut. koje) qualis ? ko toryj qui. 0.-Ir. ca - te , co -te quid est ? can unde ? cach, cech, plur. cacha quivis, cách , quivis , cechtar uterque (2.² 355 ff.); Cymr. pa qui ? pop ( adj. ), paup quivis ( absol. ) 2.2 399 ff. Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 203 , Aufrecht Umbr. Denkm. II 37 , Mommsen Unterit. Dial. 290 , Diefenbach Vgl. Wtb. II 594 , Schleicher Lit. Gr. 195. The treatment of this stem in the above works leaves noth ing to be said about the several forms. In all languages we find the indefinite use side by side with the interrogative. The u sur vives not only in the New- Ionic forms κού , κόθεν , κώς , κότε , κοίος, nócos , xó- tępo- but also in the ordinary Greek 2-4a610 - s with the comp. &-xc - tapo - s , for it is unmistakeable that ra- oto - s is identical with πο- στο - ς , and κα- τερο - ς with πο- τερο - ς. Since the initial F, of which Homer too gives traces, is attested by the four times repeated Féraotos on the lately discovered Locrian inscription , the most natural account of the syllable fe- is that it is derived from the reflexive stem ( No. 601, Allen Stud . III 248 ff .) A trace of the labial spirant is to be seen in the doubling of the n in the poetical LABIALISM. 67 and Aeolie όππως , όπποτε &c. , where the ππ has arisen by assimil ation from af and this from #f, and consequently corresponds com pletely to the an in innos discussed above. In many languages the indefinite use gives rise to the general meaning all , every , which is to be seen e. g. in the Lith. kà-s by the side of the interrogative meaning, and which is introduced in the Italian languages by the addition of -que ( cp. No. 647 ) which also belongs here , Osc. -pid , Umbr. -pe, -pei ( uter - que, quis - que ), though in quoti- die , and quot annis we find the same meaning without such an addition. Hence we may with certainty follow Schmidt ( de pron. Graeco et Latino p. 61 ) and Pott W. I 828 in connecting the rt. Tavt ( n . na - s) which , formed with the suffix -vant, is to be referred to a presumeable ká -rant, how much ? how great ? analogous to the Skt. ta -vant, so much , so great. (Zd. cvañt, Lat. quant- u - s, Umbr. pant- a ; Bopp Vgl. Gr. II 229 ) . It cannot be urged against this view that the Ionians did not, as we might expect, say xă - s nor the other Greeks é- naoto- s , as the dialects show an unmistakeable laxity in the treat ment of these sounds. The adv. réu- nav is most likely nothing but the reduplicated neuter ; náv- v seems to be a compound - perhaps the v is the same u that is added in Skt. to different pronouns ( e . g. kim - u what, indeed ? ) and has left other traces elsewhere (Sonne Ztschr. XII 269). The oldest force of the stem ka , like that of all pronoun - stems, was evidently a demonstrative one. It is preserved in the locative x- xei , with which may be compared the Lat. -ce, ci-s , ci- tra. That xa- tá too is derived from this same stem by the help of the same suffix which we see in či -ta is a conjecture of 461 Benfey's which is well worth consideration (Or. u. Occ. II 566) . 632) Rt. cen say , Hom. Č - - E -te say , švi -On - E - V said, ένν -επ- ε , ένι-σπε- ς , ένι -σπε, εν -έπ - ω say, tell (fut. ενι- σπή-σω ). 0.-Lat. in - sec- e = έννεπε ÉVVENE, insectiones = narrationes, ( 427 ) Umbr. pru -sik -u - rent = declaraverint. 0.-H.-G. seg- jan , sag - ê - n say. Lith. sak -uú , inf. sak - ý - ti say , i-sak-aú tell to , pá sak-a narration. – Ch.-Sl. sok - ŭ xatnyooos , soč iti indicare. 0.-Ir. in - sce sermo ( for ** insiche Z.2 72. 1004 ), saige- s quod dicit, saigid disputare ( Z.2 431. 484), Cymr. heb hi inquit illa , heb huy inquiunt ii ( Z.? 513). 5 * 68 BOOK III. έ - τεν- σα , Ebel Ztschr. II 47 ( cp. Beitr. II 165 ) has rightly separated the Greek words from sintɛiv, frog ( No. 620 ) which have an initial F. This rt. has nothing whatever to do either with the rt. Fent, to which belongs {v- onń , and which has quite a distinct meaning , or with évioow ( No. 623 ) . 7-61- £ -te is a reduplicated aor. for 68-67-8 - të ( cp. & -61-6 -unv No. 621), and for this reason we ought perhaps to recognize in Homer the spir. asper which the old grammarians re jected. ŽvL-GATE - s is formed like 6% -é - s rt. oex ( No. 169 ), fv1-61- on the analogy of the prevailing forms. Švvenɛ comes by progressive assimilation from εν- σεπε like the Aeol. έ- τεν- να the fut. év -ivo like io di “ be” with softening of a to i . I find traces of the x in the Homeric inev which % 31 most unmistakeably means " said ” (Död . Gl. 287 ) , and which I take to be an imperf. like 16-7-8- v with i as a reduplication ( 61-8EX - E - v) , and also in gé- one - 20- s Jés φα- το- ς . On the Italian forms cp. Gellius XVIII 9 , who quotes “ insecendo dicendo" from Cato, and insece from Ennius and Livius Andronicus, and adduces insectiones , Paul. Ep. 111 insexit dixit , Plac. Gl. insequis, narras , refers et interdum pergis. The M.SS. Plaut. Mil . IV 6 , 5 (or 1220 R.) have secuta est locuta est , but Sophus Bugge Tidskrift f. Philol. 1866 p . 18 gives weighty reason for regarding it as an error . The Umbr. pru -sik - u -rent is deduced by Aufr. and Kirchh. Umbr. Sprachdenkm . II 331 . To the forms with ππρός-εψι-ς προςαγόρευσις Ηesych. certainly belongs , probably fé - GA- l - s , je- Gré- 610 - s. Savelsberg de dig. 42 adduces nothing that determines me to adopt his view that the rts . Fent and den are after all the same. 633) Rt. τρεπ, τρέπ- ω (Ion. τράπ- ω) turn , τροπ-ή a turn ing round, roón- 0- s a turn, toon- i - s keel, roón nål- s bundle, Tp01- εio- v a press , tpan - é-w tread grapes, ev - Toén -Elo -s versatile, clever. Lat. torqueo , tor( c) -mentu - m , tore-ulu - m , torc- ular press, torques chain, bolt. Pott W. III 155. Jac. Grimm Gesch . 403 compares also the Goth . threih - an flipaiv, 0.-H.-G. drú - j-an , which Pott W. III 164 puts under another rt. , Benf. I 673. The k is preserved in ä -tpax to- s spindle where a probably comes from αμφ as in ά-βολο - ς cloak of the same meaning as the Skt . tark - u - s, and probably in 462 d - tpex- ńs , d - tpex - é - ws ( on the analogy of which Lykophron formed vn - tpex- é- ws) , for which the Etymologica give a Doric by -form atpexus. With Döderlein Gl. 655 , 2467 I take the word to mean " not turned" (" unverdreht" ) unconquered. Cp. Walter Ztschr. XII 738. We may perhaps add εv- tpó66-8 - Giai ( perhaps better & ở TPO66E LABIALISM . 69 σθαι) : επιστρέφεσθαι Πάφιοι Ηesych. The assumeable τροσσω = τροκω reminds us forcibly of the Lat. torqueo. " A - tporo -s is commonly and probably rightly explained to be “ not to be turned aside" . We have perhaps a metaphysical application of our rt . in the Skt . tark - a - s conjecture , reflection , in reference to which Schweizer Ztschr. XII 302 recalls the Lat. volvere animo. Again, turning and twisting is the way of the versutus, the knave and cheat; Skt. tık -van thief, with which Schweizer aptly compares the Lat. trîc- ae, tricári, intri-. care , extricare , in which the physical meaning " windings" is still evident (“ extricata densis cerva plagis" Hor. Carm . III, 5 , 31). It may be donbted whether the Homeric epithet for the sly Phoeni cian merchants, tortai, means " gnawers”, sweet - tooths ( cp . TooĚ ( 428 ) worm ), as the ancients presume, or belongs here . As far as sound goes the first interpretation is preferable. On the other hand Grassmann Ztschr. IX 20 is probably right in connecting some Skt. forms in p . The rt . trap compounded with apa means " to turn away in confusion " , trap- as confusion . Still more though do trp -ra- s restless, hasty, anxious and the synonymous trp -ala -s recall both the Gk. εv - rpán- ɛło - s and the Lat. trep - idu - s , the former by their form , the latter by their meaning. The Lat. p for an old k ( as in lup -us, Ep -ona, sap -io ) is established by trep - i-t vertit (Paul. Ep. 367) cp . Corssen Nachtr. 72 , I ? 117 , while trapetum and trapes are borrowed from the Greek. The 0.-Ir. torc in muintorc, Cymr. torch . torques (2.9 791. 155 ) is set down by Ebel Beitr. II 154 as borrowed from the Latin . To these examples of the change of k into p , which appear to me to be certain , may here be added three stems in which I conjecture the same change to have happened. After the comparisons of Bopp, Grimm , Pott and others we need take no further pains to prove the fact that the Skt. and Zd. ap ( fem .), n . pl. âp -as water is not to be separated from the Lat. aqua , the Goth. ahv - a norauós , 0.-H.-G. aha and awa, 0.-Pruss. ape , Lith . ipe, river (Nesselmann Deutsch - Preuss. Vocabularium Königsb. 1868 p. 22). Now the Latin and Teutonic forms point to an original li , which we may safely assume for the Indo -Germanic period. Accordingly the Skt.Pp stands here, as in several words already discussed, for k . In Greek how ever we may expect to find it represented by a , as also in all the Italian dialects except Latin . As we saw at p. 118 , we may without violence refer to a stem âp with 70 BOOK III. I 1 more the meaning water the proper name Meco - én - Lou whose country in lower Italy does , in fact, lie just between two " waters ” (cp. M £60-notauia, Met - údolov , Inter-amna ), a fact which led Pott Il ' 43 to the expression of the like opinion. It is true that at first sight this mean ing does not equally suit the Locrian Mɛogéniou men tioned Thucyd. III 101, nor the Mɛoréniov őoos in Boeotia 463 and Thracę , nor the Laconian Mɛ66anéar. But the name of the river ’ Anl-davó -s (cp. ' Aridáv) may be easily ex plained to mean " the water-distributer” ( rt. do, da No. 270), like the Skt. ápa - ga , " the water -traveller", river. Pott ( ut sup. ) is probably right again in comparing the old name of the Peloponnesus vñ ' Aria with a long ă (Aesch. Suppl. 790) with the later Slavonic name Morea from the Slav. mare, and so “ Water -land ” . And the attempt has been made to place even the much- discussed Homeric šī dzins pains (whose derivation from åró, Buttm . Lexil. I 67, Pott IP 446 , has its difficulties ) by the side of the Skt. adj. ap -ja -s " situated in the water" . It would then contain the idea “ from the land over the sea”, “ over the water”, and this would suit endógev , with which & drins zains is connected, and the expression would be a natural Of the Italians probably the Appuli and the old Volscian town Apiola ( Strabo V, p. 231 ), belong here, but ( 429 ) hardly the Lat. amnis, for in Latin we ought to find the k. The identity of the stem ak thus deduced with the rt. ak ( No. 2) , in the sense of “ to be swift” ( cp. Joh. Schmidt " Rt. AK” p. 42) , is not improbable. Grassmann Ztschr. IX 17 compares the Gk. xéun-t -w , to which are allied náun- n caterpillar (No. 31 b) and the corresponding Skt. kamp - anâ , not only with the Lith. kàmp- a -s corner, kump- i-s crooked ( Skt. kumpa -s lame) , but also with the Skt. kuk, kunk (kunk-e) to draw oneself tog ether, to bend oneself, a -kunk - ita - s bent in . The com parison is striking. If we compare βου-κόλο-ς, with αι πόλο- ς, ιππο-πόλο-ς, we shall be very much inclined to assume in this case one. LABIALISM. 71 as the same change of k to n. If we add aiyi-xop- eis ( Lobeck Phryn. 652), we get the older p in the place of the 2, and are brought to an Indo- Germ. rt. kar . A trace of the guttural is to be seen also in the Elic ten-xóło- s (Hesych. TE0- rólo- s) by the side of ten- rodé- w. Now I think we may with Benfey Ztschr. VIII 90 and Froehde Beiträge zur Lat. Etymologie p. XIII identify this rt. kar with the Skt. kar stir oneself, go , walk . But it is impossible to separate the above -mentioned compounds from the rt. The which occurs in πέλ - ω , πέλ- ο -μαι , αμφί- πολο-ς, πολ- εύω, Amlé - w and rolé-o -uai. The fundamental notion is turn , then revolve , turn oneself about , whence arises the more indefinite meaning of traversing in the sense of versari, and whence we easily arrive at the transitive use applied to the driving of cattle. Most of these meanings are attached also to the Skt. kar ; gó -kar-a -s trodden by oxen , then trodden generally, is the passive to Bov -ról- 0 -s, the active to it is kâraka-s driver , keeper. kâra-s going, movement, also used of the constellations, may be com pared to rólo-s. The most colourless meaning of AÉRELV, 461 réheofat, which comes out already in Homer, and which means hardly anything more than to be in a certain state, to be , is likewise established for the Skt. kar in the P. W. Now as the same scholars have seen, the Lat. col -e- re agrees with this. As a link between the rt. col and mel we have in -quil-inu -s and Ex-quil- iae ( Esquiliae) acc. to Corssen II ” 1024, which words belong to in -col-a, col önu - s and , as Froehde justly remarks, point to an already existing Graeco - Italic kval or kvel. In its application to the ground col-e - re finds its analogy in rólo -s, which acc . to Hesych. is also ή μεταβεβλημένη γη εις κατασποράν, and also in the use of πολεύειν, αναπολεύειν , θαλαμη πόλος , θεο- πόλος. The notion traverse will serve to con nect many of these uses with the primary meaning and with each other. For agrum colere we ought to compare also the Zd. car -âna (m. ) field. We have here then to do, it seems, with a word of primitive culture, and it is signi 72 BOOK III. ficant, that it still preserves in the East and in Greece ( 430) its pastoral application , while in Italy it receives the application to agriculture and religion, and in Greece that also to the trade which everywhere accompanies travel. I know of no corresponding words in the northern lang uages. The Goth. hvair - b -an go, move, which is compared by Leo Meyer Or. und Occ. II 280 could at most be only an expansion of this rt. The different treatment of Ascoli Ztschr. XII 432 ff. and Corssen's remark (I ? 428) do not convince me. I cannot be sure whether the ad jectives εő-xolo-s easy , dús-xolo- s hard , to please , to get round , which do not occur before Attic times , and which may easily be linked with these in meaning, belong here, and so to the words with the x, or not. Froehde's attempt (ut sup. ) to identify the Lat. que-o ( ft. qui) with a rt. iti deduced from vý- nl- o- s , with which he thinks he can connect roleTv as well , will not find many supporters. Rather do we get from vn -tv -tlo -s a rt. itu , and then there is a wide gulf between the meanings of que -o and non- é - w . Cp. Pott W. I 459 and on queo Ascoli Fonol. 66. Any one who has read this discussion of Labialism will perceive at once that in the few examples that are adduced of a dialectic variation between 3 and a take parti cularly the Thessal . Kıéplov Théolov (0. Müller Dorians II 476), κόρνοψ néovox (Ahrens D. Aeol. 219), Kúdva = llúdva ( Steph. Byz. ) the x has a presumptive priority. For the first word the form Kovapios is remarkable , an epithet under which Poseidon was worshipped in the neighbourhood of légiov (Journal des Savants 1829 p.515). 465 Unless we have here one of chance's freaks, we might conjecture that this Kουάριος (for Κουιαριος) contains the link between x and r i . e. a Greek qu . We may here mention also avavo-s by the side of the usual xúquo- s bean ; the two forms are discussed by Kuhn Ztschr. XI 309 , and , with a very different result, by Ahrens Rhein. Mus. XVII 343. That we have here a LABIALISM . 73 as the equivalent of x is completely proved by the fact that the same month that was called Ilvavevov by the Attics went by the name Kvavoviáv in Samos. Cp. the inscription discussed by Kirchhoff in the Monatsber. der Berl. Akad. 1859 p. 739 ff. The Samian xvavog was related to πύανος then as the Ion. κού, κώς, κότε to the Att. που, πώς, πότε , and moreover was the older form, πύανος the later. This refutes Ahrens' conjecture that the word is to be referred to the Skt. push nourish . For then the u would be inexplicable. Why we should reject the well authen ticated statement that κύανος is identical with κύαμος bean, I do not understand. This is not inconsistent with the fact that according to other accounts aúovos denoted a kind of broth . The festival of the Ilvavévia however ( 431 ) was called llavovla or llavovía outside Attica, as Harpo cration , Suidas , and Photius s . v. show by a quotation from the orator Lycurgus. According to the latter and Ahrens it was a "general cooking", but who knows if it was not a convenient shortening of Ilvavóvia , in which case we should have established the series κυα , πυα, πα ? On the origin of núquos see p. 535. An Aeolian r by the side of an Att. 1 for original λ: occurs in πέσσυρες , πίσυρες (No. 648) , and in πέμπε ( No. 629 ). b) A Greek ß corresponds in the following cases to an Indo-Germanic g, which in Sanskrit, Lithuanian , and Sla vonic has remained unaltered, or has changed into the corresponding palatal, while in Teutonic the g is shifted to k. The Italian and Keltic languages now and then show the labial. 634) Rt. Ba go. Aor. Ë -bn- v , pres. part. Bl-bá -s .(Hom .), iterative Bé- 04-ë, vbl. adj. Ba -tó -s, pr. Buív -o . Bñ- ua step, Bw-uó- s steps, altar, Br-.ó- s threshold, raised place, Bé-Bn -do-s trodden, profane, Bá- 61 - s a going , a pedestal , Bá- 4- po- v step , ground, 74 BOOK III. step, þá -8-0 -s a going, Ba -8-16- w walk along, Bé-Ba-lo- s firm , Bl-Bá- - w make to come , bring, Bl-báot -wv striding along. Skt. rt. gâ go (aor. a -gå -m , pr. gi-gå-mi) , ga - ti-s a going, ga-m go ( pr . gam - â -mi, ga-kh-â- mi), ga - ta -s gone, gam -aj-â -mi make to come , bring up. Zd. rt. gâ and gam go, jam and gaeth come. 466 Lat. bê - t- e -re (ad -bi -t-e- re, im -bi-t-e-re, re-bi - t- e -re ), ar -bi- ter, ven - i- o, Umbr. ben -ust venerit, Osc. kum bened convênit. Goth. quim -an , 0.-H.-G. quëm -an , kom -an come ; Goth, qum - s arrival. Bopp Gl . , Pott W. I 16 ff., Benf. I [ 58 , Fick ? 63, 65. The rt. ga then changed first to gua , then to ba , as did the nasalized ga-m to guam regularly represented in Goth . by quam and then to βαν ( βαίνω Bav- j- w ), Umbr. Osc. ben (Aufr. and Kirchh. I 89) , to which may be added the Osc. ce- bn - ust huc venerit ( Stud . II 437 ) , where it is to be noticed that the Graeco - Italians agree in having an n where Skt. and Teuton. have m . The re duplicated present-form Bl- bá- s corresponds to the Skt. gi-gå -mi just as the iterative Bá -04 -ɛ corresponds to the Skt. ga -kh - a -mi i . e . ga-sk a -mi. Among the Greek formations from the original rt . we may mention Bo - uó- s which is proved to be related by the older mean ing, preserved in Homer ( especially n 100 ) , in which it approaches nearly to βήμα and βάθρον, as also by the diminative βωμίς (Herod . II 125 ) . The root is expanded in various ways by added conso nants, especially, beside the above-mentioned nasal, by d (pé-8-0- s), by t in the Lat. bê-t - ere (also written baetere and bitere), which is found uncompounded in Pacuvius, Pomponius, and Plantus ( Mercator ( 132) 464 R. ) , as well as in several compounds ( Brix on Plaut. Capt. 377) which have the regular î. The Lat. ar-bi - ter on the other hand comes from the simple rt, ba for ga , and its t clearly belongs, like that of Ba - rne (Hesych .) and Étl- - t- ns , to the suffix ; on ar = ad see Corssen Ausspr. I ? 239. No doubt too fun -amb- u -lus, amb- u - la - re are to be explained by a form amb( i ) -bu - lu - s, so that here the root syllable is represented by bu. – Since in Bá 8-0 - s and Ba - d - ito we have a clear instance of an amplificatory d, some scholars have been tempted to connect with them the Lat. růd-u -m ford , and vâ - d - e - re. But since the Lat. i can just as well be the representative of a th Gk. 9 , and since moreover vå-d -u -m corresponds in sound to the Skt. gâdh-a -m of precisely equivalent meaning , which in the P. W. is derived from the rt. gadh stand fast, get a firm footing, it LABIALISM . 75 will be better to regard it as one of the numerous dh expansions of the rt. ga. This is also Corssen's opinion (Beitr. 59) . The meaning of Béba- 10- s is noticeable : it connects itself with the perfect stem Bepa to have stepped out, to stand firm : also that of Béßnins, which , though with a different meaning, is a sort of passive to βέβαιος. We are forbidden to compare the Goth. gagg- an , 0.-S. gá -n go by the absence of the regular representative mute (Grass mann Ztschr. XII 132) , and also the Lith. žengiù stride which we can hardly separate from it . On both cp. Fick ? 67. Stokes Goid.2 p. 131 compares with Báous the 0.-Ir. gith which occurs in Fiacc's hymn. 39 (dofaith gith gáithe, he went the way of the wind ). 635) βαθύς deep, βάθ- ος, βένθ - ος , βυθ- ό- ς, βυσσό- ς depth, ä-pvooo- s bottomless, Boca deep valley, gorge. Skt. gâh dip oneself, bathe , gâh -a -s ( adj.) bathing, ( subst. ) depth, thicket, precipice, gabh- îra-s deep, gambh - an depth, gabh- a -s or gadh- a -s fissure. Benf. II 66 , where many other words are brought in which can hardly be related . It is no doubt right though to connect Bán- to dip rt . βαφ ( βαφή , βάμμα , βαφεύς , perhaps the name of the river 467 Baqúoas) directly with Bao. Here as elsewhere we have an early fluctuation of the aspirates. The counterpart of Bao , to which be long also Brood and Barral , is to be compared with a Skt. gadh which is now recognizable only in gadh- a -s ( Schweizer Ztschr. IV 298) , while ßaq may be compared directly with gabh in gabh-ira-s, gambh- an, and in the Skt. gah, gâh nothing is left but the pure aspirate breath. Otherwise Pott W. III 781 . Perhaps there is a trace of the verbal meaning in the proper name Bán- into- s (horse -bather ? ). For what meaning is there in deep -horse ? - There is considerable difficulty in pós- -os pit , which is near akin to Bat- ó- s in meaning, but also suggests fod - 2-0 by its sound. But it would be difficult to derive the rt . fod from gadh. On the other hand we meet also with a possible connexion in the Lith. bad- aú , Ch.-Sl. bodą , to prick . On the forms with v see below p. 705 . Jac. Grimm's conjecture (Wtb.) of connexion with the 0.-H.-G. bad, badon is opposed by the derivation of the latter from baejen fovere which other Teutonic scholars have shown to be more probable. Ebel Beitr. IV 171 treats of the possibly related Keltic words. The difficulty is that they seem to point to a rt. bat : bádud drowning ( Z. ” 307 naufra gium ) is in Corm . Gl. p. 6 ( Transl. p. 18) derived from bath mare. With this agrees baithiu ' I plunge' ( Journ. 1870 p. 104 from L. U.), along with ro-baded ' were drowned', baidfider will be drowned ' ( ut sup. p. 98. 100 ) . Cp. the Cymr. bodi mergere ( Z.² 536 ). The 0.-Ir. baithis baptisma (2.2 788) which Ebel formerly (Beitr. II 140) classed 76 BOOK III . as a borrowed word , and its derivative baitsim baptizo ( Z. ? 435) , and again the Cymr. bedyd baptismus, bedydyaw baptizare , Arem . badez baptisma (2.2 537. 837 ) are now rightly put by Ebel under the above -mentioned Keltic root. Stokes Corm. Gl. Transl. p . 18 compares bádud with patys and gives gradh as their common root. 636) Bélavo- s acorn , peg , plug. Lat. glan (d ) -s. Ch.-Si. želadi, Lith . gilë acorn. Pott l ' 87 , Benf. II 65 , Schleicher Ksl . 111 , otherwise Miklos. Lex. 194 , Fick ? 356 . Three families of language in which the meaning of the word is absolutely identical point to an initial g. The latter part of the word needs further explanation. Cp. No. 637. ( 433 ) 637) Rt . βαλ (βελ , βολ) βάλλω throw , intr. fall ; βλή μενο - ς , βλη-τό- ς hit , βλή- μα , βέλ- ος , βέλ- ε- μνο - ν missile, Beh -óvn point, needle , Boh- ń , Ból- o- s a throw , Boa - i( d )-s arrow , sounding -lead. Skt. rt. gal ( gal-â -mi) trickle down , fall away, vi-gal pour down ( intr.), tumble down, gal-ana -s trick ling , running (of liquid ), gal-a -m water (? cp. note on No. 123) . 0.-H.-G. quillu (preterite qual) scaturio , quella fons. Bopp Gl., Benf. II 291 , Grassmann Ztschr. IX 28 , Pott (doubt fully) W. I 2 , 443. Notwithstanding the remarkable difference of meaning I think the above comparison is warranted. For on the one hand , as regards the initial, we have to consider the Arcadian by -form Sério, and also Hesychius's ice lev, ibadɛv ( Ahrens D. Aeol. 351 ) , and on the inscription from Tegea edited by Bergk ( Halle 1860) and Ad. Michaelis ( Jahn's Jahrb. 83 , 585) we find xs- déllo 468 XxBódło. And this same ſ confronts a ß in the other dialects in two words ( No. 638 , 610 ), for which an original g is clearly proved. For this see p. 483. On the other hand we have to con sider , as regards the meaning , the manifold application of the rt. βαλ to water, especially in είς άλα βάλλων (Λ 722) , εισβάλλειν dis charge itself ( of a river ), šußoań mouth of a river, xxßárleiv well forth , ύδωρ συμβάλλειν confluere , δάκρυα βάλλειν shed tears ( δ 114, 198 ), and the remarkable intransitive use in the proverbial expressions βάλλ ' ες κόρακας , εις μακαρίαν and in βαλούσα ψήφος (Aeschyl . Eumen. 751 ) , and again in numerous compounds, among which ouu Boddelv meet, fit, along with ovußolov deserves special notice. We can easily get from the meaning fall , glide, to that of slip away, let slip , let fly , an arrow &c . ( cp. lo -xé( F )-alpa No. 203), and this application of the rt . seems to have been the source of its extended 1 LABIALISM . 77 use. βέλ - ε - μνο-ν is a participial form like μέδιμνο - ς , τέρ - α - μνος. pálovos too ( No. 636 ) might belong here as " something that has fallen away ” . The connexion with the Lat. volare conjectured by Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. I 37 has been acknowledged in several quarters. Schweizer Ztschr. XII 303 finds support for this comparison in the Skt. gar -ut wing. He and Hugo Weber ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1863, p. 591) remind us of the relation of rét- 0 - uai to ni-at- w (No. 214) . But I find a considerable objection to this in the fact that vol.are can hardly be separated from vêlox and vélites , which have swiftness as their characteristic meaning , and this meaning is quite foreign to the words collected here ( cp . Corssen Beitr. 59, 1 ° 460). 638 ) βαρύ- ς heavy , βάρ- ος , βαρύτητ) -ς weight , βαρέ- ω , Érißupéw (Arcad. ¿ riçapéw ) burden, weigh down. Skt. guru - s ( for garu -s , comp. gar- ijas) heavy, gar i -man , garu- tâ weight, worth. Lat.grav-i -s, gravi- ta (t )-s, grav -édo, grav -â - re, gravi-du- s. Goth. kaur -s , Bapú- s, kaur- itha , kairein -s , Báoos, λα - jan, βαρεϊν, επιβαρεϊν. Bopp Gl., Pott W. III 714 , Benfey II 291. The agreement in meaning is complete ; guru - s is acc. to the P. W. the opposite of lagh - us ( No. 168) just as gravis is that of leris. As regards the sound, garu must be regarded as the stem , whence was developed ( 434 ) graru ; the Arcadian form {fl- Capéo , which occurs also in Euri pides, points to another softening, that of g to gj ( ep . No. 637). Lat. grar - i -s for garu - i- s , cp . Skt. tanu , Lat. tenu - i - s ( No. 230 ). Perhaps it is right to connect also the Lat. brû - t - us (brutum antiqui gravem dicebant Paul. Epit. p . 31), in which case Latin as well would show a b in this form. Cp. Lett. grût-s in Pott ut supra. On the other hand the guttural has been retained in Greek in yaūpo- s proud , overbearing and in its derivatives which find their counterpart in the Skt. garra - s pride, garra -ra - s proud ( ep. vɛvo - ov and nercu - s No. 434) . With this we may put also the Zd. gar honour, eminence, gar-arh reverence , which agrees in sound with the Gk. yép- as ( y& pa- pó - s) , but does it in meaning ? The Gk. words in β must have some affinity with βρί ( επί του μεγάλου Hesych. ), Bel - apó - s, Bois -co, Bpit. v - s, though the e here still needs ex planation. Also with Boigetv nod, fall asleep ( cp.oivo Bapaonóres) . 469 The Goth , au by epenthesis ( Delbrück Ztschr. f. d . Philol. I 148) . In a note to Goid. p. 104 Stokes connects the 0.-Ir. goire pietas, goiriu magis pius ( Z. ? 275) , and on the other hand ( Beitr. VII 41 ) gur sorrowful (cp. la gúri nan idan 'with the soreness of the pangs' T. B. Fr. 140). 78 BOOK III. 639) pia force, strength , évri-Bio -s fighting against, Únéo -B1o -s overpowering , overbearing, Brá- w, Brás-o- uai overcome, pia -1o -s forcible, violent. Skt. ģi ( ģaj-ll -mi) conquer , overcome, gjâ trans. overpower, intrans. to be overwhelmed, subst. gja ( fem .) excessive power, extravagant pretensions, ýja- jas (isolated comparative) superior, stronger, older. Zd. ji overpower. Pott W. I 61 , 558 , P. W. III 154. Max Müller Ztschr. XV 215 objects to some of the meanings given in the P. W., but leaves the main point, i. e . the existence of the verbal stem gjâ which coin cides entirely with pla, unquestioned. – I doubt much whether this rt. gi, gvi has anything in common with the stem Fc (Fi- s) discussed at No. 592. super- b- us closely resembles inée- Bio- s , and since j in the middle of a Latin word does now and then disappear after a b ( dat. and abl. -bus Skt. -bhjas ), it is easy to bring the two words together. But I now see I must allow that Schweizer is right, in expressing doubts as to this comparison Ztschr. XII 303. The second element of the Lat. word might be the rt. ba ( No. 634) , or even the rt. fu ( cp. also Corssen Beitr. 61 ) . Pott connects also βί-νείν ravish (used of illicit intercourse ), reminding us of the Skt. gi-na-mi the pres. to gjâ. 640 ) Bi- o -s, Bi-o -to-s, Bl- o-tń life , way of life, livelihood, βιό- ω (aor. βιώ- ναι , Ep. fut. βεί- ο - μαι , pé- o uai) live. Skt. giv ( ộiv -â -mi) live , gîv - a-s living , giv - a- tha -s, ģív -i-ta -m life, ſîv-áztu (fem. ) life, means of life. ģînv ( ģinv-â-mi) stir ( intrans.), revive ( trans. ). Zd. ji and jiv live, jîv-ya living. Lat. viv -o, viv-u-s, vit - a , vic-tu -s. Goth . quiu - s living , ga - quiunan kvasiv, 0.-H.-G. quëk, M.-H.-G. quicken revive. 0.-N. kviku - endi animal. Ch.-Sl. živą vivo, živ - ŭ vivus, živ- o -tů vita. — Lith . gyv- en - ù live, gýv-a-s living, gyv-a- tù, life, livelihood. 0.-Ir. bíu , béo vivus , biad , gen. biith ( st. * bivata-) victus, beothu, bethu , gen . bethad ( st. * bivatat-) vita ; Cymr. byw vivus , byuyt vita , Corn. biu vita (Z. 223. 255. 801. 129. 842. 1071 ) . LABIALISM . 79 - Bopp Gl. , Pott W. I 746 , Benf. I 685 , Schleicher Ksl. 135, ( 435) Corssen I ? 389 , Ebel Beitr. II 160 , Stokes Ir. Gl . 113 . The ori ginal initial g became go , which explains the Gk. ß and the Lat. v . An attempt has been made to separate Bio - s, Bio - ro - s from giv and to refer it to the shorter rt. gi (Grassmann Ztschr. IX 27 ) . But the complete identity of formation between Bi- o - to - s, the Sk. gîv- a -tha -s, 470 and the Lith . gyv -a - tà , and the difficulty of explaining the o if there was no consonant after the 1 , make it far more probable to my mind that we ought to assume for Greek a stem Bef of which the i , probably long at first, was naturally shortened before the vowel . sáw is discussed on p. 483 , and the guttural that shows itself in viri, victus on p. 584. Otherwise Max Müller Ztschr. XV 217 , against whom see Pott W. I 756. Perhaps too we may place here the Ir. bith , biuth , gen. betho , st. *bitu , Cymr. byt , cp. Bituriges ( Z. ? 12. 238. 799. 291 ) . 641) βιός bow. Skt. gjâ bowstring. Bopp Gl. , Pott I1 205 , P. W. Perhaps the Lith. gije , thread in weaving, mesh , noose is related. Cp. vɛv pov , vevoá No. 434 . Biós is clearly distinguished from the vevpá at A 125 , and has accordingly shifted its meaning. Otherwise Max Müller Ztschr. XV 216. 642) Bo- ń call, cry, Bod-w call out. Skt. rt. gu ( reduplic. ģô-gu) make to sound, proclaim (intensive ' shout' ), gáu -s speech, the goddess of speech. Lat. bo- ě - re, bov - a - re, re-bo -áre; bov - i -n -ari abuse. Ch.-Sl. gov -orů fópußos , govor -i- ti fopußzīv, tova λεϊν. 0.-Ir. guth vox (st. * gutu-), gute , gutte vocalis ( for guthide, Z. 238. 792. 979) . Aufrecht Ztschr. I 190 , Miklosich Lex. 133 , Corssen Beitr. 63, Fick ? 64 , Pott W. I 738. As elsewhere the Lat. words agree in their initial with the Gk. ones. In meaning clamore bovantes in Ennius ( Ann. 571 Vahlen) comes nearest to the Gk. Boãv , whose o is shortened from of as in BoF- os = bov - is. bov - ina -tor acc. to Gellius XI 7 tergiversator seems originally to have meant crier, swag gerer , cp. Döderlein Synonym . u. Etymol. VI 41 , where as regards the formation of the word coquinare is aptly compared. Aufrecht conjectures that 8-70-0- v , yó- 0- s , yoá- c wail , howl , are to be re ferred to the same rt. gu and have kept the guttural; yó- n(t)-s wizard perhaps belongs to these (cp. incantare ). Cp. No. 136. SO BOOK III. 643) Rt. βορ βι -βρώ- σκ- ω, βε-βρώ- θ- ω devour, βορ- ά meat, βορ- ό- ς gluttonous, βρώ- μα food, βρω- τήρ eater. Skt. rt. gar ( gir - a -mi) swallow, gara - s ( adj.) at the end of compounds, swallowing, ( subst.) drink . Lat. -vor - u - s ( carni-võru - s), vorâ - X, vorâ -re, de -vora - re, vorá-go. Lith. gér- ti drink , gir -ta -s drunk, Ch.-Sl. žre - ti de glutire. 0.-Ir.gelid consumit, ro -yelt depastus est ( Z.2 431.455) . Pott W. II 627 , 238 , Bopp Gl., Fick ? 59 . Latin has here preserved only a v from the guy that was developed from g ( cp. No. 126 , Corssen 1 % 87) . Still the old g appears in the form gur g - e ( t )-s , an instance of broken reduplication , which is to be com pared with the Skt. gar- gar - a - s whirlpool , also in gur-gul- io gullet. Other words which have preserved the same g are yao- yap -iÇELV gargle, Lith . ger -klē gullet, yao - yap - sov uvula , yéo- yap- o - Booyzos 471 ( Hes.), probably also the Lat. gul- a ( cp . Skt. gala -s throat, neck, 0.-H.-G. këla Delbrück Ztschr. f . d. Philol. I 149) along with glu - ti-re, in-gluv-ie-s. Pictet I 412 adds the Lat. glis ( gen. glir- is) dormouse , (436 ) comparing it with the Skt. gir - i -s, gir- ikà mouse. Bóg- a-$20 - v ( Ahr. d. Aeol. 232) is certainly related ; it agrees with gurges in meaning chasm , abyss , and may moreover be compared with vorago, and its Aeolic form shows a § in the place of the ß of the other dialects as in No. 637 ( Döderlein Gl. 2439 ). The rt . gras which in Skt. means swallow (gras- â -mi), may be regarded as an expansion of the rt. gar by s ; it may be traced in the Gk. yoá- w (Callim .) esse, Hesych. ygã páyɛ Kúrgioi, yedo- ti - s fodder, and perhaps in the. Lat. grâ -men. Fick ? 66. 644) βούς Οχ . - Skt. gâu -s (st. gav). Lat. bô - s (st. bov) . 0.-H.-G. chuo cow. Ch.-Sl. gov -edo ox. 0.-Ir. bó, nom . pl. bai, acc. pl. bu vacca, buachail bubulcus (Z. 272. 273) , Cymr. biu , Arem. biou vaccae (Z. 294. 295). Bopp Gl., Pott W. I 739 , Ebel Beitr. II 156 , Stokes Ir. Gl. 583, acc . to Miklosich Radd. 17 and Aufrecht Ztschr. I 190 from the rt . gu ( No. 642 ) in the meaning bellow . Perhaps the word yaios or γαιός : ο εργάτης βούς in Ηesych. and other lexicographers contains the old guttural. In that case it exactly corresponds to the Skt. gavaja -s bos gavaeus, or to the adj. gar - ja - s, belonging to cattle. On the other hand Bouß-a20-s (most likely for Bov-F- alo - s) comes near to the Skt. gav -a - las buffalo (Pictet I 332) , though they differ 1 1 LABIALISM . 81 in meaning , as βούβαλος and βουβαλί- ς in older authors mean a kind of gazelle. Again the Lat. bû - bulu - s is used adjectively. 645) Bpkg -os embryo, child , young. Skt. garbh - a -s (masc.) embryo, child, young. Zd. garewa fetus. Ch.-Sl. žreb-e, žreb - ící pullus. Pott W. III 793 , Benfey II 139 , Schleicher Ksl . 111 . The often-compared 0.-H.-G. kalp, which is phonetically identical, is placed elsewhere by Jac . Grimm Gesch . I 33 ( cp. Diefenbach Vgl . Wtb. II 436) in consideration of the Gothic kalbô young cow ( dáualis) . This only confirms us in the comparison of the Gk. Ind . and Slav. forms of the word, which however agree in stem only, not in the suffix . The rt. is clearly grabh (by-form grah ) concipere ( P. W.) , so that Boew- os is conceptum , of animals ( ¥ 266 Bpécos ruíovov xvéovoæv) and mankind. The active to Beépos is the Skt. garbha - s, Zd. garewa in the meaning concipiens, womb, lap ; its correlative the Gk. de.q- ó - s uterus ( cp. dolgó- s n untoa Hesych.) with the softer liquid and dentalism , whence d - delge-tó- s (shortened to údělqeós, adelgós) , Skt. bhrátâ sa -garbh - ja - s , i . e . frater couterinus (Kuhn Ztschr. II 129 ), and deigis (st. delo- iv ) dolphin , belly - fish , ( deqis ueyanimns r 22 ) , in Aeolic with a B Belgis (Ahr. 41 ) which comes so much the nearer to Beégos. Bühler Or. u . Occ. II 337 raises against this derivation the objection that delqu- s does not mean venter but merely uterus. But such an enlargement of the meaning is very natural, and hence in Hesych, and the E. M. the word has yaorng given among its meanings, and yaoing itself very often stands for uniga. The Skt. garbha-s too has had its application extended, inasmuch as , acc . to the P. W. , like alveus it means the bed of a river. To this may be added Delpoi, Aeol. Belgoi, named no 472 doubt from its position in a deep ravine. With respect to Bühler's proposed derivation , which makes dɛlg - í -s mean robber ( thongh the Skt . grabh only means take ), the derivation given above has this advantage that it connects delqis with a word which exists on Greek soil. The dentalized stem occurs also in déngas young pig. This agrees well in meaning, so that it properly means simply pullus with a specializing suffix . It is natural to suppose that the Lat. ger -men arose from gerb -men , especially as the Skt. word means also the fruit of plants. Is it possible that gre-miu - m too is of thee (437 ) same origin ? Cp. Walter Ztschr. XII 405 , Corssen Nachtr. 236, 12 799. To these examples of B = g occurring in ordinary Greek may be added one that is confined to the Boeotian dialect, βανά, βανηκός γυνή, γυναικός already discussed ( ' UETICS , Etymology. II , 6 82 BOOK III . at No. 128. This form is specially remarkable because the Goth. grinô of like meaning shows us the addition of the parasitic v , while the 0.-Ir. ben ( in compounds ban-, e. g. ban -chu canis 2.2 854) shows also the fully developed labial, and it cannot be doubted that it comes from the rt . gan , Tev. Perhaps however there is a word in ordinary Greek as well which shows the same rt. with a B. We may safely compare the former part of apéo -Bu -s with the Lat. pris- in pris-cu -s, pris -tinu -s, and the by- forms apéo- yu- s and the Cretan toεi -yu -s render it probable (Ahr. Dor. 111) that the syllable fu arose from yv ; the al of the latter form cannot have arisen in this dialect by com pensatory lengthening, and so points to a st. Apels = Skt. pra - jas comp. of pra (before ). The i too in pris-cu - s is long, as is shown by the apex on inscriptions ( Brambach Orthogr. 25) , so that pris and apels are identical, noes may have come from npels, like the New- Ionic åródčts from åródelčus. pu may well be only a phase of the rt. ya , rev , and accordingly néo-pv -s means " born before" The often -maintained derivation of this pu from the rt . qu cannot be reconciled with the dialectic forms, still less the complete identification with the Lat. pris -cu -s, of which only the first syllable is related . Notwithstanding the somewhat antagonistic views of Schweizer ( Ztschr. XII 303), Sonne ( ibid. 295) and Corssen 1² 781 I still hold firmly to this derivation. On viß by the side of the Skt. niġ it will be enough to refer the reader to No. 439. As a matter of conjecture we may also class the B in έρεβος and its derivative έρεβεν - νό- ς ( by the side of ¿ Q £ u -vó- s, cp . rt. Oeß, oču- vó-s) as the representative of an original g , as is done by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 19 and Grassmann X 28. For the meaning darkness, gloom , which occurs especially in šoafos ügahov Soph. Antig. 589 473 and in the derived adjective, and that not exclusively in its usual reference to the lower world, answers completely to the Skt. ray -as, raý -anî in the attested meaning of dark LABIALISM . 83 ness , night and to the Goth. riquis (ruótos) of like mean ing. The prothesis of the would find its closest analogy in šonuos (No. 454) . The only reason why I do not give this comparison as certain is that there appears not only before v, in opg- vo- s , 799- vn , oog -vaio -s, 009 -vivo-s, which can hardly be separated from špepos, but also before a vowel, in '099 - -s, a word which is so closely connected with the gloom of Hades , a g instead of the p, and the as sumption just given leaves the gunexplained. Hence it is after all possible that έρεβος is connected with ερέφειν(438) roof over, cover, seeing that elsewhere darkness is regarded as a covering , and that in some cases, which have to be discussed below, ß has arisen from bh. Cp. Pott II ? 393, Walter Ztschr. XII 387. The stem taoß, which occurs in táoß- os fright, taoß-é - w fear, rapp -adéo - s full of fear , is compared by Kuhn Ztschr. XIII 454 with the Skt. tarý (tarģ-â -mi) threaten, drive at , revile , tarý-ana- m a threatening. In spite of doubts expressed by Pott W. III 462 , the comparison has everything in its favour, both sound and sense . Fick 2 79 adds also the 0.-N. thjarka scold , A.-S. thrac-ian frighten. It is still easier to explain tor - vu - s to be for torg- vu - s and from the rt. targ. I prefer however to omit tapjaivo taocoow compared by Froehde Ztschr. XIII 453 , along with several glossematic words of similar meaning and also ταράσσω itself (st. ταραχ). Aufrecht Ztschr. XII. 400 points out an Indo -Germanic stem varg , with the meaning turn , twist, distort. Hence the Skt. vrg - ina-s crooked, deceitful (cp. dixn oxoliń ). The physical meaning has survived in the Lat. valg- u-s bow legged (cp. Corssen 12 543) . Now to this corresponds the Gk. garbó- s crooked , crook-legged. The only question is how the diphthong is to be explained. Aufrecht seems inclined to assign to Fpay a weaker by- form Focy which occurs in the Goth. vraiqu -s 6xoliós, and to derive paißó- s thence by addition of sound ( Zulaut). But when we reflect how seldom a Gk. ai arises from an 1 , it appears more 2 6 * 84 BOOK III. we shall likely that we ought to assume a form Fpay- to -s, from which Fpaiy- to - s is developed, like elvi from éví, then by labialism Fpaißlo -s and then , like xiv, paußó- s. The con nexion of rû-ga, for vrú -ga with this rt. is supported espe cially by the A.-S. vrinc-le wrinkle. But about verg-o I am doubtful. Perhaps we ought to connect some of the words discussed on p . 352 under No. 513. I do not venture to pronounce an opinion on the 474 double forms yanxov and Banxov pennyroyal and the Dor. γλέφαρον by the side of βλέφαρον eyelid. Analogy is on the side of the priority of the y . Hugo Weber (Etym. Unters. I 80 , 85) has discussed these " Wortbinionen " , as he calls them, and comes to the conclusion that the forms with y are altogether distinct from the forms with B. But who will believe that language had two names for the same plant and the same part of the body, formed by the same suffix from different roots ? Where a word begins with more than one consonant there occur , as often find, particular letter- changes for which complete analogies cannot always be found. With the change of sound here discussed is connected a further disfigurement of the primary sound which I have assumed in the case of the Greek words aia and pos. 1439) The identification of the Homeric aia with paia ( No. 132) of precisely similar meaning, and of õpos (No. 504) with the deduceable Indo -Germ . form gari has been attacked by Dietrich (Jahn's Jahrb. 81, 37) , Hugo Weber (Et. U. I 15 ) and Pott II ° 949, W. I 118. I must allow that we have no completely trustworthy analogy in Greek for this change. When however we see that in unmistakeable Latin words like veni-o (No. 634) , vorare (No. 643) , and very likely also in vâ-t-es, which belongs to the Skt. rt. gâ, gâi sing, announce, gã - tu song, a gv that has come from g is vola tilized to v , and consider further what a strong tendency Greek had from the earliest times to the displacement of the F, and how Homer has sißw as well as leißw , v- s as well as où- s , the assumption that y became pf , then F, LABIALISM . 85 and then the spiritus lenis, does not look so very bold. In the case of opos at any rate we have apparently an intermediate step in the B of Bopéas and especially of “Υπερβόρειος (for it is very probable that the Hyperboreans were “people who lived beyond the mountains”, i . e. the ' Punaia oon on the northern edge of the earth's disk, Preller Gr. Myth. I ? 199) , for the B here points to yF. The derivation of õpos from the rt. òp ( No. 500) seems simple enough, but as a matter of fact this rt. always has the idea of motion in it , and never that of a “ rising " in the sense of " rising " ground , i . e. an extension upwards , for òptó- s is proved to have had an initial consonant by the Dor. Bootós (Ahr. 48) . Weber's explanation of aia from the rt. i go (cp. rédov No. 291) is rendered doubtful by the diphthong and the termination. There is more to be said for Pott's connexion of it with aủo- s dry ( cp. terra at No. 241 . There is only one rt. in which we can be sure of 9 as the representative in ordinary Greek of an original gh, i . e. vip from snigh , discussed at No. 440, where its repre- 475 sentatives with gutturals are adduced. The change from gh to g presupposes a middle step ghv, clearly established by the Gothic and Slavonic hv. It is to be noticed that · this is the only instance of hv before a vowel in the middle of a word, and that the Latin forms with gu ningu - em , ningu -it, with the medial which regularly represents the aspirate, actually show us the group of sounds from which tlie Gk . νίφ - α, νίφει arose. The interchange ofx and q in Greek itself is treated of by Lobeck Rhemat. 31, with especial reference to the numerous instances where an initial gå answers to xa. In particular cases x may really have been transformed to 9, e. g. in qii- apó- s a by- form of xhiapós ( Hesych. ) , but it would be very rash to make this a sufficient reason for connecting ( 140 ) Nos. 197 and 412, though they are of kindred meaning. Per 86 BOOK III . haps we may venture to place èlag- pó - s under No. 168 with thaxv- s ; at any rate the meanings present no difficulty. This view might find some confirmation in Hesychius's έλαθρά ελαφρά, in so far as it would serve to establish the variety of the form assumed by the aspirates. Hugo Weber ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p. 593) prefers to consider the forms separate in all these cases, and is not staggered by the strangeness of the coincidence that words of exactly the same meaning and even with the same suffix should - have come from different stems. Joannes Grammaticus gives αφήν aủxnv as Aeolic ( Ahrens 42, but cp. below p. 542). If there is any truth in the conjecture ventured on by Pott (W. III 1028) , Benfey (II 352) and others, that the neck gets its name from carrying and belongs to the rt. vagh ( Skt. vah) No. 169, the priority must be allowed to the . aix -ńu would be related to the rt. vagh as the rt. avg (No. 583) to the Skt. vaksh . - Conversely the Thessalians said davxvn for dágun (Ahrens Aeol. 219) . The priority of the x is probable too here if we consider the general relation of the labial consonants to the gutturals, and agrees with Max Müller's connexion of Aúgun in the sense of the morning glow (Oxford Essays 1856 p. 57 ) with the Skt. dahanâ from the rt. dah (dagh) burn , which gives the Daphne myth an ingenious interpretation. If we only saw how the Morning Dawn became the Laurel ! Max Müller answers "by mere homonymy” (Lect. II 502) dopun burning glow became identified with dágun laurel, because the laurel burns easily. Otherwise Savelsberg Digamma 30. W. H. Roscher calls my attention to Hesychius's glosses καφάζειν " καχάζειν and κωφεύειν" κωχεύειν. In the former case the priority of the guttural is attested by cach - innu - s and the ( unauthenticated ) Skt. kakh ( kakh- á -mi) 476 laugh, in the latter by eva- xaxń and the related words. There are one or two trustworthy instances of a Latin f, as the representative of an older gh, especially fel = xólos (No. 200) and fri-are Xpleiv (No. 201). Cp. Corssen 12 159. LABIALISM . 87 It is hardly safe to pronounce the words ëxt - s ( No. 172) and oqi-s (No. 627) identical, because the two words have not exactly the same meaning, öqis being the genus serpent, čxis the species adder (Schol. Eurip. Orest. 469 , Lobeck El. II 364) , and because both existed side by side in the same dialects. So that we have here quite a distinct case from that of γλήχων and βλήχων discussed above. d) (410 We have next to consider whether Labialism has at all extended its influence into the region of the denta consonants. As far as I know it has never been main tained that a Gk. 1 ever corresponds to an original t . And it would be hard to find any ground for such a view . Where an Aeolic a corresponds to a r in the other dialects there is generally, as Ahrens ( p. 41 ) has correctly remarked, a guttural clearly underlying both sounds. The same is the case with some words in which a dialectic ß corresponds to a an ordinary Greek d , e. g. in the case of pɛlqis and Belgoi mentioned at No. 645. - The origin of opelós is uncertain , and hence it is un certain also whether the Doric form odɛlós or the ordi nary Greek form is the older one. Perhaps the word be longs to Bédos, Belovn ( No. 637) ; if so B and d both came from an older g. Since we see from No. 271 that in décheap the d belongs to the root , we shall have to agree with Ahrens in reference to the Aeol. form baño iu assuming here an involuntary transition from 8 to B, because 82 is a combination never allowed in Greek . We should have here then a real instance of d becoming , but it happens in a combination of sounds, and combined consonants are not under the same laws as simple ones . Βωδών given as the Thessalian equivalent of Δωδώνη ( Ahr . Aeol . 219) may easily have been connected with the name of the god so highly honoured there, and so with the stem 4F ( No. 269) . From difw we should arrive 88 BOOK III. on the one hand at diw, dw, and on the other at 8Fw and Bw , just as the Lat. duis became bis, and duonus bonus. (Otherwise Preller Gr. Myth . I ? 96, Unger Philol. XXIV 397.) With reference to the word sávdarov which in Aeolic was oćußalov , Schwabe de deminutivis p. 83 has shown that it was probably borrowed from the Persians ( sandal, calceus). This would bring the fluctuation of the medial under the head of those double forms which arise so easily in the case of foreign words. 477 In the case of the labial aspirate contact with the dental organ is more frequent. The aspirates are double sounds, and so is it less to be wondered at that they should change from one organ to another. In this respect they may be regarded as analogous to combined sounds. Every one knows how readily the dental aspirates change to labial aspirates in the Italian languages. I believe that I have shown Ztschr. II 333 that before the spirant f came into existence in Italian, dh turned to bh in many instances, and this bh appeared later either as the spirant f or as b. Cp. No. 306 , 307 , 309, 311 , 312b , 314 , 316, (142) 319, 320, 325 and p. 422 note. As analogous to this move ment we must consider the occurrence especially in the Aeolic dialect of op s, to some extent in the same stems and roots ; e. g. Aeol. one, onpiov cp . fera ( No. 314), gpóvo-s = fpóvo- s in noixihópoov' (Sappho 1 ) cf. No. 316, φοίνα = Joivn banquet, which seems to belong to the rt. ou in the sense of sacrifice (cp. No. 320 ) and consequently to be connected with the Lat. fû -mu- s, fú -nus. Aufrecht thinks this derivation somewhat extraordinary ( Ztschr. XIV 276). But if nouvń (No. 373) can have come from the rt. pu , why not foívn from the rt. dhu ? Without a sacrifice there could be no banquet, and again without a banquet there was no sacrifice,, hence γάμους, γενέθλια ,, επινίκια Svelv, on which occasions much more heed was paid to the pleasure of men than to the honour of the gods. My etymology has this on its side, that it associates the word with other Greek words and ideas, whereas the Skt. dhi > DENTALISM . 89 - ( dhi-no-mi) satiate, rejoice is found neither in Greek nor, as far as I know, in any other language than Sanskrit. φλάω , φλίβω by the side of θλάω , θλίβω crush (ep. No. 239) are probably related to the Lat. flăg-ellum , fligere and flagitare, which is to some extent the frequentative of shißo in the sense of press ( otherwise Corssen I 505 ). qap - v -uó -s tolunoós spacús (Hesych .) has already been dis cussed in its relation to Spar- ú- s under No. 315. Grassmann Ztschr. IX 7 conjectures that in certain cases the Lat . f is to be referred to a dhv. If so the change of organ is to be ascribed here, as in the case of the labialized gutturals, to the influence of the labial spirant. But this could only be so in the case of those few words in which the aspirate stands before a vowel. We must not have recourse to such combinations as dhvl, dhur to which this view would bring us if we applied it systematically through out ( cp. above p. 47). But if we have in a not wholly in considerable number of instances a Lat. f and Gk. y which have arisen from an unaffected dh , there is no reason for postulating a dhv for single cases. 2) DENTALISM . 478 We have seen above how the change of an original guttural consonant into the corresponding labial admits, in most cases at least , of the explanation , that the labial spirant v affixed itself to the original sound, and then exercised in time a retrospective labializing influence. But the gutturals have another tendency as well , namely that towards a union with the spirant j. This j developes most naturally out of a following i , when the guttural shifts (143) involuntarily forwards towards the palate and becoming palatal produces the palatal spirant between itself and the vowel to which this spirant is related. With regard to these transitions reference has already been made at p. 450 to Rud. von Raumer, Schleicher and others. The difference in the pronunciation of the Latin c, when followed by e 90 BOOK III . and i is most minutely discussed by Corssen 1 ? 49 ff. Rud. v. Raumer p. 93 is clearly right in his explanation of the process. He suggests that the c was in these cases pronounced as a palatal, i . e. like kj. It was not till the language had reached a further stage of development that the soft palatal spirant j was replaced by the dental sibilant, and this in time produced the assibilation of the original letter , of which we have no clear proofs till a somewhat later period of Latin. It can hardly be doubted that the same principle accounts for the origin of the palatal con sonants in Sanskrit. Here however we must by no means look for the palatalizing influence in the following vowel, but must assume an involuntary shifting of the ki towards the forward part of the mouth , best explained by the assumption of a parasitic j. Then again in the modern pronunciation of the Indian palatals the momentary sound has become a dental, as in the Romance languages, and the spirant which follows it has become the thick si bilant sh ( Germ. sch ). We thus arrive at the following proportion : k : tsch = Lat . glac-ie -s : Ital. ghiaccia. In Greek we must assume for a certain period , which lies beyond the time of historical tradition , changes of a similar kind. We shall have to show below how this is the only assumption that will account for the origin of $ from vj and of the oo (Boeot. tt) from lij. But this same hypothesis serves also to explain the undoubted occurrence of e in a number of instances as the representative of an older k. We call this change Dentalism , though we con sider it to have arisen throughout from an older Palatalism . Dentalism is therefore here the second stage of phonetic disfigurement. A still greater change arises when the sound 479 after its first transformation produces a neighbouring sibilant out of the palatal spirant, and this is the explanation of the phenomena which Schleicher calls Zetacism . On find ing then that a Gk. te corresponds to an Indo - Germ . ka we assume the following steps in the process of trans formation : xɛ xję zję tz. In the same way & is connected DENTALISM . 91 we with y by the help of an intermediate vj dj. The as sumption of the latter change is established by Hesychius's ζεύσασθαι γεύσασθαι, confirmed by ζεύω γεύω (Ε. Μ .). For since it is well known that & does arise out of dj, can here all the more certainly infer the existence of the conjectured intermediate dj. This process serves to put in a clear light the parallelism between Dentalism and Labial ism. The former however is still rarer in Greek than the ( 444 ) latter. Perhaps too it is no mere chance that the x which changes to r is almost always followed either by an i or by the allied vowels v and ε . It looks therefore as if the follow ing vowel was not without its influence on the change of sound. It will be well to compare with what has been said on this subject the more elaborate discussions by Kuhn Ztschr. XI 303 ff. and Ebel XIII 275. Though their views differ somewhat from mine, they agree with me as to the facts of the case. We now proceed to discuss particular instances. a) A Greek t corresponds in the following cases to an Indo -Germanic k , which in the cognate languages likewise has remained but seldom unchanged, especially in Sanskrit, where it has become k , and in Latin , where it has be come qu . Tévte has already been discussed in its relation to the forms of the cognate languages at No. 629, where it was placed on account of its initial letter. The guttural in the middle of the word has been retained pure only by the Lithuanians in penki and the Irish in cóic; in Latin it has become qu , in the Aeol. and Osc. dialects p, and even in ordinary Greek the labialism is apparent in réun - TO -s, πε- μπ - άζειν. It is only a chance that the τ of πέντε in πεντά- πολις, πεντήκοντα finds a companion in the Ch.-SI. petă , for -ti is here, as in šes -tă, deve-ti a nominal term ination corresponding in its use to the German -heit ( Schleicher Ksl. 186) . 92 BOOK III . 647 Lat. que, ) té and. - Skt. ka, Zd . ca and, also. – Osc. p in nei-p nê-ve. Goth . h in nich ne- que. 0.-Ir. ch in nai-ch , na- ch non , Cymr. c in na -c ne ( Z. ” 742. 752) . Bopp Vgl. Gr. II ” 213 , where also is compared the Goth. uh , which resembles the particles given above in being enclitic and has the same meaning as que , but its u is not satisfactorily explained. Sonne Ztschr. XII 280 is probably right in analysing uh into the pronominal stem u and an affixed h Indo - Germ . ka. , Skt. ka. 180 The derivation of this particle from the interrogative stem ( No. 631 ), first suggested by Bopp , is rendered probable especially by the inde finite use of que in quis - que, cum - que, &c. This que is represented in Osc. by pid ( No. 650) , in Umbr. by pei or pe ( pum - pe cum -que). It may likewise be assumed that the termination tɛ in the temporal adverbs ő- te , tó - te , ró - te belongs here , and that the guttural has survived in the Doric ő- xa , tó - ra , ró- ra (Ahrens Dor. 337) . Cp. Schoemann Quaestionum grammaticarum cap . 1 et 2 Greifswald 1865. 647b) télo - o - v boundary furrow , boundary. — Skt. kârsh man boundary , limit. Delbrück Ztschr. XVI 273 . The word occurs three times in the Iliad ( N 707, E 544, 547) , and afterwards only in imitators, and the old interpreters explained it by répas and connected it etymologic ally with τέλλω or τέλος. But it has the exclusive meaning of bound ary furrow . The rt. kars occurs in the Skt. karsh , Zd. karesh draw , furrow (verb ), plough. To this no doubt is related téloag . otpogás, (145) τέλη , πέρατα (Ηesych.) , στροφάς that is των βοών ( cp. βουστροφηδόν). This trace of the Indo - Eranian verb for agriculture on Greek soil is remarkable. 648) τέσσαρ- ες ( η. -α) four , τέταρ-το- ς , τετρα-το-ς, τετρα κις. Skt. katvár -as ( Zd. cathware) four, katur tha- s the fourth, katur four times. Lat. quattuor, quar- tu - s, quater; Umbr. petur-. Goth . fidcór ( in composition fidur-), 0.-H.-G. fior, vier. Ch.-Sl. četyr- ije, ord. četvră -tyj, Lith . ketu - rì, ord. ketvir -ta - s. – 0.-Ir. cethir, fem . cetheoir, cetheora, ord. cethramad; Cymr. petguar, pedwar, ord. pet guared ( fem . ), pedwyryd ( Z.² 303 ff.). Bopp Vgl . Gr. II ² 69 , Pott W. III 58. We must assunie an Indo - Germanic katvar with the shorter by-form katur. The guttural DENTALISM. 93 remained unchanged only in Lithuanian. It appears with a labial adjunct in quattuor, in which the tt thongh well attested ( Corssen I 175 ) cannot be accounted for etymologically. We also find quattor with assimilation of the v ( Ritschl Rhein. Mus. VIII 309) . Thence we arrive at the Umbr. petur-, which only occurs in compounds, at the Lat. quadru = quatru (quartu - s most likely from quatru- tu - 8) , at the Osc. petor- a ( Fest. p. 206) , at the Goth. fidrôr and fidur and at the Homeric niove - es, Aeol. TÉGOVQES ( cp. Ahrens Aeol. 409) . Since we find oo as well as v in the latter form , it must be derived not from the shorter katur but from katvar , néoovpas being for AETFapes. Acc. to the rules of Aeolic , v represents the a - sound, which appears dulled also in the Dor. τέτορ - ες for τετορες ( τέττορες is suspicious Ahr. Dor. 279) . From k were developed by pa latalism the Skt. k and the Slav. č , along with which must be classed the Doric and Ionic t , while co in réocape- s is clearly for OF , it for 2.F. 649) Rt. ti ti - w pay , value , honour , ti- v - w pay , expiate, mid. (Hom . ti- vv- uci) get paid, exact a penalty, punish , Ti -un price , honour, tlué- w honour, value, tiun -ua valuation , census , reun-tń -s censor, ti 61.5 penalty, regard ( Theogn. 337) . Skt. ki ( Ki-nômi) arrange in order, pick up , gather, 481 ki mid . (kaj-é) avenge, punish, apa- ki-ta - s honoured . zd. ci collect, seek , ci expiate, ci- tha , ci- thi penalty. Benfey II 232 ff., Kuhn Ztschr. II 387 , whom I cannot follow in his developement of the meaning, because it seems to me in spite of Pott's objections ( W. I 463) that the meaning “ pay ” is the fund amental one for the Gk. words. This appears most clearly in Homer, e . g. in the verb τίω , και 218 σω δ' αυτού κράατι τίσεις , in άπο- τίνω A 186 ) , in tiuners , which almost aniversally means pretiosus , costly, and in the relation preserved by tiųń , tíunua , to the latest times, to payments of different kinds. The meanings branch out therefore in two directions to set a price on , whence value , estimate, honour and to give a price for , whence pay , and in the middle get paid , exact as penalty. There is considerable difference be tween this use and that of the Skt. rt. ki , of which the P. W. gives four distinct meanings. But since we see other instances in ap-1 fuo- s and num - eru - s ( No. 431 , 488) of the developement of the idea of number from that of fitting, arranging in a row or otherwise, we are not in want of a connecting link , and in some offshoots of the rt. the meanings coincide exactly. From the store of the cognate 94 BOOK III . a languages we may perhaps find a relation in xoios, acc. to Athen . X (446) p . 455 d the Macedonian for number. For the notion that this xocos is identical with the lon xoios Att. noios , though with a quantitative meaning, is entirely destitute of any foundation. In Ch.-Sl. (Miklos. Lex. 1117 ) we find če -na tluń pretium , čen - i -ti tluāv , aestimare and čin - t táśis (in Russian the “ Tschin ” is the order of the precedence of officials, cp. tiun in the sense of an office ). On the other hand cit-ą doliuo , trục, dvaylyvooxo corresponds to the Skt. rt, kit which is apparently expanded by a t, though the meanings of the latter have taken another direction ( Schleicher Ksl. 99) . Is it possible that after all the Lith . skait- j -ti count, pick up , skait- lius ( = Ch.-Sl. čislo) number, has preserved what was the complete form of the initial letters ? Benfey Or. n. Occ. II 379 conjectures that ski was the full form of the rt ., but gives quite a different interpretation of it, and connects with it the Lat. sci- o . The latter however has I think been explained more simply at p. 109. Corssen's connexion of the Lat. ti - tulu - s and even tim - o - r with the Gk . ti (Beitr. 374 ) cannot be reconciled with the view - evidently correct as I think which I have advocated above. Moreover timor and tiui are a wide distance apart. 650 ) tí- s n. ti interrog. pronoun ., when enclitic , inde finite. — Skt. na -ki- s nemo, má -ki- s (Zd. ma-ci-s ) nequis , ki-m quid ? Zd. ci- s -ca quisquis. Lat. qui- s, qui-d , Osc. Umbr. (indefin. ) pi-s , pi- d, Osc. pit-pit (Festus) quid - quid. 0.-Ir. cia quis ? Cymr. pui, piy quis ? (Z. ? 355. 96. 390 ). Bopp Vgl. Gr. II ? 207. All these forms are to be referred to ki, the weaker form of the interrogative stem ; the stronger form is treated of at No. 631. Bopp is most likely right in adding to the list the pronominal enclitic adverb kit which is attached to par ticular pronouns ( kaç - kit aliquis) and with a variety of meanings to other words, and is perhaps the best correlative of the Osc. pid mentioned at No. 647. ( Otherwise Boehtl. and Roth in the P. W. ) . 482 On traces of this į- form in Slavonic cp. Schleicher Ksl. 266 f. As the double a in õnnws was deduced at No. 631 from xf, TIF , we must deduce the double r in the likewise Homeric and Aeolicorti ( Aeol . also otrivas in the acc. plur.) from kj and tj. So Schweizer Ztschr. XII 304 , who points out that 0. Müller gave this same explanation in 1831. ő- roa for å - tla á - tja from the ex panded stem tio which appears most clearly in the Lesb. tím , tlouci (Ahr. Aeol. 127). There is some doubt about the etymology of the Aeol. πήλυι Tn266€ (Ahrens 41), to which may be added the 2 DENTALISM . 95 > proper name Indexhées from a Delphian Inscription ( Ber. d . k. s. Ges. d. W. 1864 , p. 218) . Keil indeed ( Rhein. Mus. XIX 616) regards it as simply a mistake for Tyde xhéas. The dialectic interchange of r and leads us to suppose that both sounds , as in the interrogative stem, originated in the guttural. But the Lat. pro- cul compared by Christ 113 , which we must not separate from cellere, and in which we must assign the chief force to the pre position, as well as the Skt. Tira-s long (of time) , and the rt. kal tremble are too far removed in meaning. Even the superl. kar- a -ma's “ the last ” is not after all equivalent to " the farthest " . And since we meet the latter idea in the Lith . toli ( adv.) far, a long way , and again find other close connexions of the same words also with a t ( Benf. II 256 ), the whole comparison becomes a doubtful one, especially as it is not beyond the bounds of possibility ( 447 ) that the different Gk. dialects developed the same idea from two distinct stems, just as I believe to have been the case with uetá and the Aeol. nedá , between which Ludw . Lange Ztschr. f. Oesterr. Gymn. 1863 , 300 tries to establish a phonetic connexion . On the other hand there is one example which shows us t on Greek soil by the side of x. Lobeck Pathol. El. I 20 adduces from the E. M. 48 , 39 , where Herodian is given as its voucher, the form áxiváyuata τινάγματα, vibrations, and from Hesych. exívajuos rivayuós rívnois. With the help of a prothetic & then the rt . kl (No. 57 ) survived in these forms , while it assumed the r in the usual riváoow and its derivatives, clearly not without the operation of the neighbouring i . Sonne's conjecture ( Ztschr. XIV 331), that the variously -explained indo-yato- s corresponds in its first factor to the Skt. kâru - s pleasant, welcome, is certainly temptingly satisfactory as far as meaning goes, but this kind of comparison of isolated words can never have much evidence in its favour. It is conceiveable that the word may be related to those discussed at p . 222. > 96 BOOK III . 483 ܙ b) There are but very few cases in which dentalism has changed an original g to d. In most of them the different dialects vary to the extent of showing in some cases a y or B, and even in the place of d . Under this head comes the Arcad. ξέλλω Bállw rt. gal (No. 637) , łni- apé- w by the side of βαρύς for γαρυ- ς ( No. 638 ), δελφύς and δολφός mentioned at No. 645 , the latter of which corresponds letter for letter to the Skt. garbhu -s, possibly too dépei pov hiuvn ånoxaonoiv ērovoa ( Hesych .), in so far , that is , as we can venture to identify this with ζέρεθρον , βάραθρον No. 643. In such cases $ arises from dj for an older gj, d comes from dj by suppression of the j, and Gép - 8-900- v is related to dépe θρον , ζέλλω to δέλλω , as ρέζω is to έρθω from the rt . Fepe ( No. 141 ). The same is the relation between ξεύσασθαι and δεύασθαι , both explained by γεύσασθαι ( No. 131 ) in Hesych., the former probably Arcadian , the latter Cyprian (Gelbke Stud. II 29). Again çá - w belongs to the group discussed at No. 640. It stands for dia--ww and its most natural derivation is from the rt. gi (Zd. jî live ; cp. Grassmann Ztschr. IX 27) . Since now the verbs in -aw correspond to the Skt. verbs in -ajámi and with the exception of nalaí- u have all lost a j or i after the Qa,, it is quite allowable to connect dial- ra in the sense of way of life , in which word d would then be the represen (448) tative of a y affected by j ( Benf. I 684). I do not venture to give this last derivation as certain ( cp. Pott W. I 751). To these examples of & representing y Leo Meyer ( I 38) adds the remarkable form of the participle .ne-quçot- es which is confined to books Q and X of the Iliad , explaining it by ne- quy- For-es, so that it would look as if we had here actually occuring the stage yf which he, following Grassmann, assumed as a stage preparatory to & The original existence of the F in the participial suffix is attested by the Skt. -vat, but as a matter of fact the sound is no where to be found in any Gk. dialect, and must have been as good as extinct as early as Homer; for forms like DENTALISM. 97 ειδότες , άρηρότες , πεφευγ- ότες cannot be reconciled with the existence of a f. It is improbable therefore that we should have in such a rare participial form the one single surviving trace of the old spirant. It would be possible indeed to bring forward the Hesiodic tameix-uór- ES ( Theog. 826) and derive its u likewise from F , while the third of these rare perfect forms uɛụvčótɛ rotting , from the rt. uud, in Antimachus ( Buttm. A. Gr. II ? 31 ) , does not admit of such treatment so readily. In nequçotes there is a further anomaly in the vowel of the stem , which is never short 484 in the perf. partic. except before the feminine suffix ( id -via ) and that of the middle (reqvy -uévos). Now since we can explain the ſ in the subst. qúča (cp. uāça) more simply by the help of the suffix la ( cp. uav - ia ) and since we find the same & in qufanivó -s (N 102) and in the later qušaléos, where there is no trace of a F, it seems to me incompar ably more probable that requẾóres along with its two comrades arises from the introduction into the verb of a noun-theme (qušu , puco ), of the same kind as those we are compelled to assume in the case of the aor. ExpaLou -o - v from χραισμο = χρησιμο, of θέρμ - ε -σθαι get warm, and of ñuapt- o- v, * it- o-v (Tempora und Modi 150) . -- The Laconian form of yéqupa (discussed at No. 125) was dugoūpa (Ahr. d. Dor. 80 , 122 , 124) . We should here maintain the origin of the $ from y more decidedly , if the root of the word were better established , and if tradition had not also preserved the curious Theban Bhégvoa ( Ahrens Aeol. 174) . Still more doubtful is δεύκος = γλεύκος , which is said to be Aetolian (Schol. ad Nicandri Ther. 625) . Al though the Lat. dulcis gives some support to the dental, it is possible all the same that the whole form is only advanced to explain the Hom. & devuńs. Since however Apollonius Soph. in his Lexicon (cp. Hesych. ) gives quite another explanation of αδευκής ( απεoικώς, απροσδόκητος), the Aristarchian school seems to have known nothing of dɛūnos, and the stem - form which is presupposed has hardly any authority at all . - On the very doubtful tradition CURTIUS, Etymology. II . 7 98 BOOK III. . ( 449 ) that dã is a Doric by - form of vă, vñ and appears also in 4a-uárne , An-untne with dental instead of guttural, it is enough to refer the reader to Ahrens Dor. 80. — We shall have to treat later of dy by the side of pv in dvogos and yvogos and of a few other cases. In conclusion we should have a case of 8 representing an original guttural at least in one tolerably widely ramifying rt. in ordinary Greek , if we were sure that Benfey (II 140 ) is right in comparing the Gk. dpkovouai with the Skt. grah , Ved. grabh. But however great the agreement in meaning be tween δράσσεσθαι grasp, δραχμή a grasp , handful , δραγμίς three fingers full, a pinch, and the Skt. , the phonetic difficulty is greater still . For by the side of the x of doaxuń we get a γ in δράγμα and actually as in δράξ δρακός hand, with which M. Schmidt also puts dúox-es déducı ( Hesych .) i. e. bundles, manipuli, doéquata . On the other hand we have already seen the rt. grabh with a labial at the end in βρέφος and δελφύς (No. 645) . The antiquity of the labial aspirate is attested also by the clearly related 0.-Pers. garb, 485 Zd. garew take ( Benfey Die pers. Keilschriften p. 80) , Lith . grēb -ti grasp , Ch.-Sl. grab - i- ti carry off, rob ( Schleicher Ztschr. VII 223 , cp. Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Philol. I 15), with which the Gothic greip -an agrees in all but the tenuis. This shows the h in grah to be a remnant of bh , and we cannot give anything but grabh as the Indo - Germanic rt ., from which we could not arrive safely even at doam. But the only possible root to which we can refer the Greek forms is δρακ, whence δράγ- μα is formed like πλέγμα from the rt. πλεκ , δραχμή like πλοχ- μός. To the rt. δρακ , which we thus arrive at , corresponds probably , with loss of its initial consonant , the Lith. rink - ti collect, pick up, gather, and the Lith . rank-à , Ch.-Sl. rak - a hand, of like meaning with δράξ ( Hesych. δρακός της χειρός); otherwise Lottner Ztschr. XI 181 , Miklos. Lex. 815. Perhaps too doét - w has been labialized and belongs here, though Pott ( II ? 464) regards it as an expansion of the rt. dep (No. 267) . Hence DPÉN - OVO- v sickle. If so, the Coan promontory 40éx -UVO- v DENTALISM . 99 is nothing but the older form of the oft -recurring Apés avo- v. So widely divergent is the road on which a strict observance of phonetic rules here compels us to travel. Walter's conjecture (Ztschr. XII 406) , that dú- va -uai belongs to the rt. gnâ (No. 135) , di-dv-uo -s to the rt. gan (No. 128) , does not seem to me to carry conviction with it. c) We have only one certain instance of the change of an criginal gh into g. It is noticeable that Latin in this case uses the labial spirant to represent the guttural, (450 ) a fact which points to an early fluctuation of the organ of the initial aspirate. 651) Rt. dep fép- o -uai warm, glow , Jéo -os summer, Dag-uó- s warm , hot, déo- un warmth , heat, 080 uai, Oɛquá (pl.) places with hot springs , géo u- & - te heat ( pass. Dég -u -&-to ), fequ -aiv - w heat, warm. Skt. rt. ghar ( gí- ghar-mi) shine, ghar -ma-s glow, warmth , haras (? ) flame, 0.- Pers. gar-ma-pada a summer month, Zd. gare-ma warm , hot. Lat. for -mu - s, form -idu - s hot, for- nu -s (fur-nu -s) stove , whence forn-ax. Goth. varm - jan , 0.-H.-G. war ( a ) m . Ch.-Sl. gr-e-ti sequaíveiv, gor- e - ti ardere. 0.-Prus. gor -me heat. 0.-Ir. ma gorîth si urit (2.2 441 ), er-gorid it bakes ( F. A. 146). Bopp Gl., Benf. II 195 , Grimm Gesch. 405 , Schweizer Ztschr. 486 III 346 f ., Leo Meyer VIII 274 , Schleicher Ksl . 105 , 108 , Nesselm . Altpr. Vocab. 22 , Grassmann Ztschr. IX 29 , where also the Skt. ghal- â is compared , which among other meanings has that of “ the sun's heat " . In the face of the frequent representation of r by a and the Hesychian forms θαλ- υ - κρόν λαμπρόν, θερ- μόν , θαλύψαι θάλψαι, πυρώσαι it is impossible to regard θάλ- π- ω as anything bnt a expansion of the same rt. by a ( cp . above pp. 62 , 63 , Pott II ? 468 ) to which Lithnanian gives us a remarkable analogy in > ܙ 100 BOOK III. žer - p - le - ti by the side of žer - ě -ti glow , gleam . On the 0. - Pers. form see Spiegel Altp. Keilschr. 195. for-mu -s and formi-du -s are given by Paul. Epit. p. 83 , who rightly connects with it for- cep-s tongs, an older form of which , formu - cap - es ( plur. forcipes) at p. 91 has been restored by Scaliger. A further modification is to be seen in forp -ex which has a diminutive suffix added. If we consider Latin alone we shall be strongly inclined to consider fer - v - o , fer - v - e - o and all belonging to them as connected. But the v gives rise to diffi culties, and since the special application of the verb seems to be to boiling water , I regard as more probably correct the attempt made at No. 415 to connect it with top- que- w , ppé- ap , in the course of which we meet with the form de-fru -ere de-ferv- ere , whence comes de- frû -tu -m must. Otherwise Grassmann Ztschr. XI 88 , Walter XII 414. On an Italian f for an old gh cp. fos-ti - s hosti- s , Goth . gast- 8 , Ch.-Sl. gostě, Corssen 12 158. We can hardly doubt an original connexion with the words discussed at No. 202 , 200 , 197 , especially as we find in Skt. the word ghran - sa -s with the meaning heat of the sun , sunshine, from a stem expanded by n , with which Aufrecht on the Uggvaladatta p. 277 compares the Gk. xpū- 66 - s. If we were right in comparing at p. 475 šlappós with ελαχύς (No. 168) we should have in the έλαθρός there mentioned an example of a dialectic 9 = gh. The variation between x and in the Dor. ógvi-x by the side of the ordinary Greek ópvi- d and the shorter oovi ( acc. oovi-v), No. 503, is as yet unexplained. It seems however to me to be not improbable that the Dor. x is connected with (451 ) the x of the Boeot. diminutives in -180- s and bears just the same relation to this fuller form that the -vt of the stems élul-vt, Tiov - vo bears to formations like Kóp -1-vto -s, uivv -voa ( Pott Personennamen • 451 ) , of which the latter ( cp. ulvuvsádio- s ) is especially applicable to the case in point. We may, I think, regard these suffixes as diminutive, and compare the x with the often recurring diminutive x, and the g with the t that serves the same purpose in the related languages. Compare uixú -91-vo-v. tò uixpòv zal výtlov Hesych. As an example of a Gk. diminutive formation in t we have vn -rú-Ti-0 -s from výnio -s, and much the same in túrto- v which is most probably like tvvvó -s, TVVV- Oūro- s a diminutive from the demonstrative stem to. DENTALISM . 101 ντι .. The Boeotians aspirate an original + before 1 in the 3. pl. -vou In modern Greek , as Baumeister Euboea p . 57 shows, now and then i takes the place of x, e . g. 487 in Λιθαδό- νησα Aixódes , though we also find x for , if roxo from the Greek of Ceos is really identical with nasov , and is not to be regarded as nearer to foxouai. d) All that can be adduced in support of the change of original labials to dentals is unreliable. That i is ever the representative of an original p has hardly been maintained at all . The only case that looks at all like it is that of the Greek for peacock tad-s or taóv (so acc. to Athen. IX 397e ), compared with the Lat. pavo (st. parón ). But after what Pott II ? 443 , Benf. II 236 , and the Thesaurus of Stephanus have told us about this word it seems impossible to doubt that the word is no native , and that there is nothing to show that the Lat. p is older than the Gk. t. - The Doric form odɛló-s by the side of opeló- s in ordinary Greek has already come before us at p. 476 , and we found no warrant for regarding the latter as the earlier form . - It is less unusual to find o and o confronting each other from different dialects. The cases in which it appears that the dental aspirate is the older one have been discussed above. The converse of this relation occurs in öfqv-s, which has already been connected with ó pú-s under No. 405. We find the word given not only as the name of a mountain, but also as an appellative: Hesych. öppuv Κρήτες το όρος, to which belongs the adj. όθρυόεν τραχύ, υλώδες , δασύ , κρημνώδες. Since οφρύος is often used for the brink of a precipice, high ground, and "Ilog oppvókona X 411 occurs in the sense of xonu võdɛs which is given as the equivalent of ógovóɛv , there can be no doubt as to the identity of the roots. The Spartan ’Osovádas very likely belongs here, with the meaning superciliosus , forming a parallel to the comic οφρυανασπασίδης, perhaps too though this is doubtful — the Homeric 'Oppvovɛús ( N 363 ff.). 102 BOOK III . θύλλα (κλάδους ή φύλλα ή εορτή 'Αφροδίτης Ηesych. ) is held by M. Schmidt, though doubtfully , to be the Cretan ( 152 ) form of qúlla, in which at No. 418 we recognized the labial initial as belonging to the original root. The word svidi- s (by - form Avai- s) bag, also preserved by Hesych. along with súl-axo- s of similar meaning, I have ventured ( Ztschr. II 399) to compare with the Lat. folli-s bag , bladder. If it is right to compare the Goth . balg -s, which agrees precisely in meaning, and is compared with follis by J. Grimm Gesch. I 398, we shall have to start with the initial bh and derive the dental Greek aspirate from the labial, especially as the latter is also supported by Celtic words of related stem given by Diefenbach Wtb. I 270 f . The v of the Greek words seems to have arisen from a, for 488 we find in Hesych. the by - form faraís. The double / has most likely arisen from the assimilation of some suffix or other ; the Goth. g in balg -s which corresponds admir ably to the 0.-Ir. bolo uter ( bulgas Galli sacculos scor teos appellant, Festus; Z. 14 , Stokes Ir . Gl. 217) , may be compared with the x of súlaxo- s. Cp. Pott W. I 264. There is more doubt about Pott's conjecture (I ' 27) of the identity of the g in the stem xoove ( roov- s helmet) with the g in nopvoń summit, for the latter word seems to belong to zápa ( No. 38) , from which it comes with the addition of a derivative termination which may be compared with that of κόλ- αφο- ς , κρότ-αφο- ς , φλήν- αφο- ς, while the former can hardly separated from xoovdo- s crested lark . ( Cp. Walter Ztschr. XII 388). From the attempt made by Benfey II 140 and Kirchhoff Ztschr. I 43 to compare theús -Ep0- with the Lat. liber ( st. libero) , the latter adducing the Osc. livf-reis liberi in favour of the u - sound, we are restrained by the form loebesum preserved by Paul. Epit. p. 121 , for there is no way of getting from its s to the Gk. Q. It is true that the form is very strange when we consider the corresponding r in Osc. , and the derivative libertas, as 0. Müller ad Fest. saw before us. But even if loebesum should be a mistake for locberum , DENTALISM . 103 we have still difficulties enough left. For the simplest explanation of the Italian word is found in referring it to the rt. lub , lib, which sprang from lubh , libh and has the form lig in Greek (No. 545). Cp. the Lith. vál -na - s free by the side of vély- ju wish (No. 659) . With regard to ελεύθερους however the old derivation παρά το ελεύθειν őnov špă (E. M. p. 329 , 44) seems to have every possible warrant, especially since, as Schweizer Ztschr. XII 305 observes, it was also the mark of freedom in the Teuton that he could go wherever he liked , and since in the numerous Greek deeds of manumission the drotpételv ois xa férn as it runs in the Delphic dialect, is always an essential token of freedom . Müllenhoff reminds us also of the M.-H.-G. lëd - ec, lid - ic from the Goth. ga -leith-an go, draw . The association of the Gk. and Lat. words which Corssen Beitr. 201 advocates , but abandons again at 12 151 , can only be brought about at the expense of abandon ing one or the other of these likely etymologies. For if Žlčúdepo- s stood for ļlɛv-gepo-s we should here have an (153) example of a dentalism which , we have seen , is not by any means common, and a departure from the rt. 119 not only in the prothetic vowel but in the vowel of the stem. Moreover the primary meaning of " at one's pleasure ”, thus arrived at, would but ill agree with the Homeric usage, which knows only ελεύθερον ήμαρ and κρητηρ ελεύθερος ( Z 528). The more general application of the word is clearly only post - Homeric. The attempt to conjure liber out of the stem élvo would lead to still greater impossibilities. For since ih-v - o , as we saw at p. 66 is formed by an amplificatory A from the rt. ar , it has in fact nothing at 489 all in common with liber, loeber, except the l ; the loss of the rt. vowel in Latin would be very strange , and besides there is no trace of a similarly expanded stem on Italian soil. I still hold therefore that the two words are distinct. There is nothing surprising in the fact that an idea so entirely metaphysical should have been arrived at by closely related peoples along a different route. It certainly 104 . BOOK III. does not belong to the original stores of the Indo-Ger manic language, any more than the words for slaves or slavery, of which none are primitive. Comparetti Ztschr. XVIII 140, and Mor. Schmidt Stud. III 353 treat of a Tzaconian in the place of g ( Pile φίλε , ούθε = 91-5). e) There is one more phonetic affection that falls under head of Dentalism , the apparent insertion of a dental mute after a labial or a guttural. This process is most clearly seen in the Homeric forms πτόλις and πτόλεμος by the side of πόλις and πόλεμος. That the simple π is older than at is placed beyond a doubt by the related words collected under No. 374 and 367. It is not allowable to regard the inserted as merely a phonetic “ support", as it has been called. What need could a have of such a support, when it always shows the greatest readiness to stand next to a vowel ? It was Kuhn ( Ztschr. XI 310) who first gave an explanation which is more satisfactory , with which cp. Grassmann XII 95 and Ebel XIV 39. His conjecture is that the source of the explosive sound is here again to be sought in an older jb attached to the r in pre - historic times , and then assimilated to it. He gets atóli - s then from ajodi-s. How a d was developed before the j and then expelled its parent sound altogether will have to be fully examined below. It is from this d that we natur ally arrive after a r at t. This thoroughly satisfactory explanation is decidedly confirmed at all events by one case in which we have actual record of the intermediate pj, i. e. the Lith. spjáuju by the side of atvw , discussed under No. 382, which led us to deduce a form 6Ajv - ja . To ( 454) these three examples a few others may be added . — πτέρνα heel corresponds to the Goth . fairzna of like meaning, Skt. pârshni-s, Ch.-Sl. plesna planta pedis ( Fick ? 121 ). – atiboa pound , bruise claims connexion, as we saw at No. 365 b, with the Lat. pins - o , pins- io of like meaning and the Skt. pish ( pinash -mi), so that it looked as if the rt. was pis. DENTALISM. 105 manner. The only obstacle was found in ait -vpo- v bran , with its strange t. - Whether atú- o - v winnowing fan ( Att. Até- o - v, most likely for atɛF- 0- v) , belongs, as Pictet II 117 and Benfey conjecture, to the Skt. pri cleanse (whence comes 490 pavana - m sieve) , I cannot decide , especially as it would be possible to connect it with πτύω atua .. – But the Cyprian επτόκασεν i . e. έπύκασεν , both interpreted by εκάλυψεν in the sense of implicavit ( Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 367), can hardly be explained except by the supposition of this insertion. It seems tolerably probable that the rt. TTUK with the meaning ' make firm ' underlies the words collected under No. 384. . Again Atuotev fold, — and folding is a kind of making firm or secure , is most probably related in spite of its x ( atvxń ), which will come up for discussion at p. 498. It cannot be proved that ut comes from x in the same It is true that κτείνω seems to bear to καίνω (( No. 77b) aa relation similar to that of πτόλις tο πόλις.. But the form with a simple x is so much later, and of such rare occurrence, that we cannot venture to regard it as the primary form . Neither can I adduce any proof of the growth of yd from y. On the other hand it is possible that the d in Bdéw (No. 255) arose from j, since the ana logies in the related languages lead us to rt. bjas βδες. But this kind of dentalism appears quite plainly in the combination xo és (No. 193) we compared to the Skt. hjas , giving ghjas as the primary form . In this case then the j has evidently developed a dental sound before it , which by the influence of the preceding aspirate was assimilated to it. But the same j , for which we have historical evidence in this word, may be inferred with certainty in the st. ghama, which we recognized under No. 183 to be the primary form of the Gk. xqua. If we assume with Grassmann Ztschr. XII 95 , that here too a parasitic j associated itself with the gh , we arrive at ghjam , ghjamâ and thence at xtov , xauałó-s in the very same way in which we got from ghjas to zdés, perhaps 106 BOOK III. ( 155) > also at the Skt. ksham , the j having become a sibilant and the sibilant having made the sound before it hard. It is true that this last developement still needs closer scrutiny as a point of specially Sanskrit phonology. In connexion with these, as I think, well established explanations, Kuhn (ut supra) ventures a conjecture which can hardly prove true. His opinion is that the cases of dentalism discussed above under a) admit of this same explanation , that is , that ti - s presupposes a stage .kti-s between itself and ki- s. But such a form as kti- s is not to be found in any instance, nor is there a single Greek word in which xt degenerated into T. The word τύπο- ς quoted by Kuhn has certainly nothing to do with xtúno - s; it 491 appeared probable rather ( No. 249) that the rt. of the former was stup. On the other hand the shifting of a guttural to a palatal and then on to a dental is much simpler and has plenty of analogies to support it. In this respect it is worth noticing the name Tɛionn - s, which, as Ebel Ztschr. XIII 275 points out, corresponds to the 0.- Pers. Caispis (Spiegel Altp. 196 ). There would thus be no need of a t developed by the side of the x, in order to shift it into the class of the dentals. Still less trust can be placed in the combinations of Ebel who actually conjectures pt as a stage between k and t, that is assumes πτις and πτε. In this he is clearly wrong, for the only opportunity for k to develope into p was when a v introduced itself after the k . We shall have to hold fast to the belief that k became on one side ku and then p , on the other kj and then t. 3) ASPIRATION. As we have seen that a great part of the phenomena of labialism and dentalism may be explained simply by assuming that a spirant is naturally appended to the ex plosive, we cannot be surprised to find that the lightest of all the spirants, the simple spiritus asper , is attached > ASPIRATION . 107 in the same way , and that thus the original tenuis is changed into the corresponding aspirate. Indeed the change from the tenuis to the aspirate is one of the most common assumptions of etymologists. But this assumption certainly has in its favour the fact that we can prove the tendency to aspiration in the most various languages and periods of speech. Thus the Sanskrit hard aspirate has unmis takeably, at any rate in many cases, come from the tenuis (Grassmann Ztschr. XII 101 ) . So too a part of the Teu tonic shifting of the mutes , the change from k into h , from t into th, from p into f, rests upon aspiration, and this is partially repeated afterwards, at a later stage of the(456 ) language. In Umbrian it is a recognized fact with certain combinations of sound ( Aufr. u . Kirchh . I 78) ; in the Persian languages this is especially the case before con tinuous sounds ( Bopp Vgl. Gr. 1² 69) ; in Ossetic ( ib. 120 ) it is found widely prevalent, without any influence of the kind ; in Old Irish it is most common between vowels ( Schleicher Comp.: 279). We are therefore already pre disposed to assume the existence of this same phenomenon in Greek ; and at any rate this has more analogies in its favour than the loss of the aspiration. But it is precisely assumptions which seem so unexceptionable which require 492 especial caution . The Greek aspirates have, at least in the great majority of instances, come from soft aspirates, and hence in their origin they are far removed from the tenues; so that we must be very careful not to confuse these two groups of sounds with each other. The aspiration of a tenuis is generally to be regarded as an affection which makes its appearance on Greek soil at a comparatively late date, and which at least in many instances is brought about by the influence of neighbouring sounds : though starting from this point, and in part limited to certain dialects and stages of the language, it does extend itself further, and in some few instances coincides with Sanskrit aspiration. The whole phenomenon has already been dis cussed by me in a comprehensive survey in Tempora und 108 BOOK III . Modi p. 196 f. Cp. Leo Meyer I 51 and W. H. Roscher 'de aspiratione vulgari', Studien I 2 63 ff. It is best to start with those changes of sound which are specifically Greek. These as a rule lie outside the limits of our task , but here they cannot be passed over without disadvantage. Christ in his " Lautlehre ” p. 104 f. has collected only a small part of the facts which belong here; and even these are mixed with much that is dubious. The aspirate is developed from the corresponding tenuis under two main conditions , i . e. first by the influence of a following liquid or nasal , and secondly by the influence of a preceding sibilant. The operation of the first influence is the more familiar. Thus the stem płax ( = ual- ax No. 457) appears aspirated in βληκ-ρό- ς , α - βληχ- ρός, the stem τρι (Νο. 246) in θρίναξ trident by the side of τρίναξ : the suffix -τρο (άρο-τρο- ν = ara -tru -m ) sometimes becomes - $ po ( xaεi- 4p0 -v = claus tru - m , de nom. form . p. 38). By the side of τρόνα αγάλματα ή ράμματα άνθινα (Ηes.) we find the Homeric θρόνα Χ 441 , εν δε θρόνα ποικίλ ' έπασσεν ; (Ηesych. άνθη και τα εκ χρωμάτων ποικίλματα) . The same word occurs also in Alexandrine writers in the sense of qdouaxa herbs, and may certainly be compared with Skt. trna -s grass, herb, stalk, Goth. thaurnu -s, Ch.-Sl. trůnŭ thorn . Cp. Wust ( 457 ) mann Rhein . Mus. XXIII 238 , where torxıló- t povo-s as an epithet of Aphrodite is well derived from this stem . – θρυγονάν is identical with τρυγονάν to knock gently at the door; the preposition apó , like the Persian fra , has aspirated its labial in the post-Homeric forms Cooūdo- s ( No. 281 , cp. προ οδού εγένοντο Δ 382) , φροίμιο- ν from the time of Aeschylus προ- οίμιο- ν , φρουρός, φρουρά ( No. 501) have all aspirated their labial. — Also in tép -po-s ashen grey , TÉg -pa ashes the aspirate is explained from the influence of the e, for we cannot doubt that these words are akin to Skt. tap 193 to be warm, to warm, tap-as heat, Lat. tep- co, tep - idu - s, A.-S. thefjan , aestuare, 0.-H.-G. damf ( smoke, vapour ], Ch.-Sl. top -lů The same rt. experiences the same affection in the warm. ASPIRATION . 109 0.-Pers. taf- e - dhra a melting, taf-nu heat. Before a we find κ aspirated in ανδράχ-λη from the st. άνθρακ (άνθραξ coal ), + in vaŭ -G920- v, vav -olów, which must certainly be referred to vav -otoło- v , and in the suffix -920 ( déuε- 020 -v ), which we cannot separate from -θρο, -τρο (op. θύρε-τρο- ν) , π in 619dó-s, misshapen, weak, inasmuch as we identify it with Ginałó- s quoted by the grammarians with similar mean ings (Lobeck Prolegg. 140, El. I 225) . Aspiration before ν meets us in αράχνη from rt. αρκ (No. 489) , λύχ-νο- ς from rt. Auk (No. 88), in the diminutives in -exvn, -LXV10- v, -υχνιο - v , which go back to the shorter και (κύλιξ κυλίχνη, πελίκη πελίχνη , πόλις πολί- χνιο- ν, cp. Schwabe de denminu tivis p. 63, 73), in aétaxvo -v, with the older form nétaxvov still preserved , explained in Hesych. by notńolov ÉXTÉTA λον, in μυσαχνός , μόλυχνο- ς ( Hesych.) for which we may conjecture similar suffixes, in ix -vos, if we were right in referring this to the rt. Fik (No. 17) , in tér-vn , the rt. of which ( No. 235) offers other aspirated forms, in xvous dust, foam , which Lobeck Rhemat. 29 and Pott W. I 673 connect, probably rightly, with uvám , xóvi- s ( cf. cini- s Pictet 1 234) , in nášvn (Roscher Stud. I 2 102) , the true Attic form of which is gár-un crib , with transposed aspiration , but which we must still refer to tat-éo -ucu (No. 350) , in άφνω, εξαίφνης by the side of εξαπίνης with the insertion of an iota (p. 668) . Before u the x of the rt. Tlek (No. 103) is aspirated in alox-uó- s , the x of the rt . dk in éx-ax-uévo-s and in aix -un; the latter word however is probably for dx-lun , and, like tégoc quoted above, is to be taken as an adjective which has become a substantive. low- uó- s din of battle is equivalent to iwxn ; hax-uó- s is given from Antimachus in the E. M. in the meaning lantiouós, and hence belongs to No. 534. The aspirating influence of a preceding s on a follow ing tenuis has been investigated comprehensively by Kuhn in Vols. III and IV of his Zeitschrift, in a series of papers, which we have repeatedly used already. ( Cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 96. An attempt to explain this phenomenon 110 BOOK III . physiologically is made by Ascoli Fonol. 194.) Within the limits of Greek the following words are certain examples of such an affection , which becomes general partly only in the Attic period, partly in still later stages of the lang ( 458) uage , and which is proved by the occurrence of unaspi rated by -forms : σχάζω *) , σχέδ -ος, σχεδ -ία , σχενδύλη with 494 rt. σκεδ No. 294, σχίζω with rt. σκιο No. 295 , σχελίς leg, Attic by the side of σκελίς and σκέλος, σχέραφο- ς insult, with Guépaqo - s, dogálaš quoted in the E. M. as a by form of ασπάλαξ ( No. 106 ) , ασφάραγο-ς asparagus by the side of dondpayo-s = Zd. cparegha prong ( Mod. - Pers. A - sparag Justi 302), Lith . spurga- s (Nesselm.) shoot , eye (bud) of a tree (Fick ? 216), a word possibly borrowed from the Per sian , ilogo -s (No. 544) with liono -s , where a can only claim relative priority , as is true also of opóyyo- s and Gróyyo-s (No. 575) , opvoá- s dung with Ion , orvoá-s and Gnúpato- s, opvoi-s basket with onvoi-s (cp. Lat. spor- ta ), σφονδύλη (name of an insect) with σπονδύλη. earlier period this same phenomenon made its appearance in the rt. Opad (No. 296) , with which we compared Skt. spand, in oońĚ (No. 580) , the 69 of which we regarded as equivalent to the sp of vespa , perhaps in ocv wedge, if Kuhn Ztschr. IV 15 is right in connecting this with the German Spahn [ chip , splinter) (Pott W. I 635) . The same is probably the case with 69év- w am strong and 6févos strength with its derivatives (ofɛv- apó- s, 696v- 10 - s, Efév-ɛ20 - s ). For as we see that from the rt. ota (No. 216, 217) various forms (cp. also No. 222) are derived with the meaning of firmness , we may probably assume for these too the same notion of standing as their basis , and thus we gain for yfév -os the fundamental notion of stable At an

• ) To oxáčo we added also the intrans. záśwo separate myself,

retire. Cp. ovyrdoal' ovyzwoñoa. Hesych . Along with this go the Homeric aor. κεκάδοντο Érdoavto which has preserved the tenuis, and the pluperf. & -xexnd- el : TEXEYOpíxel (Hesych ) which is prob ably wrongly challenged by Mor. Schmidt, together with the Lat. cê- do ( op. Buttm . A. Gr. II ? 392 ASPIRATION. 111 - strength, as distinguished from oun (No. 517) strength of impetus. According to this view Greek coincides in the case of this root with Sanskrit , which shows throughout the aspirated from sthân. The aspiration also corresponds in the two languages in the case of the rt. sphal Gr. Opal (No. 558) ; and here, as also in opad mentioned already (whence too opevdóvn funda) and in opóryo-s fungu-s (note on No. 575) , Latin too supplied us with an aspirated form in its fallo ; while in pend - e -o, if Grassmann is right in connecting it with spand, the old tenuis would be retained. On the other hand in other roots and words, especially in the rt. sthag = Oter (No. 155) , in asthi dotéov (No. 213) , in sphar Gnap (No. 389) the Indian aspirate is isolated. - We must find in a sibilant once present, but afterwards lost, the source of the aspiration of pāvo- s by the side of the older răvo- s torch, if the combina tions of Roscher Stud. I 2, 72 ff. are correct. He follows Kuhn in connecting these words with the German 'Spahn'. Besides these two main influences on the aspiration 495 of a tenuis we may conjecturally ascribe also to a preced ing nasal a tendency in some cases to change the tenuis into the aspirate. Here belong fyx - os, whose derivation( 459) from the rt. dk and affinity with är- ov (No. 2) is the more probable, that in other instances also groups of consonants containing a nasal change α into ε , πένθος, βένθος, φέγγος; KÓvXN (No. 65), the Skt. correlate of which, çarkha-s, shows the hard aspirate , which we assume to be almost always of later origin ; layx -ávo , if we follow Fick ? 390 in com paring the Ch.-Sl. po-lac- iti ( by - form po- lučiti) obtain . The aspiration must have been transferred from the forms with a nasal to λαχείν &c. ρέγχ- ω by the side of ρέγκ - ω snore and gúrx - os, a word which we cannot separate from these, and which , according to Athenaeus III 95 , means xvpiws the grunting swine's snout, onivong spark , which is seen to be aspirated by a comparison with its diminutive scin tilla , tav-tap - iſelv tremble, dangle, by the side of rap-tap SELV tremble with cold, chatter, certainly from the rt. Tep , 112 BOOK III . the manifold expansions of which are discussed under rt . Tpec No. 244, óug-n voice, which cannot be separated from the rt. Fett ( for Fek) No. 620. To these we may further add the Boeotian termination of the 3 plur. in -v$1 for Vri (mentioned above p. 486), and the diminutive forms in vì there compared. Το these belongs also κολοκύνθη pumpkin, while xoloxúvon was regarded as the better, the genuinely Attic form (Phrynichus ed . Lobeck p. 437). We can also recognize the aspirating influence of the nasal in other isolated dialectic forms: oxávtav xocßpetov, which even Salmasius compared with dorávinu, of equivalent meaning, Bepéxvvfos a Cretan mountain , by the side of Βερέκυντος in Phrygia. A different explanation of the aspirate which appears by the side of a tenuis has been sought in a digamma following, so that especially the combination of is supposed to have passed into g. More than any one Benfey Ztschr. VII 52 gives this explanation with great positiveness, and it is approved by Leo Meyer I 51. The former refers Brég -apo - v to Bien-F000 - v, 609 - ó -s (No. 628) to con -F0 - s . But the assumed form with a v does not , either in this case or in any other of the instances discussed by him , actually occur in any of the kindred languages. There is certainly in Sanskrit a suffix -vara , which is used espe cially for the formation of adjectives, and analogies may also be quoted for the suffix -50 , especially from Latin ( cp. caed -uu -s, cur- ru - s Corssen 1 ° 313) . It is only where phonetic traces are to be found that this explanation be comes more probable, as in 691- S (No. 627), which in Homer and Hipponax is scanned as a trochee , and hence must 496 have been pronounced almost as órqi- s. -vi is in Sanskrit a suffix which forms adjectives from verbal stems, occurring e. g. in gâyr- ri -s watchful. Thus we can suppose a form ak -vi- s seeing, from which óx -F1-s, on - Fi -s came. – I have I already combated in Tempora und Modi p. 194 ff.) the view that the Greek aspirated perfect goes back to a formation (400) corresponding to the Latin form in -ri and that so néndex- a ASPIRATION. 113 > is for ne-rder-Fa. The further arguments adduced by Benfey u. s . and Christ Lautl. p. 281 in support of this hypothesis, which was first started by Kuhn, do not convince me. (Cp. Elucidations p. 124 ff .) The isolated form édndofa in the strange inscription C. I. N. 15 cannot possibly deter mine the question. In this instance F is probably only the sign of the transition - sound , naturally developed be tween the o, which is to be compared with the ε of ņd- é o9n- v, id -ud -e-Guai, and which recurs in the Homeric ¿d -ud 0-tal , and the following vowel , springing as it were from the former, like the v of the Skt. ba - bhû - v - a . This is how in Italian the name Joannes became Gio -v -anni. Cp. below p . 573. If any one wished really to prove that the aspi ration originated as is asserted by the scholars quoted above , he would be obliged to show that, contrary to all the phonetic tendencies of Greek in other cases, an original quφυ-- a = Lat. fû- i might become weakened into fa and indeed into a. And even then there are difficulties re maining. Here as in other cases I hold to the assumption of a natural affection , which is less surprising than it appears at first sight, if the extent and the analogy of the process in general is taken into consideration, as I have done in the passages referred to. We shall probably be compelled to recognize a like aspiration, which cannot be explained from special con ditions, in other cases besides , where it is partly of older date than in the instances hitherto discussed. In my paper on the aspirates Ztschr. II 336 I called attention to the fact that the Greek aspirate sometimes corresponds to the hard aspirate of Sanskrit; and I distinguished two cases, the one in which the aspirate in Sanskrit as well as in Greek is of later origin (hysterogen ), i . e. , originating in the tenuis, the other when on the contrary the aspirate is original in both , but in both is raised from the stage of the soft sound to that of the hard. We discussed these relations on pp. 86 and 424. Of course the other kindred languages, or any by- forms that may exist in the same CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 8 114 BOOK III. language must decide what is the character of the sound in the particular instance. The hard aspirate of Greek and Sanskrit in the st. óvox and nakha ( No. 447) was of the second kind. Under No. 412 we regarded the ph of 497 the rt. phull in the same way. We should have also to add to these the agreement of the form xá- os ( i. e. 205- os), discussed under No. 179, with the Skt. kha-m cavity, atmo sphere , an instance which Bopp Gl . , and Aufrecht Ztschr. II 148 have pointed out , and which has also been re cognized by Benfey in his complete discussion of these words and of others connected with them Ztschr. VIII 187 ff. The kindred languages offer no forms but such as ( 461 ) point back to an original gh. Hence Skt. kha -m is also hardened for gha-m. - The Skt. kh is undoubtedly of the former kind in some of the words just discussed, in which, like the Greek X , it arose from k through the influence of a sibilant ; e. g. in the rt. skhad (No. 294) ; and the same is the case with Skt. th and ph, which appear under the like conditions, e . g. in rt . sthân by the side of févos, sphal by the side of opáhaw ( No.558).- Elsewhere indeed we may have some doubts . It was not however without reason , that we just above placed κόγχη , κόγχο- ς Skt. çarilha -s (No.65) among the examples of aspiration originating in later times. – The word xalīvó-s discussed under No. 561 , and compared with the Skt. khalina -s, was left doubtful. — We found instances on p. 279 of 9, corresponding to a Sanskrit th , but proved by other kindred forms to be a metamor phosed t , in the words alát-avo- v, xah-ávn and Skt. prath, prthu- s (No. 367b) by the side of Alatú- s, alat- avo-s Lith . platù - s, and also in uós-o -s turmoil (No. 476) , Skt. manth -a -s, Ch.-Sl. met-ą. On the other hand the aspirate , most commonly the labial, is also found confined to Greek. Thus in the case of the rt . dek ( No. 11) we saw above that the unaspirated form, which occurs among the Ionians, Dorians and Aeolians ( Ahrens Dor. 82) , is the original , the Attic dex a form of later origin. Even the Attic writers preserved the older ASPIRATION. 115 we saw κ in δωροδόκος , πανδόκος with its derivatives , perhaps also in δεκών : ο δεκαζόμενος and δεκάζειν bribe, which is probably best explained as a frequentative of déxeotai in the sense of to welcome to one's house, to entertain , to treat *) (cp. άκουάζεσθαι , μιγάζεσθαι); the derivation from déra ( to undertake to distribute by tens) , ascribed in the E. M. 254 , 29 to Eratosthenes, sounds extremely wild. The rt. TuK preserved this , its original, form espe cially in the Ionic dialect ( TE-TÚX -0- vto ), as on No. 235. But here too the Attic writers were not without forms with the unaspirated sound : túx -o - s, TeŪxo - o -s by the side of tvyráva , TEÚZW. Who will find any parti cular explanation of the aspirate here ? These are just the forms on which the view is especially based that the 498 aspirated perfect arose from the unaspirated merely by phonetic affection. Perhaps the perfect-like present oix- o ucı belongs here , a form which Sonne Epilegomena p. 62 has already compared with the Goth. perfect vaik cessi, without wishing to identify the two words. Although we cannot prove a F here, we may probably connect the verb with the rt. Fik ( No. 17) , and the meaning ' I have given(462) way , disappeared' suits completely. The labial spirant might vanish before o sooner than before other vowels, as Christ p. 261 conjectures. To these cases of aspiration belongs also the word tax -ús, Skt. taku - s, mentioned under No. 178. In the Pet. Dict. the Skt. adjective is explained by hurrying. The rt. is tak (tak-â -mi) shoot, tumble, whence tak - ran bird , and it is completely established in its high antiquity by Lith. tek - ù flow , run , ték - ina - s running fast, Ch.-Sl. tek - ŭ doóuos, tok-ŭ pɛõua (Bohem . roz-tok issue, mouth). In Zend this rt. is very richly represented ; tak-a running, takh -ma, also with aspiration , quick , strong , tac run , flow , tañk -ista (cp. réx- 1670-s) very strong. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 104 justly calls attention to the fact, that the

• ) Cp. Paul Albrecht “ On the division of offices at Athens' , a

programme of the Paedagogiuin at Ilfeld ( Nordhausen 1869) p. 16 . 8 * 116 BOOK III. to an ܕ transposition of the aspiration to the beginning of the word, which we perceive in scoowv, when contrasted with TEÚZouai , points to a high age for the internal aspiration. — We conjectured on p. 490 that atúrow belongs to the rt. TTUK, and that hence arvxń similarly only became aspirated at a later date. The initial x of x60-10- v skin , after birth , corresponds to the c of the Latin coriu - m , with which Kuhn Ztschr. IV 14 justly compares it, arguing also from the Lith . skur à skin , leather cp. scor - tu - m initial sibilant, which would help to explain the aspiration. Cp. No. 53. With the exception of the cases already mentioned above , I know no certain instance of a 9, which has ori ginated in a t. — But as we find o commonly corresponding to a primary p, it will be expedient here to distinguish cases where it is initial from those where it occurs in the middle of a word. – The derivation of pi - éan from the rt. Ti (No. 371), given even by ancient authorities (E. M.), has been frequently repeated in modern days , especially by Legerlotz Ztschr. VII 308 , who is followed by Christ p. 186. Both refer φιάλη to πιΓαλη , and take it as proof of the theory , often repeated but utterly incapable of proof, that a digamma suppressed in one syllable, produces aspiration in the syllable antecedent. But the etymology asserted for quéin breaks down owing to the fact that the word always means in Homer, not a drink ing - vessel, but a kind of kettle , which is placed upon the 499 fire - hence dnúowros of one not yet used Y 270 - and is also used as a jar for ashes (ib. 243 , 253) . Even Aristarchus taught this, as he added his dialñ to the verse first quoted for this reason , ότι φιάλην ου το παρ' ημίν ( the Greeks of later times) ποτήριον , αλλά γένος τι λέβη TOS Éxnétalov ( Aristonicus ed. Friedländer p. 330 ); compare also Döderlein Gloss. 936 , who refers to the agricultural expression pichoūv Bóspov, to ‘ kettle out ' , as it were , i . e. to hollow out, a ditch in a round shape. In Xenophanes Fr. 1 , 3 (Bergk) quáin means a vessel for ointment. – The а ASPIRATION . 117 > comparison of quapó-s with Skt. pivara -s fat, maintained (463) by the same scholar, is in no better case . Greek shows no inclination whatever to the aspiration of the a, as is shown by the forms πιαρός, πίαρ , πίων , collected under No. 363. Besides, the meaning of piapó-s , which in the Alexandrine poets , the only writers who know the word, is an epithet of the dawn, and means always only shining, gleaming, has absolutely nothing to do with riapó- s, which never means anything but fat, greasy. Pott's connexion ( I ' 269, W. I 1205) of głów, paev- w in the compound AEQqavov, tepigevelv singe, with Skt. plush and prush burn, is exposed to objections of various kinds. The Skt. rt . pru- sh must be certainly regarded as an expansion of the shorter stems discussed under No. 378 and 385, while on No. 415 we inferred a Gk. rt . opu , connected with Goth . brinnan . Lobeck Rhem . 24 is inclined on the con trary to connect głów , when referring to fire, with the forms discussed under No. 412 , as in fact the ideas of flaming fire, and of gushing exuberant fulness often pass into each other in language. On the other hand initial aspiration is well established in : 652) gv- oa blast, bellows, bladder, qvod- w blow , qvoid- w snort, pant, quochi-s, quoadli-s bladder, bubble, qúoxa bladder, blister , weal , qúoxn intestine, sausage, qúox -wv pot- belly. Skt. pumphu- sa-s lung, pupphu- la - m blowing, phu-t blow. Lat. pús-ula , pus-tula blister. Lith . puis - ti blow, puff, pus -lē bladder. Pott W. II 2 , 415 , Benf. I 551 ff. In spite of Pott's protest I start from a rt . spu , the s of which produced aspiration in Skt. and Greek, and then fell off. It is possibly retained in Lat. spû-ma, which is equivalent to the Lith. putà, though this certainly reminds us also of spu - e - re ( No. 382) and on the other side of the 0.-N. skúmi Kuhn Ztschr. IV 35 ). Otherwise however Fick Ztschr. XIX 78. This rt spu , Gk. tu from which qv -oi-yvato -s , ‘with puffed cheeks' , is immediately formed , takes an expanding s , which meets us also in the Latin forms. Are we to suppose that spus occur : 5 118 BOOK III. 500 also in Lat. spir -i - tu - s, spir - â -re ? The i would have to be regarded as diphthongal here as in liber from the rt. lib , lub , sub-fi-men by the side of fû -mu -s (No. 320) ; spir-â -re for spîs - â - re and an older speis - â -re, spois - â -re would be parallel to qūr- c - w. The develope ment of meaning is simple , and almost identical with that of the German blasen and its belongings. As bladder, blister ( Blase) and puff up, swell ( blasen ) are connected with blow ( blasen ) in so many languages, I regard the explanation of Lat. půsula , pustula here given, as more probable than that from the rt. pu ( No.383) maintained by Corssen Beitr. 460. Very differently Pictet II 143, who, having in view the Skt. bhas - trà bellows , starts from a rt. bhas. But the u is firmly attached to all the forms here quoted , and a long u especially is too rarely developed from an a in Greek , to make ( 464 ) this explanation probable. noiqúoow blow , pant, as is shown by nol-gvy - ua ( Aesch . ) and other forms , rests upon a root expanded by a guttural, which Pott W. I 1123 compares with 0.-N. fiuka vento ferri. A 9 at appears in the middle of a word in : 653) äq- evos , ãg -vog riches, éqve- tó- s rich , égv- v- w, épv- uv-w (Hesych. ) enrich . Skt. ap -nas revenue, possession , apas-van profit able, apah -stha -s possessor. Lat. op- s, op - es, opu -lentu -s, in - ops, côp- ia (= co-op - ia ). The ε of ở qevos, as Buttmann Lexil. I 46 f. already conjec tured , proves to be a moveable subsidiary vowel , for which the verb, explained in Hesych. by ólpico , is of especial importance ( cp. Téu- £ -vos) . We may consequently here ascribe to the v the power of aspiration , as in the instances quoted on p. 493. The Lithuanian opsta - s crowd , apstù - s richly offer themselves unsought. - To the derived words belongs ευ -ηφενέ- ων (Hesych. εύπλουτούντων) which Aristoph . Byz. and Rhianus read in † 81 for Ev - n - yɛvé- wv , not without reason (Nauck Aristoph. Byz. p. 50 ), and which I. Bekker has received into his text. The proper name Eúngévns is found in a Thasian inscription published by J. Miller ( Revue Archéol. 1865 p. 141). The suffix of aqɛvos is discussed by Aufrecht Ztschr. II 147 f., who follows Schweizer however, ( Höfer's Ztschr. II 108 ) in supposing abh to be the root. But the Skt. abh-va - s, from which this rt , is deduced , is according to the Pet. Dict. a compound of a ( n ) and rt. bhứ be, with the meaning monstrous, dismal, in the neuter, monstrous size, might, which is far removed from our words. And the Gothic words ab - 1 - s loyvpós , abra - ba pódea with all their kin contain only the notion of strength ( Joh. Schmidt Ztschr. XXII ASPIRATION. 119 327) ; so that we cannot, I think , allow the connexion of the words here quoted to be annulled because of them . On the other hand there are still some Greek words with nasalization and an o belong ing here ( Pietet II 398) , though for the most part occurring only as glosses , and therefore to be treated with caution : with the old a there are όμπ- νή τροφή, ευδαιμονία , Δημήτηρ Ομπνία ( ep. alma ) , ομπνεύειν αυξάνειν , with φ the equivalent ομφύνειν , and many more of various kinds, partly dubious derivatives. Other combi nations with regard to the rt. ap and the words akin in Studien I 1 , 261 . åheig - w has been discussed under the rt. 111 (No. 340). It might be difficult to prove any special occasion for aspiration in this verbal form , which is shown to be primitive by its ‘ addition of sound', any more than in the noun-forms άλειφ- αρ, αλοιφ- ή. änta tie , bind , seize , in the middle , seize on, take 501 part in, co- ý tactus , union , ån -aq -1oxw deceive , show the aspirate , while dr- ývn team , na- á-o-uai mend ( ňan -ti -s, ήπή- τρια) and απ- ά- τη have retained the π unaltered . It is impossible to decide in the case of ãuua Lat. á - mentu- m for ap -mentu - m and evi- s fastening , vaulting. Lat. ap-ě-re 'comprehendere vinculo' Paul. Ep. 18, to which belong ap- tu -s and ap - i- sci, and with which Skt. áp attain, arrive at, is also related, contains the original final letter. Cp. Fick ? 425 and my Commentatio de forma écoin L. 1870. For the change of the breathing at the beginning cp . p. 677. βλέφαρο- ν by the side of rt. βλεπ has been touched upon on p. 495 , where the hypothesis of a suffix -vara-m was disposed of . γνίφωνες niggards and σκνιποί will have to be discussed on p. 693. roigos, interchanging with yoito- s , rush -net for both forms are about equally well authenticated — has no quite certain etymology. The most probable comparison, mentioned under No. 516 , seems to me that given by Pott 11 140 , and also approved by Benfey I 211 , viz . with pių (465) ( gen. pin -os) and Lat. scirp -u -s, 0.-H.-G. sciluf. y as a weakening of ox will be discussed on p. 693. If this com 120 BOOK III . parison is correct, it establishes the priority of the r and we have a new case of aspiration. The form καφ by the side of καπ , καπ- ύ- ω has been already quoted under No. 36. Besides xx-xag - n -aós, the perfect xé-xng-€ tégvnxe ( properly spiravit) preserved by Hesych. , also belongs .here; Lobeck Rhem . 46 well com pared it with έγ- κάπτει i . e. έκ - κάπτει εκπνεϊ. The perfect , as the tense of completed action , expresses without the help of the preposition łu , what the present- stem only succeeds in expressing by means of it . The rt. Oav in its relation to Skt. dhmâ will give us the clearest analogy to this, below p . 535. HE9-aań we learnt on No. 54 to recognize as the correlate of the Skt. kapála-s. In this case we may notice the medial in the dialectic forms κεβάλη , κέβλη , to which we shall recur on p. 527. xoūgo- s light, in the sense of levis, is compared by Leo Meyer ( 1 51 ) with Skt. Kap-ala -s ( rt. kamp) moveable, light- thoughted , frivolous. Hesych. furnishes the by-form κεμπός, which is explained by κούφος. Cp. κεμφάς: έλαφος . Joh . Schmidt Vocal. I 115. xoq -ó -s in its relation to rt. Kort and especially to Goth . hamf-s mutilated , has been discussed under No. 68 b. haq- uoow we found ourselves obliged at No. 536b to place with λάπτω rt. λαπ. nougó- s blister, swelling, rougódvě bubble, are well 502 grouped by Fick ? 118 with Skt. pippala -s berry, nipple, Lat. papula blister , papilla nipple , small swelling, Lith. pápa -s nipple, breast. Add also Ch.-Sl. papă umbilicus. The Lith . verb pamp- ti swell out, to grow fat , contains the common idea. Lat. pamp-inu -s shoot of the vine might also belong here. Many of these words have been already quoted by Pott 1 ' 109, 193. págú -s by the side of pánv.s under No. 511 . Gag- ńs and 600-6 - s by the side of sap - io under No. 628, σκάφ- ος, σκάφη under No. 109 , στέφ- ω No. 224, στύφ- ω > ASPIRATION. 121 no % No. 229. The connexion of tpég- w with téon- w , main tained by Pott, was seen at No. 240 to be probable. We have another instance of aspiration in the middle of a word in the rt. tad , which appears in É- tág- n- v, táq- o- s ( pres. Ján- t - w) . For the identity of this rt. with Skt. dabh , conjectured by Kuhn Ztschr. II 467 , finds confirmation in the usage of the latter rt. as stated by the Pet. Dict. (damage, deceive). But it is equally im possible to hold another etymology, supported by Bopp Gl. , Pott 1 ' 257 , Grimm Gesch. 231 , according to which taq would be equivalent to Skt. rt . tap burn, from which on p . 492 we derived tég- pa. This etymology, which would ( 466) suit very well with the very ancient custom of burning corpses , appeared to receive its main support from the gloss of Hesych. äSantos őxavtos. But the addition η άκλαυστος θάψαι γάρ το κλαύσαι (so the M.S.) turns the whole notice into a puzzle , which can give us no help. As Hugo Weber shows in Jahn's Jahrb. 1863, p . 597, θάπτειν means in Homer properly to inter , while τάφος, taoń and especially rág- 90- s ditch , do not at all suit the notion of burning. Hence it is much better to accept Hugo Weber's own explanation, advanced also by Pott II? 467 , but not held to by him, from the rt. dha ( No. 309) from which dha- p would be an expansion (cp. dhứ -p Gr. TUQ No. 251 ) . In Skt. the causative from dhâ put is dhậpa já -mi. From ‘ put ' comes readily the notion of con dere , put aside , put away with care. If the forms ean , Qaq , tam, which thus arose, once became specially applied to the putting aside of corpses , it is easy to understand how the kindred notion of digging, and hence also tág- po- s might easily arise from it. *)

• ) Recently Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 164 has compared tappo- s

with Ch.-Sl. dib- rž receive , 0.-H.-G. tobel saltus, Lith . dub - u - s hollow, deep, dů bé pit, Goth . diup-s deep , from which we should arrive at a rt. dhabh , dhamb. This is a very interesting comparison ; but there are some doubts about it still remaining, arising especially from the meaning of θάπτειν., 122 BOOK III. The aspiration of a medial is limited to a much nar 503 rower range. This is easily understood , since the hard aspirate , the only one known to the Greeks , is one step further removed from the medial than from the tenuis. The aspirate which has arisen from a medial has apparently undergone a double change, on the one hand it has been hardened, on the other it has been also aspirated. General considerations are therefore of themselves sufficient to make us especially cautious in admitting such a transition . So far as I know , it has never been maintained that in any case a X corresponds to a primitive g in the kindred languages, or a g to a b. On the other hand there are some words in which it looks as if g corresponded to a primitive d . But a careful investigation compels us to deny this agreement most positively. The first word be longing here is faó- s , which is commonly grouped with Skt. dêva - s and Lat. deu -s (No. 269) . At the first glance the identity of these words seems evident to any one from the complete identity of meaning , and the (appa rently) almost entire agreement in sound. However I have maintained above, not without the most cogent reasons, and following the example of Schleicher (Zeitschr. IV 399 [cp. Comp. p. 206] ) and, as Pott W. I 992 informs me, of Win dischmann before him, that Gk. 9ɛó- s is quite distinct from the words that come from rt. dif shine. I will go into the question here with more precision, because of the im portance of the word, and because of some new points of view, which have been recently suggested. In the first place, to get a clear view of the relations of the vowels , the Skt. dêva - s evidently goes back to ( 467) daiva - s. From this we arrive, it is true, at the Ital . deivo- s, and from this again at dêu - s, déu-s ( Corssen 1² 381 ) , but the vowel of the stem - syllable in teó- s of itself creates difficulties. In the numerous derivatives there is not a single trace * ) of the diphthong El , which we expect as

• ) It is true that on late inscriptions OEIOE occurs for geós, but

K. Keil, who discusses the question ‘ Zur Sylloge inscript. Boeotic .' ASPIRATION. 123 . the representative of the Skt. ê and of the Osc. ei ( deirai = deae ). To prove a trace of the F, forms like Oxū -yvi-s, Oɛv- doro- s in certain branches of Doric have been appealed to , but it results from Ahrens' discussion of these forms ( Dor. 215) , that ev is here contracted from € 0 . Still less can anything be proved by the form Oɛū- s , the only certain instance of which is in Callimach . Hymn. in Cer. 504 58 ( γείνατο δ' α Θεύς). Instead of the corresponding accusative Saūv v. 130 Meineke, with a good M.S., has taken into his text fɛóv. This form is naturally also contracted, and there is a very easy solution of the objection which Sanneg raises against it in his doctoral dissertation de vocabulorum compositione Graeca' (Halis 1865) p. 14 , to the effect that a form fɛvs contracted from geós would be necessarily oxytone. For Herodian, the master of pro sody, tepi uovňpovs 2ÉĚEWS p. 6, 8 expressly ascribes this accent to the word , and hence we must accept it : tò dè θεύς εκ συναλοιφής έστι ποιητικόν. Voretzsch de in scriptione Cretensi ( Halis 1862) appeals to the proper name Devódotos. But this name is found, not as V. says ' in nummo Apollonopolitarum ', but in an inscription of thanks-giving set up by a Jew of Apollonopolis at a late date, and the editor, Letronne (Revue de Philologie Tome I 304, 1845) even regards it as possible that the reading is incorrect. What can be the value of such a late scrawl, which is put out of the question simply by its date , in the case of a word , which is transmitted to us a thous and times from all dialects ? If the writer did write so at all , he confused Daudotos and kódoros. At the first > Supplementb. IV to Jahn's Jahrb . p. 615 , shows that we have to do here with times and districts, which occasionally supply us IEPEISN for ιερέων , ATEIΛEIAN for ατέλειαν , and the like . Forms of this kind therefore belong to that period of the Greek language, in which e and i begin to be confused , and in which undoubtedly El was pronounced like i. It would be a defiance of all critical principles to choose to employ such examples to explain any Greek etymo logies. 124 BOOK III . glance more weight seems due to a form , which has been quoted by the same scholar from Cretan coins, and has been regarded by others as a certain proof that between the two vowels of geós a F once existed. There are two coins of Gortys , both preserved in Paris, described by Monnet Déscription de méd. antiques Vol. II p. 280, No. 179 ( 468) and 185, with the legend TOPTYNIIN OIBOE. But the second of these is regarded by authorities on numis matics as decidedly spurious, and hence we cannot take it into consideration . The first, No. 179 , is regarded as genuine, but as “tolerably late' if only from the character of the letters , especially from the £; it has upon it the figure of Herakles with ---- INISIN OIBOX written round it in regular characters, so that the figure comes between the two words. Now Voretzsch regards it as proved that this legend meant ' God of the Gortynians'. And it is true that it would agree phonetically with what we know of the peculiarities of the Cretan dialect to regard 1 here as representing an ε , β a F (ep. αβέλιος , Βολοέντιοι " Αρια, típios), so that it might almost seem as though the form EFó-s were proved. Even the circumstance that this com mon word occurs elsewhere in Cretan inscriptions only in the form θεός, and in Ηesych. as θιός ( Κρήτες) , does not carry much weight with it , for, to say nothing of local differences, there is much uncertainty in cases of this kind. 505 But the legend 'God of the Gortynians' would be all the more surprising. On enquiring from several scholars fa miliar with coins, I received the answer that there was no parallel to such a legend , for it is evident that seos Σεβαστός , θεώ Καίσαρι Σεβαστώ , θεά Ρώμη are different ; in all these cases it was necessary to say that a god was concerned, in the former not so. The most common super scription is, as is well known, the simple genitive, as Γορτυνίων , to which every one supplied the nominative ' coin' . How strange it would be to find in the place of this faós ! Hence it must certainly not be regarded as proved that fußós in this case meant god. Most of this ASPIRATION. 125 information I owe to my brother Ernst. W. H. Roscher by a careful comparison of corresponding coins has recently arrived at the conclusion that OIBOE does not belong at all to TOPTYNILN , but is rather the name of a master of the mint, which he compares with Olußpwv. Studien II p. 154. But granted that we had actual authority for the f after ? , this would by no means remove the difficulties . Instead of the F, we find in the old compounds o, θέσ gatos ; and Jé- one- ho- s, de- oné- 010- s , dé- 61-1-9 (cp. p. 461) supply a still shorter form . It would be very convenient to get out of the difficulty by regarding the dental sibilant o as simply a permutation of the labial F, a course which Sanneg in the treatise mentioned above, p. 13 and Savels berg , ‘ De digammo' p. 39 , think themselves justified in adopting. But as a fact this transition cannot be made probable in any single instance. It would be better to agree with Pott, who W. I 998 comes back to the view that the syllable fes is shortened from the dat. plur. TEOTS .(469) But if we remember the age of the words quoted , which are indeed Homeric Pott adds also ©£ 6- Aqw-toi —, the circumstance that the old language retained the form teolót, and further that compounds involving case - forms are generally not very ancient, there are still difficulties enough remaining. And even if we could set aside these objections, which, it seems to me, cannot easily be removed, we should still be far enough from the possibility of iden tifying séos with deus; for there are other impediments to the explanation of the Greek forms from the stem daiva . Why, for instance , did the word become so com pletely separated from the rt. dif , if it belonged to it ? How did feco - s originate by the side of di- o - s divja - s, divu - s, or why, on the other hand, was not the 8 of di - o - s or Al- ós aspirated, these forms having similarly lost a F? If we are to assume an instinctive feeling in language of the mutual connexion of forms which come from one root, nothing is more suspicious than the deviation of one form , 126 BOOK III. 506 and further one which in meaning is by no means remote, from the course of the rest. But if any one assumes in the case of tɛ- ó- s on the ground of equivalence of mean ing, the loss of a F, the shortening of the diphthong, and the aspiration of d into 4, he assumes a series of fortuit ous phenomena such as in other cases are not wont to serve as criteria of truth or even of probability. The old view has found an advocate in Legerlotz ( Ztschr. VII 307) . ' But in the first place all the traces of a Greek form dɛó-s by the side of tɛó- s , to which he appeals , are very doubtful. Montfaucon (Diar. Ital. p. 223) quotes the form déaiva, not ‘ from an old inscription ' , but merely to support his etymology of Deana = Diana , which occurs in a Latin inscription , and he gives no authority for it. The form déos teós, mentioned in Hesych. , must be taken with δέα θεά. To the latter is added υπό Τυρρη vov , so that we have no right to quote the form as Greek. The form with 9, or in place of this its representative o, is so abundantly authenticated from Doric and Aeolic dia lects , that there are the best - established objections to the statement of the Excerpta e cod. Vaticano . p. 692 (post Gregorium Corinth . ed. Schaefer), that the Dorians pro nounced deoús , dec. Again, no one of those, who identify tɛó -s ,with deu -s, has been able to adduce other instances of the asserted change of the medial into the aspirate, except Gr. θύρ- α Skt. dvâra -m , Gr. Svyárne Skt. duhita . But in the case of both these parallels , as is shown under No. 318 , No. 319 , the original initial letter is proved, especially by the Teutonic languages , to have been (470) an aspirate. In the dearth of exact analogies , recourse has been had to inexact ones. Some have attempted to prove that the digamma of a subsequent syllable has the power of attaching itself to an initial tenuis in the form of an aspiration. But here too the material for the proof is deficient. Again and again giáhn and grapó- s are quoted, which are supposed to have come from alfein, aiFC00- . The nullity of this explanation has been shown above ASPIRATION. 127 · (p. 498) . The forms égi-oqxo- s by the side of Éri-opxo- s and εφι- άλλω, εφιάλτη-s, inasmuch as both are compounds, and the rough breathing of @oxo- s is only presumptive, while that of arlouai = salio certainly did not originate in a digamma, prove nothing for this supposed influence of the labial spirant in simple words, but belong rather to the sphere of the transposition of aspiration. The form del-ó- s with interaspiration , postulated by Legerlotz 1. c. is quite without analogy. Interaspiration cannot be shown to exist , except as a resultant of an original 6 ; in no dialect does it proceed from a f (Ahrens Dor. $ 9). Besides , these examples would by no means prove the 507 transition of a medial into the aspirate. This proof we can only expect from Legerlotz, who Ztschr. VII 308 pro mises to give us some other time other examples which for the present he withholds. But this whole hypothesis of transposition is worthless. We have only to remember the great number of words , which have lost a digamma from the middle, without the initial letter being in the least affected; e. g. to tako only those that lie nearest to hand, xo- é- w (No. 64) , ya - l- a (No. 122) , dano (No. 257 ), da - i- w burn ( No. 258), dé- a-to ( No. 269), na - í- w (No. 344), πά-i - ς (Νο. 387) , πέλλα ( Νο. 353) , πλέ- ω (No. 369) , πνέω ( No..370) , aiés (No. 585) , 6-1- S (No. 595) . In fact, there is not even a shadow of probability remaining for the derivation of the word teos from the primitive form daiva, however well- established it was long thought to be. This fact is now at last recognized on most sides , especially by Grassmann Ztschr. XI 4, and by Bühler Or. und Occ. I 508, II 338. It is certainly more difficult to substitute a true ety mology for that which is demonstrably false. Schleicher Ztschr. IV 399 suggests the rt. dhu , Gr. fu, whence géw run (an explanation thought of even in antiquity Plato Crat. p. 397) , as Wuotan also comes from vat-an meare. But though a single god may have been called 'runner', this would be strange if applied to the race of the gods 128 BOOK III. in general. Nor is the connexion with the Skt. dhava- s man, suggested by C. Hoffmann (cp. Schweizer Ztschr. I 158), satisfactory. Bühler Or. and Occ. I 510 starts from (471) the Norse diar, which word is said to mean gods, assumes (very boldly) dió- s as an older form of fɛó- s , and con jectures in this the rt. dhi, either the same as in the Skt. dhî- s thought, insight, devotion, or rt. di (di-dhi) shine. In the latter assumption Bühler agrees with Grassmann Ztschr. XI 4 , except that the latter derives this rt . dhi from che, and thus after all believes that he can still trace it back to the same source , from which came rt. div and dév-as. But it would be hard to prove this assumption , for in what other instance has an Indogermanic dh originated in a d? If we wished, however , to hold to one of these derivations, of which the second would be the better as far as meaning goes, we should have to presuppose a stem dhaj- a. But from this again we cannot get to téo -ga -to -s. A different view again is suggested by A. Goebel Ztschr. XI 55, who takes dec as the rt . , but regards this as only an expansion of de place. We should thus have again the idea of creator or orderer, which Herodotus II 52 thought. 508 he had discovered for geol (oi xócuq févtes) . This ex planation hardly suits the Greek view of the Deity. The etymology of geós has been recently discussed very thoroughly and acutely by Ascoli (Rendiconti del Reale Instituto Lombardo , Classe de lettre e sc. moral. e polit. IV fasc. 6), and his explanation of this difficult word has met with the approval of Schweizer in a full review of the question (Ztschr. XVII 142) . Ascoli returns again to the rt . div , though in a very different way . He iden tifies teó- s, not with Skt. deva -s, but with divjá -s heavenly, which in the Vedas is oxytone , though later barytone. From div-já -s he gets dif- ɛó- s ( like Ét- Eb-s from sat- ja - s ), hence with a loss of the i df- ɛó- s, by aspiration 9F- ɛó - s, and finally by the suppression of the F 9-€ 6- s. But even his starting-point seems to me open to objections. Ascoli attaches great importance to the accentuation. But in > ASPIRATION. 129 are > spite of all the acuteness which he has devoted to this point, it seems to me extremely unsafe to deduce this, for the time before the separation of our stock of languages, from the accentuation of Sanskrit, considering the extra ordinary mobility of the accent in periods which historically clear , and the differences which are found to exist in this respect between dialects of the same lang uage. I used to agree with my late friend Schleicher in leaving the accent on the whole out of the question in com paring forms from different languages. Moreover di-jó- s would be quite opposed to the Greek method of accentuation, for the adjectives in 10-s are barytones throughout, so that this div-ja -s has its equivalent only in di- o -s for di(F) -co- s. Now I cannot think it in the least probable that, with this tendency to accent the stem -syllable , the i should have been lost by syncope , then d changed into y, and thus(472) this one ramification of the stem div should have become so completely unlike the others, although the link of kindred meaning might have always held them together. At any rate, in docv, dnv, to which we return on p. 558, the d remained unaffected, in spite of the loss of the t. Besides , Ascoli's etymology would not even give us the advantage of being able to identify the Greek name of the Deity with the Indian , Italian and Lithuanian. For it is plain that the Lith. dë - ra - s corresponds to the Skt. déva - s, not to div - ja - s, and it is extremely bold to attempt in spite of the Osc. deírai to refer the Lat. deu-s to any other primitive form than deivo- s, as Ascoli attempts to do. Hence even with his explanation the difference would still remain, that the Indians, Italians and Lithuanians denoted God as the shining one , the Greeks as the heavenly one, and one main reason , on which stress has often been laid, 509 for venturing bolder theories in the case of tɛós, the improb ability that teó-s and deu - s with a like meaning and similar sounds, should still be different words, would break down *). ( *) On the question of the relation of fɛós and deus see also M. Müller's ' Chips' Vol. IV pp . 239-242 . ] CURTIUS, Etymology. II. 9 130 BOOK III . After all , I still think that explanation the most trust worthy, which I formerly, agreeing with Döderlein , stated under No. 312 b *) . According to this, tɛó- s would be derived ( 473) from rt. Dec desire, pray, in just the same way as any -ó -s, 2011- ó- s from their roots. With the Laconians and Cretans the ε before vowels would have undergone the same change into 1 , as with the Cretans in típios θέρεος (st. θερες) and with the Boeotians in Féria = έτεα (st . έτες). This

• ) In the third edition I omitted this number, because the con

nexion of the rt. Oec with the Lat. fes - tu - s , fer - iae had been made doubtful by the objections raised against it by Corssen Ztschr. XI 421 ( I ? 141 ) and Pott ( W. 1 166) . The rt. dec occurs in the forms θεσσάμενοι alınoduɛvot ( Archil. Fr. 11 B.' ), Cretan nocuevou ( Ηesych . ) , θέσσαντο εξήτησαν, ικέτευσαν, θέσσεσθαι · αιτεϊν ικετεύειν Hesych ., roló-teo- to - s much besought, anó-fęo- to - s cursed , and in the proper names Θέσ- τωρ , Θέσσ- ανδρο- ς. It is natural also to ex plain llaol - fé- n , the name of the youngest of the Charites, as ' desired of all ' . We should have in this word a passive tɛó- s, only in a some what different sense . teó- s God would mean pretty much the same as ζ 280 πολυάρητος, the object of prayer ( ήε τις εύξαμένη πολυ áentos teòs nitev). A like etymon is conjectured by Corssen Ztschr. IX 139 for the Etrusc. aes -ar deus ; he connects it , together with Umbr. es-unu sacrum , with rt. is (Skt. ish No. 617) , wish, beg. Thus we shonld explain géo- pato- s, téc- xelo- s, with an o ' bitten off ", as Pott W. I 996 says , like ζεί-δωρο -ς for ζειό - δωρο- ς , ληϊ- βότειρα for ληϊο- βοτειρα, Ant-poßos ( terror of the drio- 1 ) , in which cases we must not forget the impossibility of bringing these words with o into the hexameter. Compare also Κρησφύγετο- ν , θεμις- κρέων , θέ- σπ- ι - ς for θεσο- σπι- ς, η- μέδιμνο-ν ημι--μέδιμνον ,, κελαι--νεφής = κελαινο -νεφής,, and of forms not compounds one quoted by Potthimself μέσ- φα for μεσο- φα (φα Skt. -bhjas) and vóo- quv probably for voti- quv (No. 444c). Pott's view ( W. I 165) , that rt. dec is an expansion of rt. De ( No. 309 ), in the sense of the Indic desiderative of dha , which in the middle means inter alia ' to try to win ', is not improbable, but is not at all opposed to our etymology. I no longer maintain the comparison of geo- tó - s with Lat. fes tu - s , mainly because the proper name is written oñoros in Greek. For I believe that analogies could be found for the meaning of fes - tu - m (cp. vó -tu - m , sep - tu - m ) as prayer, and dies festus as day of prayer ( cp. cu - tu - s , cas- tu - s, pu - tu - s, fal -gu - s, tû -tu - s ), in the freer usage of the adjectives and neuters (which have become substantives) of this formation . The doctrine of significations for the formation of nouns has yet to be written. ASPIRATION. 131 meets an objection brought forward by Roediger Ztschr. XVI 158. We still have a trace of the existence of the spirant which has disappeared after & , at any rate in the diaeresis ; for instead of fios we have in the Cretan dia lect ( C. I. No. 2557 B 17) 98-ïvó - s formed like dvipor ivó - s, and it is perhaps no accident that, as Nauck Bulletin de l'Acad. de St. Petersb. VI p. 9 points out , in Homer 510 seios occurs for the most part *) only in places where the diphthong is in thesis, or, in other words, perhaps did not yet exist. But while we thus deny the aspiration of a medial at the beginning of a word , it must be admitted in some cases in the middle. naxú- s stout, fat, coarse , thick, with πάχος, πάχ- ετούς, παχύ- νω cannot be separated from No.343 i . e. any- vv -ul fix , any- ó- s firm , strong. We must take into account the Homeric phrases χείρα παχείαν and κύματι πηγώ , αίμα παχύ ( Ψ 697) and the Attie πεπηγός. But with taxt-s is connected pingui-s (cp. Corssen Nachtr. 88 ), which in almost every respect, and especially in its appli cation to the region of the mind , approximates to the meaning of roxé- s. pingui-s must be for pengui-s as quin que for quenque ; it is related to nazú - s much as tenui- s is to tavu (No. 230), bre ( g ) v-i-s to Boaxv- s (No. 396) . Greek also would not be without a form with the nasal, if Döder lein Gl. 46 was right in placing here the Homer. Táyxv. The nasal could not indeed be explained by transposition : we should rather find in it an instance of the widely spread phenomenon of nasal strengthening. nárnu would be related to the st. naxv as Lat. angor and Skt. ahas to Gk. äxos ( No. 166) . With nóvv, the explanation of which was attempted on p. 460, máyxv would have only the stem in common. But in fact ráyxv. is entirely unconnected with razú -s in its usage , and hence the conjecture of Usener ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1865 p. 258) deserves all conside ration, that the x of this adverb is just as much deriva [ *, The word occurs 26 times in the Iliad , and only twice ( B 22, * 689) is the diphthong necessary for the metre.] 9 * 132 BOOK III. tive, as in παντα-χού, ενια- χού , ή-χι only we must not add ( 474) to these the totally different äyxi (rt. årx). v would be the Aeolic substitute for o as in änav - dis, čuv -dis, hardly for ot , for I know no example of this in the Homeric dialect. The aspirate of παχύς finds its evident analogy in πάχ- νη rime, frost, by the side of mennyévat, ráy -o -s, although in the latter case the contiguous v makes it more explicable. Besides, we saw above that the medial in these words corresponds to the tenuis of the kindred languages , so that the aspi ration is less surprising. - To the influence of the v we must ascribe the aspiration in the poetic word πρόχνυ.. For in spite of its somewhat strange use in the sense of παντελώς (πρόχνυ ολέσθαι Φ460), which can be explained however by πρόρριζος , προθέλυμνος , and the usage of γούνατα λυσαι, εν γούνασι κείται , we are obliged on account of noóxvv xatecouévn ( I 570) to hold to the old deriva tion from πρό and γόνυ ( Νο. 137 ). The relation of pāx - ía Ion. önx- in breakers , extremity of the beach , to the rt. Fραγ in ρήγ- νυ- μι, from which ρηγ- μίν beach must not be separated , is not free from difficulty. The medial 611 of the latter words finds support indeed in the Lat. frango, Goth . ga -brik - a (No. 655) , but by the side of these there are forms unmistakeably akin with a k, especially Boax- icut oi tpazɛis tónoi (Lob. El. I 134) in Hesychius. On the other hand the imitative verbs αράσσω , ρή σσω come very near . I confess that I cannot in this case arrive at any clear view . The word may therefore find a place here, as a doubtful instance of this transition. We find j corresponding to an old d, according to Christ p. 105, in “ xévspağ ( sic ) from xóvdapos". The former word is based upon a misprint ; it should evidently be ävšpaž ( coal) : sávd- apo- s ävšpač in Hesych ., discussed by Legerlotz Ztschr. VIII 207, is the source of the comparison . But the assumption that ävepaß has lost an initial % , although it has been repeated by Ahrens Or. u . Occ. II 31, rests upon no analogy, while róvd- apo- s attaches itself to Lat. cand -e - o (No. 26 ). No etymology of ävšpaß , at ASPIRATION. 133 all probable, has indeed as yet been found. Lobeck's groupings El. I 108 are untenable. άν- θ- ρ- ωπο- ς in its relation to åv- d- oós etc. has been discussed under No. 422 ( cp. also Pott Personenn. 462) . As the dental consonant in this stem is merely auxiliary , we are the less aston ished to find it taking the aspiration, especially under the influence of the p. μαλθ - ακός a by-form of μαλ- ακός, has been compared with the Skt. rt. mard conterere, in which case A would act as the representative of d ; but the comparison is incorrect, as has been shown under No. 457. We must rather regard ual as the root, and the as formative, uét - n is to be separated from Skt. mad to be drunken , as we saw under No. 322 , and is to be derived rather from uédv, which had the aspirate from the first. Favtó- s yellow , in Greek an isolated word, ( 475 ) with Çovdo-s ( for govtós ?), the meaning of which is dis tinguished by later writers from that of gavtós, though they were probably identical originally , is compared by Aufrecht on Uggvaladatta p. 275 with the Vedic çkand -ra -s shining, for which kandra - s ( gleaming, light, colour of gold) is more usual afterwards, just as the rt . Kand shine, is also , according to the Pet. Dict. , shortened from skand, though Benfey Ztschr. VII 59 thinks it came from an original skand, and compares it with Lat. cand-e-o. As we must in several instances recognize & as the representative of sk ( as will be seen on p. 687 ), and as in the form skand -ra -s, which we must presuppose, two conditions, under which aspiration readily occurs, are found united, namely, a nasal preceding and r following , the connexion of gavtó- s with this adjective has great probability. In návd -apo -s, mentioned above, we should have the rt. with the loss of the s , but with the d unchanged. We should 512 be obliged to assume a suppression of the after the y, as in notí by the side of apoti. The rt. skand has been recently discussed thoroughly by Ahrens (Or. u. Occ. II 8), though I cannot possibly follow him in the Proteus- like metamorphosis of this rt. , which he assumes. But we are a 134 BOOK III. agreed as to this word. Hugo Weber on the other hand ( Jahn's Jahrb . 1863 p. 599) regards skan- d and skan -dh as two independent expansions of a root skan , which is merely inferred . — Within the Greek language the medial seems to yield to the aspirate in the forms pat- co6- a sprinkle , bat ίαν- ω 80w, ραθέμιγξ drop, by the side of φαίν- ω , which is shown by the Homeric form έρράδ- αται to be a product of the rt. pad (No. 253) . But after all that has been said by Pott ( 1 ° 18, II 508) and Benfey ( 1 115) about these words , their origin and hence especially the priority of the d remain doubtful. The o of uslo - s, idle chatter, has been suspected in two different ways of originating in d, by Benfey, who traces the word back to the rt. úd (üd -wo, No. 300) , and by Christ (p. 104), who bases it upon Skt. vad speak. It is an objection to the latter derivation, that the word ű920- s never means anything but pavapia , and is far removed from the representatives of the rt. vad, pointed out under No. 298, to the former , that the rt. ud, und never means anything but to wet. The idea of chattering may indeed be developed from that of gushing, flowing over ( cp. No. 412), but not from that of wetting. It would be better to assume as the root ů (No. 604), which as we saw, gets to have the meaning rain from that of shaking, straining; in this case -flo would be a suffix ( cp. féuk tho - v) , and the meaning of the substantive would be related to that of the verbal root as what is strained (Geseig) is to strain, filter ( seigen ). It would be difficult to prove , putting the formation of the perfect for the present out of the question , that o ever originated from B. In a few words , where the two sounds correspond, the reverse relation is the more probable. ( 476) 4) Loss OF ASPIRATION. With the tendency of the Greek language to aspiration, the phenomenon which is the opposite of aspiration, the loss of the breathing, is in itself improbable, and this most of all LOSS OF ASPIRATION . 135 with the hard consonants. For after the originally soft explosive had become hardened, not without the influence 513 of the breathing , it would have been very surprising to find these hardened consonants again discarding this breath ing. In reality , if we disregard changes which belong to late and isolated dialects , it would be hardly possible actually to prove in the case of a single word the origin of a x, t, n from X, 8, 9, i . e. from gh, dh, bh . This de serves to be brought into the more prominence, because the old etymology was much inclined to such assumptions, by means of which , e . g. axéwv was traced back to å -xé-av (rt. xa, Xav) . The supposed Ionic loss of the breathing, which served as the basis for such hypotheses, is , as has often been shown, neither specifically Ionic, nor a loss of breathing, but the retention of the old tenuis as distin guished from the younger aspirate (cp. above p. 497). Even in the Homer. aŭ-ti - s, compared with the Attic aùdi-s, which is always being quoted as an example of the 'tenuis pro aspirata' , the priority of the o is anything but proved. And at all events the peculiarity of the later Ionism , not to adapt the final tenuis to the initial spiritus asper : απ' ού , κατ ’ ημέρης, has absolutely nothing to do with the loss of aspiration, but seems rather to rest upon a lighter pronunciation of the spiritus asper , which became among the neighbouring Asiatic Aeolians complete psilosis. But even among the Aeolians and the Dorians the traces of a ' tenuis pro aspirata', as is seen from the careful in vestigation of Ahrens , are extremely scanty and dubious (cp. Voretzsch de inscript. Cret. p. 16) . An ordinary Greek x or r as the representative of the corresponding Indog. aspirates has never been assumed, so far as I know, in any single word with the slightest prob ability. More frequently r is supposed to represent bh ; and in three cases there is, at first sight, a certain plausi bility in this : xapró- s, in the meaning of wrist, has been repeatedly compared with Skt. karabha - s, which means the metacarpus, and also the trunk of the elephant, and is ( 477 ) 136 BOOK III. evidently derived from kara-s hand. In Greek there is no trace of this primitive , but napa - ó - s seems rather to con nect itself with the rt. kapte (No. 41 ) , the fundamental meaning of which is rapid motion. In Homer we find only the phrase xeio' énì xaprợ, in which a further mean ing of the hand on the turn' may be faintly discerned. According to this the similarity of the Skt. word is simply delusive. Fick ? 407 is now also of our view , giving up his former connexion of the word with Skt. karp -ata -s, hand with the fingers stretched out. — Other parts of the body, especially avy- ń rump, nvy-óv elbow, have been com 514 pared with the Skt. bhug-a-s, hand, trunk. The Indian word comes from the rt. bhuộ, turn , bend , the Greek represen tatives of which (rt. qur) have been quoted under No. 163. The meanings also are considerably diverse. The Greek words attach themselves rather to rús pug -nu- s, avy-uń pugil, which are mentioned under No. 384 , and are prob ably connected with the rt . πυκ in πυκ- νός, πυκ- άζω in the sense of firm , fleshy parts of the body. The com parison of oxa- t- w, 6x71 - í -mv with Skt. skabh support, we rejected under No. 108. Three languages in this case bear evidence in favour of the tenuis. It is otherwise with the relation of the medial to the aspirate. As the hard aspirates have come from the soft, it is far from wonderful that the soft aspirates of ante - Hellenic times sometimes dropped their breathing in Greek, and left only the medial remaining. We have seen that this kind of transformation became the rule in other languages. And Grassmann Ztschr. XII 94 makes it probable that it was not unknown even in Sanskrit. Still we must not here assume a change without any further enquiry , but we must separate precisely the indi vidual cases. In the first place we find the simple medial , though exclusively the guttural , in certain Greek words, by the side of which , while the Sanskrit has gh or h , the remain ing kindred languages show the unaspirated medial , or LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 137 sounds from which this can be deduced (cp. Kuhn Ztschr. Il 270) . - To these belongs the word yévv - s (discussed under No. 423) , Lat. gen - a , Goth. kinnu- s, but Skt. hanu -s, and also the pronoun tyáóv Skt. aham mentioned at the same place. Here the Lat. g of ego has no significance, as in the middle of a word it may have come from gh as well as from.g, as also Ch.-Sl. azú, Lith . àž ( Schleicher Lit. Gr. 216), but the Goth . ik can only be explained from an earlier aga, agam . Hence we shall have to start from this form , and to decide from the majority of languages, either ( 478 ) that the h of the Sanskrit, in the case of this pronoun, was developed from g only after the separation of lang uages, or that before this time a later ga had been formed by the side of gha. Bopp (Vgl. Gr. II ? 102) , agreeing with Benfey , regards the syllable -ha as “ the otherwise unaccented particle ha ( Ved. also hâ, gha, ghâ ), incor porated with the stem a, a particle, which like the kindred Greek ye, Dor. Aeol. ya , is readily attached to pronouns”. This very particle is a new instance of the phonetic rela tion assumed by us. . The usage of the Ved. gha and of the Gr. ye is, according to the Pet. Dict. , as good as iden tical . Both particles are enclitic, both serve for emphasis, in the sense of our ‘at least , certainly, indeed' , both are readily appended to pronouns ( sa -gha ő ya) . Latin has 515 nothing corresponding to this particle ; the Lith. -gi ( tàs- gi ő- yɛ) and Ch.-Sl. -že ( Schleicher Ksl. 111 , Lit. Gr. 201) may have arisen just as well from ga as from gha ; but Bopp is unmistakeably right in referring here also the k of the Goth. mi-k , thu -ki, si-k with 0.-H.-G. unsi- h , iwi-h ; and the Goth . h , 0.-H.-G. h can only be explained from ga, not from gha. Hence we have good reason for regard ing the y in tyó and yé as extremely old. The same relation comes out less decidedly in the case of uépa- s (No. 462) . The original character of the y is indeed fully established by the Goth. mikil-s, but it may be with reason doubted whether the equivalent Skt. maha - t does not go back to another rt. with an original aspirate , for this 138 BOOK III . occurs in mah crescere (No. 473). The case is different with the etymology of haya's hare, from the Skt. rt. langh salire , proposed by Pott 1 ' 232 (doubtfully W. III 709), by Bopp Gl. , and elsewhere. For here again we find in Gothic (laikan spring, hop) the k which can only be ex plained from g. But the comparison is of such a nature that on the score of meaning we can at most recognize only a certain probability. For the hare may indeed have been named from leaping (cp. Skt. çaç- a - s lepus from rt. çaç salire ) , but it need not have been . The word may also be derived without difficulty from rt . lar (No. 146 ). — But even the three or four certain instances, which we have quoted, of a gh of later origin in Sanskrit, are sufficient to bring into suspicion the assertion y = gh, at least when stated so generally , and to recommend us caution with respect to etymologies which rest upon it. Take for example the word yoáoo- s or yoãoos , the smell of a he- goat, which Benfey II 142 connects with Skt. ghrà. According to the Pet. Dict. this rt. means only to smell at ( odorari), never to smell of ( olere ), and, as we can see especially from the use of the compounds abhi- a-, ava-ghra, the fundamental meaning is ' to snuff at' , and hence also ' to kiss ' . This meaning approximates so nearly ( 179) to the Gk. xpaúw and other words discussed under No. 201, that I have no hesitation in regarding these as akin to the Skt. ghrá, and the idea underlying them all in common as that of touching closely. The objection raised by Schweizer Ztschr. XII 306, that the Skt. substantive ghrá na- s means also smell in the sense of ' odor ' , is not of weight enough to tell against this view. On the other hand we must recognize the origination of the Greek medial from the aspirate , especially in a number of words in all of which it is preceded by a nasal. In one case we find both 7 and X 516 &yyús, near we connected , under No. 166 , with ãyxi and Skt. ąhu-s narrow . With the latter, as with the Goth. aggvu - s narrow [ Germ. eng ], švyús ( st. &yyv) is identical. LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 139 The's is explained by Pott Praeposit. 276 from abbreviation of the local suffix -41 (cp. dó- s = do0-41) with all the more probability that in Homer šyyú - fi is largely in use. Usener Jahn's Jahrb. 1865 p. 249 , maintains another view , comparing ευθύ- ς , θύ- ς , μεσσηγγύ- ς. He regards the sigma as the same as that in d , ay ; but I cannot possibly agree with him in regarding as possible the addition of this s to locative forms; for it must in any case be of the nature of a case - termination , and in what other instance did language stick one case - suffix on to another ? An isolated d, originating in dh by the influence of the nasal, occurs in rúvd -af, which is equivalent to avo μήν and is a kind of diminutive of a stem πυθ- να, πυνδα Skt. budhna- s ( No. 329). Cp. Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 31 . But a ß by the side of an aspirate may be recognized in the following cases. Boéub -os žußovov (Hesych. ) we may probably with Lobeck Rhem . 300 identify with Boégos (cp. p . 471 ) . fáuß- os is related to the Hom. tág- os as févit -os to βάθ- ος. It is true that even the g in this stem is by no means fixed , for the Hom. perfect té- enn -a and Hesych . θάπ - αν φόβον give β, and the stem θαπ, ταφ , θαμβ is probably only to be regarded as a labial expansion of the rt . OaF , (No. 308). However it is natural to regard a as the older sound , and the two others as later transforma tions of it. fpóußo- s clot , especially of curdled liquids , is justly connected with tọégelv (No. 240) in the meaning of to cardle (γάλα, τυρόν ) , τροφ-αλίς , fresh cheese . fúußpa, a fragrant aromatic plant [ savory] , has a similar relation to the rt. OuQ, TUQ ( No. 251 ) ; only on account of the Skt. dhập we can here still more plainly (180 ) trace the B back not merely to 9 , but also to p. To the same rt. týuß- o- s has also been referred : but this word never means the place of burning ( bustum ) but only the sepulchral mound ; hence τύμβον χεύαι , τυμβοχοεϊν; and it is distinguished from θύμβρα, θύψαι by the absence of > 140 BOOK III. the initial aspiration ; so that the rt. TU ( No. 247) may also occur to us ( cp. tu -mu-lu -s ). κόρυμβο- ς peak , κόρυμβα (άκρα) , the sharp curved stern of a ship [ I 241 Laroche ] , are evidently akin to xopvoń peak (Lob. Prolegg. 298) . xoquoń again, like kópv-s ( st. xopvo) and xop- 9-6- w to point, seems an ex pansion of the stem ráo, zápa ( No. 38) and indeed a diminutive , like ägyv- 90- s , xmlv- 9-10-v ( Schwabe de demi 517 nutivis pp. 56 , 68). According to the gloss of Hesych . κορύμβους πάντα τα μετέωρα και εις ύψος ανατείνοντα Xxáhovv we may place here with Lobeck also the pyra midal tables , called xúoßels , though here indeed no in fluence of the nasal is to be noticed just as in Austria the pointed little loaves of white bread are called ' Kipfel i. e. headkins. Otherwise Fick ? 34. nocußo- s dry is certainly akin to reop- w parch , shrivel ( cp. Pott W. I 16) , as is shown by Walter Ztschr. XII 380. Perhaps he is right in adding , after Benfey's pre cedent (II 177 ) , also xodupn cabbage , which would then derive its name from its shrivelled leaves. Fick ? 34 indeed , using the supposed Attic by -form xopoußan ( sic, not xo péußn) quoted by the scholiast on Aristoph. Eq. 539, compares with xodußn the Skt. karambhâ , the name of two vegetables. κύμβ- η , κύμβ- ο- ς , κύμβ- αλο- ν vessel , cup [also skull : cp. Owens College Essays p. 314] we connected without hesitation under No. 80 with Skt.. kum - bha - s (cp. Hesych. κύββα ποτήριον) . öußpo -s, violent rain , Lat. imber, was discussed under No. 485. Of the corresponding Skt. words ambh -as water, abh -ra -m storm -cloud , have the aspirated medial , amb- u water, the unaspirated, the Osc. anafriss, if it belongs here, the f which we should naturally expect. The fundamental idea , from which these words started , seems to be that of violence, which belongs also to Skt. ambha - s. Compare the Homeric őr' łnißoion Aiós öußpos ( E 91 ) . The Skt. am bara -m circuit , robe , atmosphere, is certainly not akin . LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 141 Bickell's combinations (Ztschr. XIV 431) contain much that is doubtful. otéuß - 6 , 6toß -é - w we connected under No. 219 with the Skt. stambh, the aspirate of which is retained in å -Oteug -ns. If the Skt. stamb- a-s heap is akin , as Grass mann Ztschr. XII 94 conjectures, the medial appears here too in Sanskrit by the side of the aspirate. otobußo - s, top , whirlwind, belongs to rt. Otpeq , from which come also with similar meanings, but without the influence of a nasal στροφάλιγξ , στροβέω , στρόβιλο - ς , στρέβ- ( 481 ) in windlass , 6toɛß- .ó- s twisted , distorted , orpáß-mv squint ing. Here we shall therefore be obliged to recognize a more general tendency to the loss of the breathing. It is true that we have no evidence from kindred languages as to the original quality of the labial. Without the influence of a nasal we see in a limited number of overbal stems the medial interchanging with the aspirate within the limits of the Greek language. The aspirated forms are here as a rule the older , and those prevalent in word -formation , the softer are of later origin, and are limited to a smaller group of forms. This is the 518 case with the roots ορυχ ορύσσω , ορυχή and the form mentioned as less Attic opvyń ( Lobeck ad Phryn. p. 230), TITUX Atúrow (cp. above p. 498) , Hom. atóx- es , Hippocrat. επτύγδην , ψυχ ψύχω , aor. pass . according to Moeris p. 214 Bekk. Attic &-uróx -nv, Hellenist. -vúy- nu , with yvyčia * αγγεία εν οίς ύδωρ ψύχεται Ηesych. κρυφ κρύπτω , κρύφα, Soph. Aj. 1145 roupeis, where see Lobeck's note. In none of these stems is the aspirate certainly established as the original sound by the analogy of the cognate languages, while the priority of the hard aspirate over the unaspirated medial is proved at any rate in ó púbow and attoow by the '66. Hence we are inclined to put down the change to the score of the later pronunciation of the medials , by which these gradually began to grow , more like the aspirates. It cannot be considered proved at any rate that ißó- s hunch backed , crooked is identical with rūgó- s crooked , bent. 142 BOOK III. The loss of an initial k, familiar in Latin , has not been established for Greek. The rt. xvq , which must be assumed for κύπτω, κυφός, κύφος is in any case to be compared with the Lat. cub in cub-are (in- , con-) cumbere. But cubat appears in . Faliscan as cupa ( Corssen 1² 546) . Pauli (“ Körpertheile ' p. 19) conjectures a connexion between xupós and Skt. çup -ti- s shoulder, Goth. hup -s hip (cp. Pott W. I 668) . Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 162 holds that kup is identical with kamp (κάμπτω). But the case is quite different with the roots ålt and åld; under No. 303 we learnt to recognize the former as the correlative of the Skt. ardh, and hence the as the regular representative of dh. In any case here enters into the analogy of that root -determinative, which was discussed more fully on p. 65. From this åle the stem åld dad -aiv - w increase, nourish , d28- ńox- w thrive, grow , 'Ald ” -ulo -s surname of Zeus , is so essentially distinguished , not merely phonetic ally , but also by usage , that we are not justified in regard ing the two forms as equivalent , but only in referring both to the shorter rt. al (No. 523 b ). d again apparently (482) meets us by the side of g in the stem ennaud (nom. Ënn av- s stranger, new comer) . But the verbal stem ¿lv- A has an expanding 9. žanavg like xx -n20- rn -s may be derived from the stem έλυ. The case is clearer with peud -os, ψευδής, ψεύδομαι by the side of the Aeschylean ψύθ - ος • lie , έ- ψυθ-εν , εψεύσατο , ψυθών- ες ( cp. ψιδόνες), διάβολοι (Hesych. ) The fundamental notion of whispering, which Benfey I 560, and Goebel Ztschr. XI 62 justly assume, comes out clearly from ψύθος, ψίθυρος, ψυθιζομένων γογγυζόντων (Hesych. ). Yu- e is probably expanded from yu, and yu comes from spu, the root, meaning originally to blow, discussed by us on p. 499, which is to be regarded also 619 as the source of v- x- 0. From pvt comes vis -vpo - s whispering. It owes its i merely to the dissimilating in fluence of the following v (cp. gi- tv -s). Visos, quoted only by the scholiast on Theocr. I 1 for an etymology, has no authority. Soph. Aj. 148 (rolovodɛ kóyovs visúpovs LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 143 Ahátrov) is instructive for the transition of meaning. Hence we must recognize the transition from t into d, which possibly was occasioned by the double consonant at the beginning of the word. Thus there is only a small number of words remain ing, in which an attempt has been made to prove the ori gination of a medial from the aspirate by a comparison of other languages. With the exception of the cases already mentioned no example of a y =gh is known to me, that has any approach to probability. d as the representative of dh has been assumed by Benfey I 27 and after him by Kuhn Ztschr. IV 123 in pád-auvo-s rod, switch , referring this to the Skt. rt. ardh grow , and comparing A.-S. rôd, 0.-H.-G. ruota , with which the Lat. rud-i-s in the same signification is evidently akin . But we have seen in éag the correlative of the rt. ardh, and on the other hand Pott Ztschr. V 257 ff. has in opposition to Kuhn justly pointed to the Aeolic B F of the Aeol. Boad- ivó- s slim , which cannot be separated from pád- auvo- s , ó - pod -auvo -s, while the words quoted from the cognate languages show no trace of such an initial letter , so that the whole combination utterly breaks down (cp. No. 515 ). Gerland Ztschr. X 452 derives gidauó- s asparagus , which is given us only by Hesych ., and which is suspicious from the neglect of alphabetic sequence , from the rt. vardh grow ; but this is very uncertain . More frequently ß is identified with a bh , especially in the rt. Boɛu , the relation of which to the Skt. bhram is discussed fully by Kuhn Ztschr. VI 152. Between Boku ειν (cp. υψι-βρεμ -έ-τη-s ) sound , roar, βρόμο- ς roar , βροντή thunder, and the Lat. frem -e- re, frem - or, frem- i- tu-s we may recognize an almost complete identity of meaning. To these we may add the 0.-N. brim surge (probably also Corn. bram crepitus ventris Z. 294) , which establishes the antiquity of the bh. The corresponding Sanskrit words show instead ( 488) of the meaning of a whirring sound that of a whirring whirling motion , an idea, which, as Kuhn shows, is further 144 BOOK III. 1 facilitated by particular points of agreement of various kinds between Sanskrit and the Teutonic languages. Thus this comparison , with which Döderlein Gloss. 932 also agrees , may claim at least a certain probability. We may conjecture that the true form of the root goeu occurs with 520 a modified vowel in φόρμιγξ lyre. For βρέμεσθαι is said in Pindar (Nem. XI 7 ) also of the lyre. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 93 compares Boex- uó- s , Boév- uce the upper part of the head, sinciput, with A.-S. bregen brain , from which it would follow that the initial sound was originally bh, were there not much doubt remaining, both as to the form and as to the meaning, in the case of a word entirely isolated in Greek. [Hippocrates V. c. 896 derives the word from Boéxw , because this part of the head is the longest in hardening .] It would be easier to believe Bou - o teem , Blú- w, Bluew spirt, both coming often in contact in their compounds , to go with płów (No. 412d) , which they closely approach in meaning. Cp. Pott W. I 1139. Corssen Nachtr. 221 connects Boūto- v fermented drink, which apparently belongs here, with Lat. de- frŭtu -m . Here the question is as to the interchange of bhr and br. But that even before a vowel bh should have simply be come b, as Grassmann maintains with regard to rt. bha, with which he connects Bácw , seems to me incredible. Even the comparison of Basxalva bewitch and fascinare (Corssen II2 257) , though attractive as far as meaning goes, does not convince me of it. A verbal stem , in which we can hardly fail to recog nize the same phonetic change where it is not initial, is the rt. daß. Here we find even within the limits of the Greek language the forms λάφυρο- ν booty, αμφι-λαφ- ής embracing, wide, and the perf. εi -ang -a , where the o does not quite fall under the analogy of the aspirated perfects (Temp ra und Modi 199). Now we find in Skt. the rt. labh ( luvh - ê) in meanings which fully agree with the Greek , obtinere, adipisci, but also concipere in the sense of the Greek εν γαστρί λαμβάνειν, with the substantive labha - s LOSS OF ASPIRATION. 145 impetratio , lucrum (cp. añuuc ), so that Bopp Gl., Pott 11 259, Benf. II 139 and others group these words together. The transition from wh to B in the case of this rt. readily takes its place by the side of the instances mentioned above, in which the preceding nasal occasioned the loss of the breathing. For we meet this nasal, not merely in the pres. loup- tv- w, where it may to a certain extent be regarded as an anticipation of the v in the derivative syllable, but also in the Ion. fut . déu -vouai and aor. pass. d-háuq -in - v. It is not wanting in Skt. either, for there we find a - lambh - a -nta έ-λαμβάνοντο - , and the causative , lambha-ja -mi. Now as we must frequently, .e. g. in the termination of the weak aorist on sam , and of the acc. sing. and plur. a am , AS ans, recognize a Greek a (484) as the representative of am , an , it is not too bold to refer haß in ë -hap -ov to lauß. · In the same way on p. 313 we saw in uao the abbreviation of uave. Thus here too the nasal would give the occasion for the loss of breathing. Hence so far the expedients, to which we have had to resort, have been simple. But there are still some ob scure points, especially the form accouai , which is Homeric and Ionic generally , and which is identical in usage with λαμβάνω, λαμβάνομαι , λελαβέσθαι , with its by - form λάξυμαι. 521 In these forms & takes the place of B, as in some words discussed above ( p. 483), where ß was shown to be the modification of a y. It is the more surprising here, be cause there is absolutely no other case of contact between B and the aspirate. Perhaps we must assume here a change from pj into dj , and from this into $ , a view which is connected with that of Ebel ( Ztschr. XIV 45 ), but which does not coincide with it. Another difficulty is presented by the initial letter. On the ground of the Hom . 8-12ab - and the common Greek . εi -ang - a , εi - 2.nu -ucu Christ p. 83, and before him Benfey II 139, have maintained that laß . and Skt. labh go back to an older glabh, and that this glabh is again identical with the rt . grabh, the meaning of which is nearly akin . To support this conjecture Benfey ( ' URTIUS , Etymology. II , > 10 146 BOOK III. has quoted a form actually occurring, i . e. the Lith . glob -óti to embrace. But as we find in Greek before initial liquids and nasals many peculiar phonetic phenomena, which can only in a small minority of instances be referred to an original double consonant we have only to remember how often a final vowel is lengthened before uéza ( No. 462) - I still hold to the view stated in Tempora und Modi 134 , and explained in the Elucidations of my Greek Gram mar § 62 pp. 44-47 [E. T.] , that the phenomena in question do not justify us in maintaining the loss of an initial guttural. Cp. Rasch de productione syllabarum in Homeri Iliade ( Halis 1865) p. 14. - Sonne's notion ( Ztschr. X 128) of translating the bee-renowned" rpha by 'Wablingen honey -combs, and thus connecting it with rt. úp = vabh (No. 406 b) , is at any rate ingenious. From two different points of view oßoluo- s , powerful, which occurs as early as Homer, has been suspected of containing a ß which has arisen from an aspirate. It has been compared with Lat. firmu- s. But the f here has evidently been ' shifted ' from dh , as we saw under No. 316 , and this is of itself sufficient to deprive the comparison of all probability. On the other hand Böhtlingk and Roth in the Pet. Dict. connect it with Skt. amblina -s, powerful, terrible , the stem of which is abhra -m cloud , which has been compared with ouboo -s (p . 517 ). But, apart from other objections, the Greek word can hardly be separated from βρί- θ- ω , βρι - αρό- ς , βρι - μός (μέγας , χαλεπός ) , βρί- μη ( anathń Hesych .) and other words discussed by Lobeck El. (185 ) I 80 , which point to a stem Boi, akin to Bapú- s ( cp. above p. 468) and a prothetic ò. We need attach no importance to the form őußoluos, which is only found in late M. SS. of the Iliad ( Steph. Thes. s. v. , Hoffmann Iliad XXI and XXII p. 121). There are also various objections to the conjecture of Kuhn (Ztschr. IV 114) that apo -s may be 522 traced back to ông đo). I have connected the word with oύλε ( No. 555). SOFTENING. 147 5 ) SOFTENING . By softening we mean the sinking down of an original tenuis into a medial . The justification of this term , and the conditions under which the phenomenon appears, have been discussed on p. 437. Generally speaking the tenuis rarely sinks into a medial in Greek , and hardly ever when initial; in the middle of a word this is only the case between two vowels, and in the immediate neighbourhood of fricatives. The case is also very different with the various organs. The guttural tenuis, which we considered on pp . 437 f. to be the consonant requiring the most force of articulation , undergoes this softening the most frequently , the dental the most rarely ; between the two stands the labial organ: In the following words we may with certainty regard the y as softened from x : dony- w defend, help, with iowy- ń , domy- ó -s we placed under No. 7. All the meanings of the rt. àpk , especially those occurring in aưr- áox- ns , nod- cox- ns , cox- 10 - s, recur in conyo , so that we may with confidence venture to assume a form åpen, expanded by a subsidiary vowel , from which came iony- o. The soft guttural appears only be tween two vowels. We meet a subsidiary vowel, which we assume here, also in the cognate da- e - 5 No. 581. The objection raised against this view , that a subsidiary vowel cannot be lengthened, breaks down, when we consider σκ- η - νίπτω σκνίπτω, σκάρ- i- φος and σκάρφος , άρ- η- νο Boozó - s and st. Faov , forms which have to be treated later on . @on- a-& corresponds so clearly to the Lat. rap- a - r , that no one will think it too bold to assume a Greek stem 201-4 - x corresponding to the Lat. rap - a - c. Further details under No. 331 . diahnyń , as Democritus of Abdera is asserted to have said for diadnxń , seems, after what Bernhardy ad Suidam $ . v. ovouós, and L. Dindorf in Steph. Thes. s . v. diconrn have written on the question , to be only a false reading 10 * 148 BOOK III. ( 486) for dativnń ( rt . Oir) , as I. Bekker now reads in Suidas. This instance is therefore in any case very doubtful. κραυγ- ή cry = Skt. króc- a - s cry from the rt, kruç ( from kruk ), so that noét- w seems to have lost a u ( cp. Leo Meyer I 41 ) . Lottner Ztschr. XI 185 adds Goth . hruk -jan to crow ( cp. zpáſelv , crocitare), in spite of the 523 want of shifting of the second l . Imitative words have many peculiarities. Cp. Fick ? 50. hóhay- eg chatterers , as a certain kind of frogs were called according to Hesych ., with halay- ń , kahoy -éw are compared by Budenz “ das Suffix KOE' p . 72, probably correctly , with λάβρας , γαύραξ and other words with the suffix -ax , which in many cases has plainly something of a diminutive force. Tálas is therefore a kind of diminu tive to háão- s and lal is to be given as the root. húy- n twilight we assigned to the rt. Auk belight, No.88. The formation of ήλύγη shadow, darkness with ήλυξ, ήλύγιο- ς and its relation to lúy- n, as also to the rt. Nuk, requires indeed further elucidation. [Even the word kvyn is open to some doubt, as it seems to be only quoted by grammarians for etymological purposes. Cp. Steph. Thes.] It is still more probable that lvy-do -s, white marble, also belongs to this root in its full signification. But here the motive for the softening is furnished by the contiguous d. Ιη μίσγ- ω with its rt . μια ε- μίγ- η - ν , μίγ- α the γ was seen under No. 474 to be a softening from % , which has been retained even in Latin , the language most akin . Probably the softening came in first in forms like μιγ-ή- ναι , μίγ - α , uiy- ás , uiy - vv -ui, between vowels, and before the nasal. ó - hiy -o -s we connected under No. 553 with Skt. lic, according to which lik was to be regarded as the root. őorvě ( st. òptvy) under No. 507 was connected with Skt. vart- aki. In this case the Greek grammarians bear witness to the by- form with . Ayy- vv -ui ( No. 343) has indeed in Greek , in all extant forms, tar as its root, but the Skt. pag, and still more SOFTENING . 149 plainly the Lat. pac -i -sc -o -r by the side of pang - o , point to park. From this harder form are explained the aspirate in nár- vn and naxú- s ( cp . p. 510) and the 66 of réocało- s ; that the latter belongs to this rt. is established by Lat. pâ-lu -s ( = pag- lu-s) , pax -illu -s (Schwabe de deminutivis p. 97 ). The Lat. pessulu -s on the other hand is the Italian borrowed form of πάσσαλο- ς. In they-vý- w, the late by-form of théna ( No. 103) v is still more plainly the occasion of the softening. oiy- ń we traced back ( No. 572) to a rt. svik. otegyávo- s we find quoted in Hesych. with the mean ing xonpáv. The identity of the stem with that of the Lat. sterc- us is evident. Further combinations under No. 110. We saw under No. 234 that tévy - w wet, quite a parallel to Lat. ting- o, probably goes back to a form with k . ( 187 ) thy- avo- v melting pot, clearly belongs to tńz- w ( No. 231) . We may place here also the suffixes -cy (ucoti- y as 524 well as μαστι) , -ιγγ, -υγγ, e. g. in φύσιγξ, φόρμιγξ, λαϊγξ, φάρυγξ , σπινθάρυγξ ; the connexion of these with the suffix - * and -zo is placed beyond doubt, after what Budenz (on the suffix -40 %) and Schwabe ( de deminutivis p. 49 sqq. ) have collected. In the same way the suffix -vyo in udo μαρ- υγή with * μορμολυκ (μορμολύκειον , μορμολύττομαι ), though the latter has a different stem , corresponds to the Skt. -vika - s. Ernst Kuhn Ztschr. XX 80. To these examples of a guttural , not initial , softened from , some seven others will be added on p . 660, in asmuch as this weakening will be established for those verbal- stems in y, which have in the present-stem 60 ( tt). In all these cases, therefore , it is a .x , not at the beginning of a word, but in the majority of instances be tween two vowels and accompanied by a nasal, which is softened to y. It would be hard to give a single certain instance of the softening of an initial x , with the excep tion of some stems with xv and xo , and in these several other forms present themselves. The identity of mean ing makes it probable that κνέφ- ας , γνόφ-ο-ς, δνόφ- 0-3 150 BOOK III. as are to be placed together in this order (Lobeck Elem . I 95). I therefore regard y in yvópo- s , which is described as Aeolic ( Ahrens Aeol. 73) , as softened from 2 , d arising by the influence of the v ( cp. ådvóv . dyvóv Kontes Hesych .). Döderlein , though I do not agree with his ana lysis of these forms , is certainly right in placing here also xvoy rugdós (Suidas), in which we should thus have one more witness in favour of x (Gloss. 2246) . – In the same way we may regard xvégehov or xvégedov cushion , which is recorded as well as the Aeolic yvóquilov, as the older form , and xvág -cho- v flock -wool, which probably belongs to xvánto full, xvaqeús etc. as the stem - word. Fick ? 405 traces it to a rt. skap shave, scrape. The stem kambala [Skt. subst. 'wool'] would then be related to xvagalo much as óupado to 0.-H.-G. nabulo ( No. 403 ). Still the root remains doubtful. Others also of the numerous forms from a like stem show here and there the softer yv. To these must be added thirdly the Epic yvóunta bend, to which we can ascribe the same relation to the form recorded by Hesych. κνάμπτει , κάμπτει . Finally there is γράστις , a late by-form for the Attic nocoris grass, fodder. The dental medial appears much more rarely in the place of a tenuis. The instances which can be proved are the following : dáni- s is used by Xenophon and quoted by Athenaeus 525 in the place of the forms in t tánn(t) -s , tári- s (Steph. Thes. s. vv. ) , which occur in Homer, and can often be authenticated as variants by the side of dent- s. In the middle of a word d takes the place of t in " Apteul-s 'Apréuid -os, while the Dorians (Ahrens 240) said Apréuitos and derived from this the name of the month ' Αρταμίτιος and of the promontory 'Αρταμίτιον. The origin of the name is still obscure: [Preller 13 237 accepts the derivation from épreuns E 515 v 43 , which is as old as Plato Crat. 406 b ; Pott 11 221 derives it from dép téuvovoa ! ] We find also Oéu -s Oéuit-og in Pindar, as against Otul 0- s , Ouid -os, so that the d here too seems to have originated ( 188) SOFTENING . 151 in t. Still the case is different here because of the appel lative θέμι- ς with its plural θέμιστ- ες , which occurs as early as Homer: the stem of this is probably shortened from feulott , and is to be derived from the stem of the derivative verb gɛuíça (Leo Meyer II 331). The simple t perhaps came from 6t , but 8 has probably crept into both words in accordance with the analogy of the numerous feminines in -1-5 gen . - 18-0$, which will have to be discussed on pp. 622 ff. The two ordinals έβδομο - ς and όγδοο- ς , with their by-forms έβδόματος , ογδόατος are probably the only genuine Greek words, in which the favorite groups at, ut sank down into Bd , yd. The occasion lay , as I conjecture in agreement with Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 292 , in the influence of the ļ and of the o , which phonetically approximates closely to a f. Dietrich in his review of my ' Principles' ( Jahn's Jahrbücher Vol. 81 p. 39) complains that no reasons are given for this conjecture. I regard the o of epdouo- s as an irrational vowel , to use the terminology of Corssen *) . Cp. Dor. éßdąuńxovtę. Thus the ul , though separated by it from the stem ént, might still exercise a softening in the T , and this letter , as soon as it sank into d , necessarily assimilated the a to itself. It is true that we can only prove from Greek the softening influence of the u upon an immediately preceding x or x (TÉRLEY-uci, Bépoxy-uai). But we have the analogy of the Slavonic sed -mi ( Lith . septyni), where the vowel disappeared entirely. The o of öyd00- s for óydo-fo- s takes the place of ac in the Lat. octácu - s. That the o , though etymologic ally arising from of, was here phonetically an irrational vowel, closely approximating to the spirant F, is seen plainly from n 261 , § 287 , where öydoov is to be scanned fluence upon

• ) [ i.e. a vowel which does not exactly correspond in its duration

cither to a long vowel or to a short one. Such a vowel may either exceed or fall short of the ordinary length of a long or a short vowel. Here is meant a vowel which has not yet attained to the full length of an ordinary short vowel. Cp. Corssen II ? p . 607.] 152 BOOK III. as disyllabic. 1. Bekker ? indeed contrary to the tradi tional authority instead of αλλ' ότε δή όγδοόν μοι επι πλόμενον έτος ήλθεν reads αλλ' ότε δή ογδόατον. As no one will deny that the ordinal belongs to the corresponding cardinal numeral, this is an evident instance of weakening, ( 189) which we must describe as such and attempt to explain, 526 even if only by a weak analogy. The much -used numerals have in general many peculiarities. We could hardly find a satisfactory analogy even for the second n of no-nu - s, which is evidently for m ( cp. p . 534, and my paper ‘ On the range of the phonetic laws ' Berichte der phil. hist. Ch. d. k. s . Ges. d. W. 1870 p. 33 f.). Vérodes we regarded under No. 342 as equivalent to the Lat. nepótes, but we found the occasion for the weakening of the t in the resemblance to πόδ-ες. νεποτες would be a form quite without any analogy in Greek. napdaxó -s damp ( Aristoph. Pax 1148 ), with its Ionic by- form ropdaxó -s is usually connected with the Laconian πάρταξον ( M. S. πάρταζον) ύγρανoν, quoted by Hesych.; in that case the r of the latter must be regarded as the more primitive. The origin is obscure , the words rare. [ Paley notes : ' it is probable that we have here words purposely taken from the language of the Attic farmer .' Schol. παρδακόν δίυγρον . ούτω γαρ και Αρχίλοχος και Σιμωνίδης]). For nodanó-s we find in a somewhat various usage, little differing from ποίος , ποταπός in writers like Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Josephus and Philo; but their authority is not sufficient to establish the harder form as the older ( Phryn. p . 56) . The explanation of the pronominal form from an ablatival rot- and eró ( Pott II ? 265 ) is in any case extremely uncertain . Gucocydo- s corresponds in meaning to the Skt. mara kata - s and marakta - s (Bopp Gl.). But the Greek word is certainly borrowed, and the Indian word is also without any affinities in Skt. ( Pott II " 195, Benf. I 533). And borrowed words have ways of their own. SOFTENING. 153 The variation in the later vulgar language between t and dis treated by Lobeck Paralipomena 149. More frequently a and B stand face to face. Here the following words come under consideration : αβλόπες ( probably more correctly άβλοπές) was said by the Cretans, according to Hesych. for ábraßés ( Ahr. Dor. 84) . Although the Cretans sometimes instead of a genuine medial really used the tenuis , or at any rate used a harder sound, which seemed to the rest of the Greeks a tenuis (κλαυκιόων γλαυκιόων, κλάγος γλάγος, Cr : Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. XII 216) , yet here the it might really be the older sound, and the ß of prób- - tal ( Hom .), Biaß- ń etc. might be softened from t , perhaps by the in fluence of the initial B assimilating forwards (cp . nó -nu -s ). As på according to Greek phonetic laws takes the place of an initial ua (rt. uol B26-62- w) , we may perhaps trace Bla- t back to ula - nt, and regard this ula- t as an expansion, determined by at , of the rt . ual , discussed under No. 457, which appears in this form in uaha- xó-s , and with a trans posed vowel in Bad- t . The Skt. mlâ (mlái), already com- 527 pared there, with the meaning to become soft , flaccid, ( 190) might have formed a causative mlá -pajâ -mi, though this does not appear actually to exist. Similarly Benfey I 524. Homeric phrases like βλάβεται δέ τε γούνατ' ιόντι ( Τ 166, ν 34) , βλάψε δε οι φίλα γούνατα ( Η 271 ), Διόθεν βλαφ févra Békɛuvo (O 489) favour this derivation more than that assumed by Döderlein (Gloss. 323), from rt . Bad pád λειν. Kuhn (Ztschr. XIV 158) and Benfey ( Or. und Occ. I 57+) compare Skt. gla-p-ajá- mi exhaust, weaken , suffer to go to ruin , supposing that the organ of the initial con sonant has been assimilated to that of the consonant in the middle. Cp. Bugge Stud. IV 325. I still think it simpler to start from rt. mla. Otherwise Pott W. I 594. ápoó-s is connected by Christ Lautl. 100 with én -a 2.6-5. The meanings are indeed not identical, as ånclós means rather tender, soft, áppós luxurious, but they approach each other very closely , and quite coincide in dnalov yendoci 154 BOOK III. 1 $ 465] and époè yɛdāv låßows yɛdāv Anacreont. 41. 31, which can scarcely be distinguished. The rt . of the words has indeed not yet been discovered. Doederlein's attempt ( Closs. 343) to connect the word with sapor was mentioned on p . 458. Cp. p . 529. ' Αμβρακία, the later form for' Αμπρακία evidently owes its B to the same weakening influence of the preceding \ , which at a later period of the language attacked every a, and finally gave rise to the custom in modern Greek of writing un for the sound of our B. i'äußo-s stands in the same relation to the rt . iam ión- t- w ( p. 45+) throw . It can hardly be doubted that i'außo - s meant originally a cast , then a verse cast at any one, a jeering verse. Even Aristotle felt something of this primary meaning in the derived iaußitelv , when he says Poet . 4 : ιαμβεϊον καλείται , ότι εν τω μέτρω τούτω ιαμβιζον αλλήλους. By nasalization ιαβ became ιαμβ, just as κορυφ ( -opvoń) became xóovuß- o- s ( cp. p. 516) . St. καλυβ καλύβ- η hut , καλύπτω cover up , has quite the appearance of an expansion of the rt. kal , mentioned under No. 30 and compared with Lat. cel-are, and the Lat. cłup - cu - s makes it probable that originally p stood here instead of B. (Cp. Pott W. I 680 ). naoßatívn únódnuc (Hesych .) is certainly rightly con sidered a weaker and dialectic form of xapaétivo- s leathern, the neuter of which word is quoted with the same meaning. κεβάλη and κέβλη were mentioned above p . 501. There is a remarkable by -form xúßn , proved by EM. 543, 22, pre served in κυβιστάω ( εις κεφαλήν πηδώ ) , κυβιστητήρ , from a lost xvßito . This form too has by - forms with : Xúrpos 328 megédalov dol fuoở , from which M. Schmidt ad Hesych. derives cifra *) , cipher, and with q : xúqepov ý zvony nε ( 191) gaanv Kontes ( cp. Lobeck Pro ] l. 91). The variation between the names for the ape xiao- s

• ) [Better derived from Arabic çifr empty , nought, çafira to be empty. Cp. Brachet s . v. chiffre, Diez s. v. cifra) .

SOFTENING . 155 or xnßo- s has little importance as the name is that of a foreign animal. Ze-xłapo -s occurs on the inscription of Andania 1. 79 (ed. Sauppe) for the common xx- x20g- os from the rt. klet. The form is of interest also for the history of the forma tion of the perfect, as giving a new proof of how far the aspiration was from being fixed there. While the Athenians modified the radical a by aspiration , the Messenians modi fied it by softening. κομβακεύεται κόμπους λέγει ( Ηesych.) owes its β evidently to the nasal ( Leo Meyer I 41 ) , and it is the same with κρέμβ- αλο- v clapper , wlience κρεμβαλιάζω , κρεμβαλιαστές, compared with crepare, crepundiac (Walter Ztschr. XII 379, Pott II ” 683). dep -noi-s hide, skin , and 20p- ó- s pod , shell, whence έλλοβα pulse , cannot be separated from λέπ - ειν peel, λέπ -ος scale, rind , pod, and the more or less exactly equivalent forms λέπ- υρο -ν , λοπ- ό- ς, λεπ - ί -ς . We may add Lat. lib - er bast ( inner bark ), book (Hehn 429). The meanings lobe of the ear or of the liver , which lop- ó- s also has, must thus be regarded as secondary. The lobe of the ear was compared to the drooping pod of pulse, and named from this. otiap -w , glitter , shimmer, when compared with the adj. Otiha- vó- s, must be regarded as the softened form . The rt. otidnt has indeed not yet found any correlate in the coguate languages, but Benfey's connexion of it with Oteponń , korpárra (1 662), accepted by Walter Ztschr. XII 379, has much probability, if we consider the complete similarity of meaning. Cp. the proper name Etikov: 6top-ń has been discussed under No. 229 in its relation to otún - 0 -s, Lat. stup - a , stip- a. We shall be obliged to assume for Greek too a rt . OTIT. üßol- s has been mentioned under inéo (No. 392 ). Even Schneider connected ύβρις ißois with into,, comparing superbia. Pott 1 ' 201 , W. I 414 detects in the i the rt. i go , so that Üßo- 1 - S would mean transgression, úneopaoid. Attractive as this sounds, it still has its difficulties. In a . > 156 BOOK III. compound of this kind, we could hardly expect the bare root; at least I do not know any Greek noun- form at all analogous. And besides, it is perhaps not merely an accident that the rt . i is not compounded with this preposition either 529 in Greek or in Latin. Hence it seems to me more probable, that the i of vßo- 1 - s is merely derivative , like the u ( o ) of the Latin adjective super - u - s, which is extant in Greek (192 )( Pott 1² 678 ) only in a special technical usage in Ürepo-v or Ünepo- s (pestle ), and inépa ( upper rope ), and in the derived ' Trep -lov (Düntzer Ztschr. XII 7 ) . It is worth noticing that vßol- s as a masculine in Hesiod " Eoya 190 (κακών ρεκτήρα και ύβριν ανέρα ) denotes the sinner (cp. Lobeck Paralipp. 41 ) . G. Hermann actually assumes a neuter to it in Aeschylus Suppl. 785 (γένος γάρ Αιγύπτειον üßoi). The word is singular in any case . Ludw. Lange in the Ztschr. f. d. österr. Gymn. 1863 p . 301 prefers to regard üßol- s not as a derivative from úxéo , but as a parallel form , also derived from that upa, which under No. 392 we learnt to recognize as the stem -form of únó and ủnéo. We should then have to divide Ün - E00 -s and to compare Üß- 01 - s , so far as the suffix goes , with id - 01 - s. It is true that this analogy could not be used in the case of the substantive. Therefore, even if these views are accepted, there are difficulties remaining with respect to the forma tion of the word. In any case &ßpó- s should be compared for the Bo. All the other instances, in which the same phonetic change has been assumed, are at least very doubtful. It is improbable that Bó -08 - w corresponds to the Lat. pa - sc - 0, as among others Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 293, Vergl . Gr. I 41 , assumes, if only because no other example of an initial B for r before a vowel can be established. It is only of the Delphic dialect that we know ( Ahrens Dor. 83 ) that this softening was pretty common in it . Pott W. I 199 agrees in this opinion. — The softening in Boa -fɛv-s um pire would be less surprising on account of the p. This word , in Greek quite isolated , is by Benfey II 106 referred SOFTENING . 157 to pra-bhiên praeesse ; but this does not explain either the B or the special meaning of the word , which Döderlein (Reden und Aufsätze II 145) ascribes to the rt . uep (usloo uai No. 467) . This is satisfactory enough as regards the meaning, and the initial letter, but whence comes the second B ? Are we to suppose this, as in rt. Blaß ( p. 526) softened from a, and to assume a stem upa- r with the meaning ‘ apportion to ' ? In either case the initial ß might have favoured the softening. This remains however pure conjecture. But when Benfey ( Ztschr. VII 50 ) goes still further, and regards a number of verbal stems with a final B as corresponding to the Skt. causatives in -pajáni, I cannot agree with him , any more than I do in his ana lysis of these forms (Kurze Sanskritgr. § 123 ) . Nor do I agree with the connexion which Benfey Ztschr. VII 56 has again attempted to establish between gép- w and the 530 Skt. rt. sap sequi , colere. The rt. sap corresponds to the Gr. Én ( No. 621 ) , and both have come from sali; it is very unsafe to make a, which has originated in li , in the same root become B. But even the affinity of meaning is only (493 ) apparent. sap plainly means colere only in reference to the performance of external rites ( cp. Gr. Ënw) , while in σέβομαι , σέβας (σέβας μ' έχει εισορόωντα γ 123) , ευσεβής, GEþico we have the fundamental notion of sacred , astonished and retiring awe , just the opposite , therefore , of the notion of ' attaching oneself to ' , suggested by Benfey as a link between the two. (Cp. p. 576) . According to these investigations of ours , softening has altogether a very limited range. Even including foreign words , isolated dialectic forms and suffixes, we only obtained 26 instances of y for x, 7 of 8 for T, 15 of B for a, 48 in all , an extremely small number in com parison with the frequency of the instances in which the hard explosive has been faithfully retained, the number of which above ( p. 378) reached 307. It is evident that this result by no means confirms the attempts, which have been made in various quarters, to prove that Greek suf 158 BOOK III. fixes in d are modifications of those in t which are so widely retained , or to explain Graeco- Italic pronominal forms in d from an older t . We find in two widely ramified Greek roots an en tirely isolated phonetic weakening, which finds its place best here, inasmuch as it may in any case be regarded as also a softening, the change of an original Wh into F. We may compare with this the widely extended softening of b into v , one of the most common changes in the Ro mance languages (Diez I 259) ; ( cp. also the modern Greek pronunciation of ß nearly as v , more exactly as German u ]. However the isolated character of this weakening would excite suspicion, were not the agreement of the forms con cerned so clearly evident. This weakening must naturally have made its appearance at a time when the digamma was still a fully living sound of the language. It is worth while comparing with this the attractive conjecture of Leo Meyer (Gedrängte Vergleichung der gr. und lat. Declination p. 63) that the suffix -qıv in the gen. and dat, dual, before it entirely lost its 9 , also changed it into F : infol-giv ίπποι - ψιν ίπποι - ιν [cp. Schleicher Comp. 573] . 654 ) Rt. Far öy -vv -ue break, dy- ń breach, breakers, å -ay -ńs unbreakable. Skt.bhaný (bhanay -mi) break, burst , Wang- a -s breach , 531 bhaniy -i-s breaking, crooked way, wave , Whang ura-s breakable. Lit. bang-à wave , Bang -putý -s seagod , properly wave - blower. 0.-Ir. com -boing confringit ( Z. ” 431 ), perf. com -baig. Bopp Gl. , Stokes Beitr. VII 7 . The digamma is retained in the Aeol. Féayɛ (Ahrens Aeol. 32) and may be detected 7- ay- a, f -aga , č - éyn-v as in other forms quoted by Lobeck El . I 59 (op. below p . 553 ). The Cretan town Ongos, "Agos is said to have been so called διά το καταγήναι τον τόπον like κοιλωπός αγμός Eur. Iph. Taur. 155. We may also with Lobeck El. I 73 believe the ( 494 ) CHANGE OF 1 TO F. 159 scholion on a 404 that loyń ( ep. xvuat-oyń Herod. IV 196 ) belongs here, and properly lenotes the place ένθα κλώνται τα κύματα και ο άνεμος . It is more doubtful whether ακτή shore (ep . ρηγμίν) is to be placed here. For there is no trace of a F to be found , and perhaps the word belongs to rt. dk ( No. 2) like dxpo- s, önpu - s. So Hugo Weber Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p . 601, Joh . Schmidt Root AK' P. 81 . 655 ) Rt. Fpar , óny- vv- ul tear asunder, break, ony- ua tear , ρηγ - μίν breakers, διαρρώξ broken through, ooyahéo - s torn . Lat. frang -o ( rt. frag), frag -men , frag -men - tu - m , frag-or, frag- ili-s, frag - su - s. Goth . brik-an xàāv , noodzīv , ga -bruk - a fragment, κλάσμα. Ch.-Sl. breg- ŭ ripa. Ir. blog fragmentum ( Z.² 260). Bopp Gl. s . v. bhang , cp . Pott W. III 512 , 519, Schleicher Ksl . 130. Otherwise Fick ? 182. Aeol . Ferišes ( Ahr. 33 ), Božoga a promontory of Lesbos. ["Apabos " the wave-breaker ', at the entrance of the Corinthian Gulf: Tozer's Geography of Greece p. 77 and E. Curtius Gött. Gel. Anz. Nachr. 1861 pp . 143 ff.] Cp. below pp. 551 , 554. Although there is authority for the Aeol. form Booros for gázos raiment , and this reminds us again of giyos, it seems to me that the relationship of these words with our root is not proved. Cp . No. 86. Nor do I see that any connexion can be proved to exist between this rt. and paio burst, shatter. Lottner Ztschr. XI 200 holds that the rt. Fpar which he separates from frango, is iden tical with the rt. varg turn , wrench , discussed above p . 473. But the meaning is an objection. Probably the Ir. brissim I break , belongs here : in that case it would be for brig-s -im ; op . im brosnacha into fragments Journ . 1871 p . 386 XII (from the L. U.). We might indeed suggest also 0.-H.-G. brëstan . Bopp u. s . conjectures that the two roots Fpar and Far were originally identical. Among others Leo Meyer ( Vergl. Gr. I 373) agrees with him . According to them bhrag was the fuller root- form , bhag , Fay a weakened form , related to it as ποτί το προτί. This seems to me doubt ful, because we find each form in several families of speech . 100 BOOK III. 532 B ) Sporadic Changes of the Nasals. The nasals are so closely akin to each other, that there is nothing surprising in the change of one nasal into that of another organ. The most frequent instance is when we see the dental nasal passing into the guttural or labial under the influence of following sounds: 37 -xetual, ču -ropog: this is , as every one knows, extremely common (195 ; in inscriptions, where two words come together, and not uncommon in M.SS. (Giese Aeol. Dial. pp. 84, 87 , Lobeck ad Ajac. vv. 786 , 836) : EMITPOMAXOIC, ERKIBITISI , Xu uéow , außwuoïót. Hence as Giese u. s . very justly says all final nasals coalesce into a single one. v represents etymologically not merely Indo -Germ . n , but also m , and it is purely accidental if, in consequence of an assimilating influence, the original labial nasal, e. g. in TEM MYCIAN, TOM MICONCESN phonetically reappears. From the Greek standpoint v still remains the prevalent sound ( cp. above p. 441 ) . It is somewhat remarkable that the dental nasal occasionally makes its way from the end of a word into the word itself . This is undoubtedly the case with the Doric pronominal accusative vív, as compared with the Epic uív. So far as I know, Döderlein (Reden u . Aufsätze II 144) was the first to suggest the explanation, that this accusative had originated in iu-iu, and was thus equivalent to the 0.-Lat. em -em eundem , quoted in Pauli Epit. p. 79. As a reduplicated accusative (cp. se -se) of the wide- spread pronominal stem i = Lat. i ( i- s, i -11), uiv would thus cor respond to a German ihn - ihn (him - him ). This expla nation seems to me to be self - evident. We have still in the Epic form u- ív the old labial, in the Doric v - iv already the later dental nasal, and it seems to me that the objec tions raised by Hugo Weber ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p. 301) have no great weight. To be sure the reduplication would not have its intensive force here, any more than in the Lat. sese . But this might easily be lost in the course of time. Pronominal stems easily become attached to each SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE NASALS. 161 other, as is shown by 0 - - to-s , aŭ- tó - s , hi- ce , without the meaning of the compound stem being very different, in the usage known to us, from that of the simple stem. We may assume the same thing also with regard to redupli cation . The pronominal stems ma and na, to which some have wished to refer uív and viv (Bopp Vergl. Gr. II ? 172, 177 ) , are not used in any cognate language in a manner at all similar, except in composition. In that case 533 too we should have expected uov , vov. With regard to the aphaeresis of the first i compare végtev, végtapol for ένερθεν, ενέρτεροι. - In the same way it cannot be denied with regard to &úv (oúv) and Ion. Šūvó- s κοινό - ς in their relation to the Lat. cum (com- , con- , co-), which is discussed thoroughly, with much from other languages thereto appertaining, by Pott II1 840–858, whatever we may think about the origin of the word , that the m of the Latin is the older, and the v its representative, which inade its way from the termination into the middle of güvó -s. As to the initial consonant, we may refer to Ahrens Ztschr. III 164, where from Greek dialects the( 496) forms κυμ- , κυν- (Κυνουρία Confinium ) and Cyprian κιν- ( κιναύρου ψύχος το άμα ημέρα Ηesych. ) are deduced with great probability. The notion that fúv has anything to do with Skt. sakam , derived from sa , is thereby ren dered extremely improbable. - It is much the same with the numeral stem źv discussed under No. 599, supposing that this is really akin to the o- of 6- noš and õua, ouo . The v may have first established itself in the much used neuter év, and from this have extended further. The diffi culties raised above are indeed not removed , even by the explanations of Ahrens Ztschr. VIII 329 ff. But frequent as is the change from m to n when final, we cannot without further inquiry assume that it is so at the beginning or in the middle of a word. It is true that the cognate languages afford some analogies for this too. Here we have especially to take into consideration the plural pronominal stem na (Graeco-Italic nô , whence ( Ietics, Etymology. II. 11 162 BOOK III . võ- i, nó-s) , the connexion of which with the singular ma ( Graeco-Ital. me) is certainly beyond doubt. Bopp in the Gloss. (cp. Pott W. II, 2, 172) has connected Lat. ten -e - brae with Skt. tam -as darkness. The rt. tam is in use in San skrit also as a verb , with the ineaning choke , stagnate (Pet. Dict. ) , and thus darkness is regarded as that which checks the movements and actions of men [ cp. nox No. 93, 94) . From Sanskrit itself we have also tamas - a - s darkish , tamas-a -m , tam -is-ra -m darkness , gloom , and further Zd. tem - anh (n. ) darkness, tem -ariha dark, Ir. teime, temel obscu ritas (Corm. Gl. p. 28 , Z2 768) , Lith . tam -sà darkness, tam -s - u -s obscure , Ch.-Sl. tima tenebrae , 0.-S. thim obscu rus , 0.-H.-G. dem -ar crepusculum [German Dämmer and (more common now ) Dümmerung twilight : Old Frisian and Old and Mod. Eng. dim , according to Grimm; cp. 0.-Norse dinnur ]. The change from m into n probably rests , as Pott noticed, [ so Schleicher Comp. p. 248 (E. T. 145) ] on dissimilation , the first labial passing into the corre sponding dental to avoid the labials in two consecutive syllables — te -me-brae. The same of labials was avoided in the reverse direction , in mi-hi for mi-bi-( cp . 534 ti-bi, si-bi), from ma- bhjam , Skt. ma -hjam . So, in spite of Corssen ( Beitr. 263) and Lange ( Ztschr. f. österr. Gymn. 1863 p. 302), I hold to this grouping. Both these scholars connect ten - e - brae ( cp. lat-e -bra , vert-e -bra , ter-e-bra ) with tenere. But it cannot be proved that either tenere or the rt. tan meant 'cover', as Corssen assumes , or that tenebrae meant originally confinement, prison. Hence every link of signification is wanting. On the other hand I agree with ( 497 ) Lange that the rt. tam is retained with its m unchanged in tem-ere, which will thus mean something like blindly. But timor also is best derived hence, as a darkening and confusing of the mind, and it is phonetically quite equi valent to tamas. Indeed timor , so often the opposite to cupido, is properly the fear which hinders all action and makes one numb. It can cause no difficulty that two qualities, very different, yet each opposed to true fortitudo, excess ܕ SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE NASALS. 163 or less timiditas and temeritas should thus get their names from one and the same etymon. In nônu-s too, as contrasted with navama- s, and in nônäginta contrasted with novem , it is impossible, in spite of the objections of Corssen ut supra, to deny the change from m ton , for neither in the ordinal, nor in the word for ninety, derived from the car dinal novem , is there room for any derivative n. But here we must rather recognize the assimilating influence of the initial n (cp. above pp. 458 , 526 ). Other instances of the kind , which have been assumed with more probability, may be here omitted as doubtful: The following are Greek roots and stems , in which v seems to have come from u : βαίν- ω i . e. Bav βαν-- iwιω = ven-i-o, Skt. gam , Goth . quam p . 465 [ but cp. Schleicher Comp.: p. 219 (E. T. 116) ] . ýv- ia ( plur. ) , later ń nviu , whence hvi- oxo-s, is as signed by Benfey II 202 to the Skt. rt.jam hold , rein in , whence Skt. jan -tr driver. The meaning causes no diffi culty. Kuhn Ztschr. II 320, and Schweizer III 356 also agree. As to the formation of the word , the Homeric form ýv- io - v falls under the analogy of diminutives such as čov -io - v , tald- to -v , and therefore presumes a nominal stem yvo or hve , the n of which may be explained as in año- n by addition of sound. On the other hand it seemed to us under No. 568 that another combination was prob able for ñuepo- s tame. With regard to both words we must not overlook the fact, that the rt. jam meets us with another initial letter in the word Snuia, which we shall have to discuss below (p. 610). The rt. θαν (έ - θαν- ο - ν, θάν- α-το- s), by metathesis θνη (θνήσκω, τε -θνη - κα , θνη-το-ς), is placed by J. Grimm Gesch. 404 with the Teutonic words for death Goth . diran, dau mori , dauth - s mortuus, dau - thu - s mors , and he assigns as their fundamental meaning ' to breathe one's last, exspirare ', comparing the equivalent Gothic us -an - an , to 535 which we may add Gk. £ y -xéntet ( No. 36) and xéunga ( p. 501 : cp. Homer . θυμόν αποπνείειν , επεί φίλον άιον 11 * 164 BOOK III. nroo) . The Teutonic words, as it seems, attach themselves most ' directly to the rt . dhu , Gk. eu, for which under No. 320 we quoted similar meanings. The Gk. Oav , on the other hand , has its nearest analogue in Skt. dham (dhmâ) ‘ flare', blow, pres. dham - â -mi, part. dhma-ta-s. Per haps the initial dental, especially with metathesis, was not without its influence on the organ of the nasal. It was ( 498) certainly in the aorist Fav - elv that this limitation of the meaning of the root to the last drawing of the breath was first fixed , so that the favovies are to be compared with the nauóvtes. And it is not accidental that from Homer downwards the compounds αποθνήσκειν , εκθανείν (γέλω έκθανον σ 100), κατθανείν are used by the side of the simple verb without difference of meaning , and that afterwards in Attic prose érotvýcxelv alone remained in use. Man, who is reluctant to think of his latter end, seeks for euphemistic phrases to express it. The comparison ( Benf. II 277 , Corssen Beitr. 182) of Jav - εiv with the rt. Dev ( deiva strike) has specially this against it, that sáveto- s is not used particularly for violent death. núavo - s blue steel , xváv-€ 0- s of steel, steel- blue, black ish blue (κυανώπις, κυανοχαίτης, κυανόπεπλος , κυανόπρω pou) are compared by Benfey II 151 ( so too Kuhn Ztschr. I 532, Christ Lautl. 155) with Skt. cjâma-s dark , black , and Lith . szőma-s, bluish gray. Otherwise Fickº 39. Benfey holds Skt. cjána -s smoke, as well as Lat. caesiu - s, caeruleu-s to be akin . To these we might then add Skt. cja -va - s ( Zd. syâva) black. We should be thus brought to a stem kjá , from which forms of similar meaning would be derived by the help of various suffixes. The j seems to be repre sented here by Gk. v. This will have to be discussed below. It is all the more probable that xúavo-s and gjâma - s correspond even in formation, because in Greek itself (Kuhn Ztschr. XI 309) traces of the m are preserved. Whether xúquo-s bean belongs here, as Kuhn conjectures from xúcuoi uslovoxpoeg ( N 589), may be left doubtful. But in Ηesych. we read κούαμα" μέλαν(α) Λάκωνες, and I quite SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE NASALS. 165 agree with Kuhn in holding the alteration into novavā to be too basty (cp. Pictet I 287 ). It is true that Compa retti now (Ztschr. XVIII 136) appeals to the Tzakonian xovpáve to support this change. But see Mor. Schmidt Stud. III 354. That vớoow is akin to iuuoow is regarded by Lobeck El. I 27 as certain . The former means rather stab , the latter scratch , two notions which are united in that of 536 tearing open. The derivatives on either side are not nu merous : νύξις, νυγμός, νύγμα, νύσσα άμυξις , αμυχή. The gloss of Hesych. άμυκαλαί, αι ακίδες των βελών παρα tò duúorelv is worth noticing, inasmuch as it proves that % is the letter of the root, and establishes the identity of the stem duvx with the Latin muc-ro( n ). Thus it is not too bold to assume that vuk is the root of výbow , and that it is akin to uuk. Benfey's ( II 185) comparison with (499) Skt. nud strike, breaks down because of the d , which cannot possibly be reconciled with vúoow. χθών ( st. χθον) in its relation to χαμα- ί, χθαμ- αλό- και , hum -u -s, hum - ili- s and the corresponding words of other cogpate languages, which likewise contain m , has been discussed under No. 183. [ Schleicher Comp.: p. 219.] It is not quite so easy to explain the v of zıáv ( st. zlov) , No. 194. Still it seems to me most probable , that zlov is for xlou , and that it points to Indo -Germ . ghjam, a fuller by- form of the Vedic him cold , frost. Cp. Ascoli Di un gruppo di desinenze Indo-Europee (Memorie dell' In stituto Lombardo 1868 p . 9) . The other instances of this change, collected by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 136 , are doubtful. In the assumed zvo- s year ( rpi- ɛvo- s) the evidence in favour of the rough breathing is much too uncertain to enable us to compare the Skt. sama year : but if the word had the smooth breathing, annu - s comes much nearer. It is probable that zhauv- s and xhaiva are connected . But the priority of the former is by no means self-evident . We may finally mention the conjecture of Fick ’ 426 that drie plague 166 BOOK III . ( ανιάω, ανιάζω, ανιαρός) is identical with Skt. amith plague, amíva - m suffering, pain. This conjecture is favoured by the fact that no other etymology of åvía is to be dis covered , while we must admit that the rt. am to be sick, to suffer, and the suffix iva do not occur elsewhere in Greek. On the other hand it is probable in the stem of one Greek word that conversely u has taken the place of v, or that at any rate there was an early variation between the two, i . e. in you- o- s (No. 128). In this case we have in Skt. gam with the meaning of wife ( gam -pati wife and husband ), gâmátỉ son- in- law , husband, to which also gáma daughter- in - law evidently belongs. But as yaußpós cannot be separated from gen - er (st. genero), as gen-er (Lith. gen tìs consanguineus, Ch.-Sl. ze- tă gener) attaches itself to the rt. gen ( gigno, genus), and as this rt. appears in Lith . as gam , gim, the explanation which I have given can hardly be rejected . I hold to this view , even after all that has been written to a different effect by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VII 537 17, Grassmann XI 14, Schweizer XII 307 , Ebel XIJI 240, Ascol . Fonol. 124 [ G. T. 101 ] . The derivation of yếuo- s from rt. dam subdue (No. 260), which has been maintained, is phonetically untenable , for even if dam could become djam and in Sanskrit further gam , in Greek the origination of a y from a d is unexampled. Where y corresponds to an Indian ý , the latter has come by affection from 9, not from d. The palatal ġ is a specifically Indian, and not an Indo -Germanic sound , and every single instance must be ( 500 ) examined as to its origin. The Indo -Germanic roots gam and dam cannot any how be identified. Pictet's attempt to derive záuo- s from rt. gam go , in the sense of coire (cp. Pott W. I 16) is also unsatisfactory. Cp. Corssen Beitr. 268, [ Schleicher Comp.: 218] . C) Sporadic Change of the Liquids. For the relation of the liquids to each other we may refer to the discussion on p. 441. Here we place first SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE LIQUIDS. 167 those stems and words , in which there is an interchange of 2 and . To these belong about 50 numbers, already treated under regular substitution , in which, as will be seen hereafter, sometimes r sometimes 1 is prevalent, and sometimes the one liquid , sometimes the other came to be current in Greek. We must add the following cases not yet discussed, with which we continue our numbering. . 656) Rt. á ála- o- uai spring, leap (Hom . aor. årto), öh-ua leap , än-61-5 leaping , da-tng weight to leap with, &h-ti- xó- s skilled in leaping. Skt. rt . sar ire , fluere , Zd . har go. Lat. sal- i - o, sal-tu - s, Sal-ii, sal-td - re, sal-ax, sal- ebra . Bopp Gl. under the unauthenticated rt. sal , for which also ire , fuere are given as meanings. Benf. I 60 , Pott W I 668 . Kuhn Ztschr. V 206 wishes to separate entirely the forms åhto ( I. Bekker ahto) and äluevos with the smooth breathing, and to connect them with liliw , but I cannot persuade myself that this is right. āhua with the meaning leap' $ .103, cannot possibly be separated from alro he leapt. We must admit only this much , that our 'leap' is not quite adequate to translate these forms: but the same is true also of άλλεσθαι, e. g. άλλεται οφθαλμός the eye twitches , cp. cor salit , čella rotadlouévn A 297. The smooth breathing is in Homer to be regarded as an Aeolism , just as in čuvdis , idio , vuag. Are we to suppose that the old priests of Dodona too , the Eɛlloi ( 11 234 ) or ' Elloi ( Pind. ( frag. 31 Böckh p . 341 Donaldson ]) belong here, and correspond to the Salii ? Cp. Arcad . Géllo = pollo. Other wise Schweizer Ztschr. XII 308. The meaning of the Skt. sar differs somewhat, but we have not as yet more precise information : ср. No. 502. Bopp compares also Ch.-Sl. sůl- u -ti send , whence sülü legatus, Corssen Nachtr. 283 , II ? 71 Lat. con - sul- ere in the sense of convenire and consul. Ebel ( Beitr. II 158) compares with allouar 0.-Ir. saillim . But the same word in Z. ” 435 is explained by sallio, and in O'Reilly too it has only the meaning ' I salt '. 538 657) őr- s m. salt, f. salt sea , ől- es intellectual ‘ salt ' , ől- c - os marinus, & hl -ɛú -s fisher, õh-un brine, éd uvoó- s salt, & a -is - w salt. Skt. sāra-s , sara - m salt. Lat. sal , sal-es ãa -es, sal- inu -s, sal- îmu - m , sal- i - re [ sall -i -re] salt, sal- su -s, salsa -mentu -m . (501) 168 BOOK III. - Goth . sal- t n. salt , salt -an to salt, 0.-H.-G. sulza, salsugo, [saltness] . Ch.-Sl. sol-i salt, sla- nŭ salsus, slatina salsugo. Lith . suru - s salt ( adj.) ? 0.-Ir. salann sal ( 2.² 778) , sallaim I salt ( Amra p. 28 ) , Corn. haloin, Cymr. halan sal ( Z.² 825) . Benf. I 59, Diefenb . II 188, Pott W. II 1 , 662, Stokes Ir. Gl. 977, Goid.2 63. We place together here only words which unmistake ably go back to the idea of salt. To these belong sale ή άλς in Ennius Anm . 378 and the equivalent salácia ( perhaps more strictly a proper name , the goddess of the sea : cp. Preller Röm. Myth. ” p. 503 and the quotations there ) , but not sa - lu-s, sa - lum σαλος or even Skt. sal-ila -m water , which are quoted under No. 556. Perhaps our stem had originally in Greek as well as in Latin an i at the end , which appears in ái-eu - s and in compounds: áll-róoqV0o -s ( Roediger Comp. 56 ). The Goth. sal- t extended by a t corresponds to the Greek theme álat , the dative plur. of which is preserved in the proverb õlaou vet ( Suid. ed. Bernh. p. 193 ); - «t is to be taken here as an individualizing suffix ( Ztschr. IV 214 f.) , by the help of which a ' piece of salt' is formed from ' salt'. The root is probably akin to No. 506 , so that the fundamental idea would be that of something coagulated . 658) βλάστη, βλασ-τό- ς shoot, βλαστ- άν- ω ( aor. έ- βλαστ -ο- ν ) shoot. Skt. rt . vardh ( vardh -à -mi) make larger, mid. grow, part. vrddha -s increased , [ urddhi-s growth : cp . Vol. I p. 63 note] . Zd. vared to increase, vareda adj. growing, subst. masc. growth. Bopp Gl. , Benf . I 79. We may assume a rt. rardh, which by metathesis became vradh, Gk. Flao and with ß for F, as in No. 166 b , βλαθ. Thence regularly βλάστ- η , βλαστ- άνω from an expanded stem ( cp. avšávo , içdvo) . I have tried to show " Studien ' I , 2 , 295 that Blot- po- s tall, slender, of trees, with the t retained , and Bio -ovpó -s swelling, luxuriant (veteres : truculentus; cp. Ebeling Lex. Homer. in voc. ] , with the suffix which appears in áň- ovoo- s , belong here. Similarly the Germ. gross ( with the cognate and equivalent Eng. great 0. - Eng. and A. - Sax. grót] comes from the notion of increase (Eng. grow [ O. - Eng. gróthan] ) : cp. also al -tu - s with al- escere , ad olescere. These etymologies are confirmed by Skt. vrádh -ant great. ( Bühler Orient und Occident II 538. ) Bugge's view (Ztschr. XX 28) , which is different , does not satisfy me. [Fick ? 184 derives SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE LIQUIDS. 169 > optó- s ( dialect. Boptó- s , cp. above p. 474) from vardh with the meaning raise ; cp. Fick p. 1002; and for a possible connexion of erdh to grow with rrit be Max Müller Sanskrit Grammar p. 262. M. Williams Skt. Dict. adds Goth . vaur - ts root , doubtful because of the anomalous shifting ( cp. No.503), and more probably A. - Sax. weald .] 659) Rt . βολ βούλ- ο- μαι ( Hom. βόλ- ε - ται [ 1319, βόλεσθε 539 π 387 ] , ε- βόλ- ο - ντο [ α 234] ) , will, wish, βουλ- ή, counsel , βούλ- η- σι - ς , βούλ- η- μα will , βουλεύω advise. Skt. rt. var (vr-no- mi , vr-na -mi) choose, prefer, var -á - s choosing, wooer, vára - s wish, desired, preferable, vra-ta -m will, duty, vow. Zd.. var choose,, wish . Lat. vol- o, vol-un - tâ -s, volunt-ariu - s. Goth . vil-j -an Boóleofai ( 0.-H.-G. wëllan ), ga -vil -ji-s willing, val-j -an choose ( Mod.-G. wählen), 0.-H.-G. will- io, will- o voluntas. Lith . vel -yju ( I ) wish, advise, vélyju -s (mid. ) prefer, tal -iè will , vál-na - s free, optional. Ch.-Sl. vol- i - ti Boúheofai, vol-ja férnua. Bopp Gl . s . v. rar , Pott W. II 1 597, Benf. I 320. - For ß = 0 ( 502) see below pp. 571-577. The r of this rt. has been represented throughout ( except in Skt . ) byl. For špauai, špws, for which we cannot prove the f in a single instance , are quite unconnected. But the affinity of the rt . Feld – f2d- o -uat, té28- wo , which is expanded by d, and of the rt. Felte ( No. 333) volup , which is expanded by p ( cp. pp. 62, 65) cannot be denied. For βούλ- ο - μαι ( Cret. βώλομαι ) the Aeolic forn βόλλ- ο - μαι , for βουλ- ή ( Cret. βωλά ) βόλλα ( Ahrens 59 ) are worth notice . ad is probably for lv, seeing that in Skt. this rt . makes use of the syllables nu and nå (ni) to form the present; then in Bóh - la we should have to regard -va as the suffix , and it would only be the Homeric βόλ - ε - ται and the Cyprian σί βόλε; τί délels ; ( Hesych. ) which would be quite parallel to rol- o. [ Cp. Schleicher Comp.3 217 and Brugman in ' Studien ' IV 121. ] – Certainly Bél - tlov , Bél- trgo- s , belong here , as comparatives to the Skt . váras Clemm Fleckeis. Jahrb. 1870 p. 40 , Joh . Schmidt Ztschr. XIX 382, - Probably Umbr. eh - vel -tu decernito, ch - vel- klu decretum also belong here, as compounds with eh = ex ( Aufr. u. Kirchh . II 329) . [ Corssen II ? 17, 20. ) 660) Rt. Fel all - o , aida - 6 ), eih -é -o (aor. l-ch- nu, pf. pass . ë -ɛh-uci) press , shut in , cih- am a fencing around, 170 BOOK III . defence, oủh-o- uó- s throng, ei'n - n (Tarent. Bɛíln ), i'l - n, õu- iko - s troop, crowd. Skt. rt. var ( var- ê, vr-no -mi) surround, enclose, pro tect , apa-var cover up, api-var conceal , vâra já -mi hold off, ward off, vára-s defence, crowd, var -ana - s rampart. Zd. apa -var hold off, var - a gar den, var -atha m. , protection. Lith. at-vér -ti to open, su - vér- ti close, Ch.-Sl. vr- e -ti claudere, ver- ėja vectis , vor - a sepimentum. The necessity of separating these words from rt. Fen, wind, was treated on No. 527 ( cp. Döderlein Gl . 442 ff.). Otherwise Sonne Ztschr. XII 365. I only differ from Buttmann on one point, that he starts from the idea of striking. Everything points us rather to the fundamental notions of pressing, restraining , barring or , in com pounds) unbarring , [ frestraining ' carrying with it also the idea of ‘ protecting, as in the German wehren ). The F is found in xy Fna-n θίωντι {ÉEllrImo1 Tab. Heracl. Ib 104 , indirectly in Bńanua ' xa 540 λυμα, φράγμα Λάκωνες( Ηesych.), γηλουμένους συνειλημμένοις ( Hesych.) ; cp . Ahrens Dor. 160 ; and also in xóantai and the forms connected with it by Buttmann A. Gr. II 164 [Jelf . I 266 ) . On the F of ovia uós see Hoffmann Quaest. Homer. 139. The el Dor. n of the present is treated by Brugman Stud. IV 122. The following Greek words also belong here : öh- v - Gi - s chain , distress, exclusion, [Lidd. and Scott derive the word in the last two senses from dłuw , and this from ähn , éléouat : cp. p. 546 ad fin. ) , á 2-16xo -ual get taken pris oner , where the F betrays itself, as in t - á- - nv , by the auginent ( Échov) and the Aeol. e - vélo - xa ( Ahrens 36 , cp. below p. 554) , απείλλω Aeol. απέλλω αποκλείω , απέλλαι σηκοί, εκκλησίαι ( Hesych.), d - ollé- es properly “ crowded together' ( ů å together ( No. 598, Schleicher Comp.: 214 ] ), with the cognate delar's r 13 and õans, adv . άλις, αλία 188embly , αλίζειν assemble , ηλι-αία, δίκη εξ -ούλης, action for barring out or exclusion from one's own property , [an " ejectment- suit ' ). où is probably here , as in oớl-auó- s, for Fo. 1 should regard it as probable, with Bopp Gloss., that Lat. ap -er -in and op -er- io belonged here , and that the v had been lost, if it were not that the rt. ar in Skt. according to the Pet. Dict. has also the meaning ' open '. [But cp. Corssen II ? 410 note, who derives both from rt. par complete, make. ] From the Teutonic we must refer to this rout Goth. varjan xolverv with M.-Germ . wehren , restrain , pro tect, and all its belongings, [A. - Sax. werian , werigan defend , whence weardian to ward off ). But as many of the words collected by Diefenbach I 201 ff. are connected with those discussed by us under No. 501, I content myself with this intimation. SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE LIQUIDS. 171 661 ) lóalw hasten, send, shoot. - Skt. rt . ar, redupl. ijar (and contracted from this îr ), pres. ij-ar-mi ( 503) to raise one's self, move, lift, bring. - 0.-H.-G. il- an ( M.-G. eilen ) hasten. Kuhn Ztschr. V 195 ff ., otherwise Pott W. I 289. The Greek l- must be taken as a syllable of reduplication , just as in l- av- w ( No. 587 ) . The intransitive meaning 'hasten' is retained only in Hesiod . Theog. 269 ( cp. Póntel in Aesch. Suppl.541 ( Paley ), and Eng. shoot ]; the most various uses of lálheiv in a transitive sense and so with AQ0-, { n - ráileiv. – have , as Kuhn well points out , their analogies in the use of the verbs quoted in the language of the Vedas. The same root occurs in če -X - 0 - ual, ñ - v - 1-0 -v ( p. 66) , but also , if the traditional account is correct, without reduplication in án- áll- els ÚnonÉUTELS Bekk. Anecd. p . 414 , Lobeck ad Ajac . p. 313 , perhaps also in μέτ- αλλο- ν , μετ- αλλαν (cp. μετέρχεσθαι) , as Κvidala makes out , ' Ber. d. phil. -hist. Cl . ' of the Vienna Academy 1870 p. 89. - Finally the stem šla in žlavvo fut. élő might also belong here . 662) őlo- s ( Ion. oủlo-s) whole. Skt. sarva-s omnis. 0.-Lat. sollu - s whole , superl. soll - is -timu- s, sol- idu -s. Benf. I 420 , Aufrecht Ztschr. I 121 . We must assume an Old -Greek öllo- s, which is to őlo- s as Hom. Ņéocos, őogos to ućoos, όσος and to the Ion. oύλο- ς as Aeol . βόλλα tο βουλή . From this we arrive at a Graeco - Italic sollo- s. On the 0. -Lat. sollu- s see Fest. p. 298 ; sollis- timu - s is happily explained by Corssen Ztschr. III 246 , 280 . The compounds soll -ers, solli -citu -s, solli- ferreu - s have retained longest the old word , from which sol- i- dus is further formed , as from the st . gravi gravi-du -8. Aufrecht and Kirchhoff ( Umbr. Sprachd. II 418) place here the Umbr. secum also, which they take in the mean ing totum , and derive from servu - m . But we must keep quite apart the Lat. servare , inasmuch as observare leads us on quite a different track ( Fick ? 195 ( who traces it to another root sar protect] ); sal ru - s found its place under No. 555 . Other combinations, which 541 I cannot accept, are furnished by Corssen I ? 487 , Pott W. I 1279. 663) Exip - 10 - s, Ežio sun, dogstar, help- lé- w burn, shine, Geld -id -61-s sun- burning , belo- lvo - s summerlike; σέλ- ας brightness, σελήνη moon. Skt. svar heaven , rt. sur (unauthenticated) shine, rule ; sûr- a - s, sür-ja -s (for scar- ja -s) sun . Zd. hrare sun, qaretha, qarenanh (n. ) brightness. 172 BOOK III. Lat. sēr-ênu-s. sól. Goth. sauil (n. ) sun, 0.-N. sôl. Lith. sáulė, Ch.-Sl. slů -nice sun. Cymr. and Corn . heul sol (Z. 107 , 123 , 1065), 0.-Ir. súil gen. sula f. oculus, st. svali- ( Z. 250) . Bopp Gl. , Benf. I 460 , Diefenbach II 193 , though all introduce much that is unconnected . Our words start from the rt. svar, whence comes the shortest form Exto in Suidas ( Lobeck Paralipp. 75 ) , formed like xeta ( No. 189) , and the fuller Eslo-10 -s ( from svar ja-s) in Archiloch. Frag. 61 Bergk The i of the first syllable is epenthetic, as in the Homer. tsueikia, or like the v in rovló- s. This meets the objection of Max Müller ( Lect. II 480) . By the side . of this rt. cep for cFep a form cel for cFel established itself in Greek . A third form , the affinity of which can hardly be questioned , is éx in én- ávn torch, perhaps in the proper name ' Elévn, (which M. Müller however identifies with saramâ, deriving the latter from rt. sar go ( No. 502) Lect. II 463) . The most difficult word to explain is sinn beside éléa warmth of the sun, both because of the smooth breath ing in the latter word, and because of other dialectic forms (Hesych . βέλα , ήλιος και αυγή υπό Λακώνων) , but also γέλαν , αυγην ηλίου , (504 ) perhaps both Fελα for σελα.. As in Greek, so in Latin the liquid has been preserved in both forms. To the forms in r belong per haps Apollo Sor -ânu - s and the name of the mountain Soracte, in Cato (ed. Jordan p. 11 ) Sauracte. Cp. Preller Röm. Myth. ” 239. The northern languages have only l. – The complete distinctness of these words from nélio- s, later ñáco- s , has been proved Ztschr. I 29 ff. (cp. above on No. 612) . The combinations of Sonne (Ztschr. XII 358) seem to me very bold. 664) Rt. σκαλ σκάλλω scrape , dig , σκαλ-ί - ς hoe, σκαλ EÚ -s hoer, oxáh-un knife. – 0.-H.-G. scar plough share [ A.- Sax. scär or scear ]. Pott W. II 1 , 685 , Benf . I 197. Cp. No. 106 and Kuhn Ztschr. III 427. In addition to these instances, which we may put down as certain, there are also the following, which carry with them great probability, though they are still exposed to doubts of various kinds. γλαμυρός or γλάμων blear- eyed , with the verb γλα μάν and the equivalent λημάν, λήμη, which have lightened the beginning of the word , and which were regarded by 1 SPORADIC CHANGES OF THE LIQUIDS. 173 the Atticists (Moeris p. 193 Bekk .) as less good Attic, un doubtedly corresponds to the Lat. gramia, gramiosus (Pott 11 117) ; but as glamae is also found in the same sense 542 (Paul. Epit. 96), the Latin word may be suspected of having been borrowed. έλμι -ς , έλμινίς (st. έλμι and έλμινθ ) , by- form έλμιγξ (st. élulyg cp. Lobeck Paralipp. 167) , intestinal worm, has been often (Pott I 84, Bopp Gl. ) compared with Skt. krmi-s worm, vermi-s, Goth. vairm - s serpens , Lith. kìrmi- s ( kirmėlé), Ch.-Sl. črůví worm, 0.-Ir. cruim (Z.² 250) . Stier (Ztschr. XI 247) adds also Albanian words. All the forms might be explained from a primitive karmi-s, by supposing that from this first kvarmi- s was developed , then , in Gk., Lat. and Teut. , varmi- s, and thence Fɛdul- s (Ascoli Fonol. 71 , Corssen Nachtr. 33) . But as no certain instance of the mutilation of an initial kv to v in Greek has been pointed out , the connexion of the forms beginning with k and with v respectively remains doubtful. With Aufrecht ( on Uggvaladatta p. 276) therefore I only maintain with certainty that Skt. krmi- s, Ir. cruim , Lith. kirmi- s and Ch.-Sl. črůvă [cp. p. 578] are identical , and that vermi-s and Goth. vairm - s are mutually akin. But it seems to me that even the identity of the word blue- s (cp. p. 512), which is rare and restricted to one species of worm, with the common vermi-s , which includes the whole genus , is not yet indubitable. Aufrecht takes Fɛd wind, curve ( No.527) as the root, but this has elsewhere always an 1 in Latin and Teutonic. The vi of the stem eduivo is evidently, like the ry of the rarer éduiry, of a diminutival character ( cp. above p. 486) . Sonne Ztschr. XIV 327 brings for ward a number of noteworthy comparisons and explana tions with the view of proving the identity of the rt. Oar ( tóddelv bloom) with Skt. dhar hold , uphold. But the ( 505 ) difference of meaning remains great, and we learnt under No. 316 to recognize the unmistakeable representatives of this root on Greek soil in quite different forms. dă- as ( for lāf- a- s) stone , with the by - form lev- s , to 174 BOOK III . > be deduced from λεύω stone, λευ- στ- ό- ς, λευ σ- μός , λευ- σ-τήρ, which with the irregularities of inflexion points to an old stem , has been compared by Bopp Gl. , Benf. II 8 with Skt. grávan stone for squeezing out the Soma-juice , aud then stone in general , and with Lith. révà rock , cliff. If we leave out of the question the Lat. lap - i(d ) -s, the p of which can never have come from v , there is no objection to make to this grouping on the groud of meaning or of form. [ Fick Ehemalige Spracheinheit p. 204 regards glan ball as a later form of grâvan ( cp. M. Williams Sanskt. Dict. s. v. ), but others trace them to different roots.] But with the many phonetic changes here assumed I cannot regard it as certain, especially as the root remains obscure. It seems to me very doubtful whether the old f has really been retained in the Lat. lautumiac λατομίαι , as Usener ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1865 p. 229) tries to show . lúord rage, rabies ( of dogs) ( Att. húrra), whence come λυσσάω , λυσσαίνω, λυσσητήρ , λυσσώδης , λυσσο-μανής etc., is connected by Bopp Gl. and Benf. II 5 with Skt. rush irasci, furere ( pres. rush -ja -mi and rósh -ajá-mi), subst. rush (f.) ira . λύσσα might be for λυσ- j- α, but the τ of λύττα would still be unexplained. As a connexion with lúxo -s ( No. 89) is possible, I place this comparison among the doubtful ones . We must now take a general survey of the mutual relations of the two liquids . On p. 86 we held it to be adviseable to treat & and à as sounds nearly akin and frequently interchanging, but not as sounds which had only developed in this duality after the separation of the languages from a single Indo -Germanic liquid *). We 543

• ) A main argument for the view , that I was wanting in the primitive Indo -Germanic language, lies in the fact that this sound is

wanting to the older representatives of the Eranic family, Zend and Old Persian ; and therefore according to this theory , it developed only after the separation of the Eastern Indo -Germans into their two main branches, and quite as fortuitously among the Europeans. However J. Oppert in the Revue de Linguistique IV p. 207 ff ., with MUTUAL RELATIONS OF 1 AND 1 . 175 preferred to assume even for the Indo -Germanic period, by the side of the stronger trill, which is the older, wherever there is a variation between them , the existence of the gliding sound l. This view is confirmed by the numerical proportions of the occurrence of both sounds. If we take a survey of all the stems, in which a Greek liquid cer tainly corresponds to a liquid of the cognate languages, and subtract, as proving little , all those instances in which Greek agrees with only one of the other families of speech, we find according to our numbering 258 instances. Of these 258 comparisons, which embrace Q and 2 in common, from which we have already excluded all that is in any way doubtful, and all liquids in suffixes which serve for derivation , a Greek o corresponds to the r of the cognate languages in 117 instances, 2 corresponds to an 1 in 78, and in 63 cases there is a variation such that, either ( 506 ) within the Greek language itself, or within the wider limits of the cognate languages, r and 1 interchange. Now as 63 is about one-fourth of 258, the result is that, within 544 the sphere here discussed, about three-fourths of the whole number of liquids remain unchanged, one- fourth varies and fluctuates. With regard to the liquids which remain unchanged, those instances are especially noteworthy, in which either r or l is found in a long list of languages, without the slightest tendency to a variation. We may quote as examples of No. 490 &poūv Lat. arare Goth . arjan Lith. árti Ir. airim 492 ÉVÉDOELV Skt. ar-i-tra -m Lat. rêmu - s 0.-N. år Lith . irti the concurrence of J. in the Litter. Centralblatt 1872 p. 863 , has tried to prove the existence of an Old Persian sign for 1 , laying especial stress upon the occurrence of an 1 in Modern Persian, and upon the fact that in no single Old Persian word known to us ? corresponds to an 1 in Sanskrit. ( Cp. on the other hand Fick Ehe malige Spracheinheit pp . 201-261.] 176 BOOK III. - No. 39 na0d- la Skt. hrd Lat. cor Goth. hairtó Lith. szirds Ir. cride 411 géo- w Skt. bharâmi Lat. fero Goth. baíra Ch.-Si. bera Ir. do-biur, for No. 31 xaló- s Skt. kalja -s Goth. hail-s Ch.-Sl. celú 546 lúw Skt. lu Lat. ( so )lu - o Goth. lau - s 536 b) lánta Lat. lambo 0.-H.-G. lefs Lith, lūpa. I see no reason why we should not , in stems and roots like these, assume that the liquids which we find universally were Indo- Germanic. It is true that there is also a con siderable number of words , in which Sanskrit shows the harder liquid , while the softer appears in Greek. But it is rare for Greek to stand isolated : as a rule Latin , and often another European language besides , agrees with it, e . g. No. 61 xlóvi- s Lat. clúni-s Lith. szlauni-s, but Skt. crôni-s 62 κλύ xlv-- ωo Lat. clu -o Goth. hliu -ma Ch.-Sl. slu -ti, . but Skt. çru 366 níunanu . Lat. ple- o Goth. full-s Ch.-Sl. plă-nů, 0.-Ir. lá -n, but Skt. piparmi 563 lévn Lat. ulna Goth . aleina 0.-Ir. uile , but Skt. ar-âla-s. In such cases therefore the 1 may have been developed only after the severance of the other families from the Indian, or the Indo - Persian. It is very rare for an * to be found at all in the European languages, which is represented in Skt. by l : a remarkable instance of this is No. 85 hanεiv Lat. loqu -i Skt. lap - Ch.-Sl. rek -a . Here we have a choice between two views. Either we must admit the change of r into l in Sanskrit too , and suppose that the Slavonic family alone has preserved the old r, or the r has arisen in the latter from 1 , and of this we quoted instances from the Romance languages on p. 442, while it is common in the modern Cretan dialect as compared with ancient Greek (Voretzsch de (507)Inscript. Cret. p. 28 , from Pashley) ; [ in the former case > SPORADIC AFFECTION OF THE LIQUIDS. 177 we might possibly find a parallel in the Gypsy word roker to speak : Smart and Crofton ‘ Dialect of the English Gypsies' p . 130 : but Paspati Les Tchinghianes gives crakeráva p. 579.] Considering the great rarity of this relation ( cp. 0.-H.-G. ringi under No. 168 [ ru - m - p -o under No. 331 , 341 ] ) we may lay it down as a rule not readily to expect an r in the other lang uages, corresponding to a Sanskrit l. To admit this phonetic representation , the agreement in the other sounds of the 545 word and in the meaning must be very striking. This is e. g. by no means the case with the comparison , proposed by Christ p. 17 , of zopo- s black , a word moreover only quoted by grammarians as the etymon of xópaß, with Skt. kála - s black. The words belonging to rópač we collected under No. 69. Without entering more particularly upon the further differences of the several families of speech and individual languages on this point, we may add some remarks upon the relation of the Greek liquids to the Latin , and upon the variation between 0 and 2 in Greek itself. The close kinship of the two South - European languages comes out also in this respect. For example, the relation of the Graeco - Italic root melg to merg ( No. 150 , 151 ) is signi ficant. The Indo -Germanic rt . marg as early as the Graeco Italic time split into two forms: merg ( đuéopo αμέργω, ομόργ ouboy vv - ul , merya) and melg (auéływ , mulgeo) and that in such a manner that the difference of meaning is just as clear as its original identity. As the northern languages have preserved only the form with 1 , it cannot be determined whether this division is not still older. -- χλό X26-- n ((No. 197) , 21.wpó -s corresponds to the Lat. hel-us, hol -us, to the Lith. žol- e cabbage, zul- ic - s green , Ch.-Sl. zelije holera, Ir. gel white , but to the Skt. har -i-s, 0.-H.-G. gró -ni. The l is therefore in this instance Graeco - Italo -Kelto - Letto - Slavonic. [ But Fick Ehemalige Spracheinheit p . 237 omits grôni and adds 0.-H.-G. gëlo, gölau - êr yellow , adding “ the Arian base of this group is har, the European ghal, ghel ' ). The rt. álo earn , work has at its side the Latin lab with CORTICE , Etymology. II. 12 178 BOOK III . an 1 (No. 398) , while all the other languages, with the possible exception of the Lithuanian, show r . Under No. 468 we saw that the rt. uap ( uapaiva ) appears with this sound also in mar - c -e - o , while for the meaning fade Skt. has the rt. mlâi or mlâ , with which perhaps the German welk (used in English by Spenser and Milton] is connected . Here the Graeco- Italic peculiarity is shown in the preservation of the old r. Such an agreement is not, indeed , everywhere to be found. We compared χάλαζα ( No. 181) with grando, xedidáv (No. 187 ) with hirundo, xolɛxóvos (No. 67) with cracentes, Báoßapo- s (No. 394) with balbu - s, stla - tu - s with rt. otop , otep (No. 227) . But these cases are rare , and as a rule we can detect some uncertainty in the liquids , either within the Latin language, as in the instance last- mentioned , where strâ- tu- s occurs, or , as with léxos, páros (No. 86) in Greek itself. Thus (508) though we have Gr. xúxho-s (No. 81) corresponding to the Lat. circu - s, we find also xíoxo -s. We must compare curru-s , not only with xváló- s , which belongs to the same root, but also with xvo- ró -s. In this case we have in Latin 546 also the softer liquid in clingere cingere ( Fest. p . 56 ), which is derived from this root; to this form Dietrich called my attention in his review (Jahn's Jahrb. 81 , 40) . Lat. vellus seems to come nearer to the Goth . vulla than to the Gr. Féo -lo - v (No. 496 ), but by the side of this we have the more similar oùło - s. On the other hand , is predominant in Gr. xolódes, ZÓNĚ (No. 199 ), compared with Lat. haru -spex , hira , but we have also the latter sound in Gr. 200- dň. Of the three forms στλεγγί- ς , στελγ -ί - ς, otepy -i-s ( No. 576) the last comes nearest to the Lat. strigili -s. The facts being such , the following rule holds good for the comparison of Greek words with Latin ; that we are always to expect r for r , 1 for l ; and that exceptions are only to be admitted when the probability on other grounds is especially great. Finally, it has often been observed in ancient and modern times , that in Greek itself the two liquids are SPORADIC AFFECTION OF THE LIQUIDS. 179 interchanged. To this belongs, for example, the reduplicated δενδίλλειν for δεν- διλ-jειν look, by the side of δρα in úró- doa , which we mentioned under No. 13. Cp. Fick ? 88. In two widely extended stems the interchange of the liquids has actually made its way into the inflexion of verbs. The stem ele has been already mentioned under No. 661 , and on p. 66 divided into el ( Homer. ÉX- u) with the determinative e . £ X- is to ex as por- ( 8-981-4-0 -v) to pôi. The v is to be regarded as an auxiliary vowel, like the ε of νεμ- έ- θ - οι- ντο , φλεγ- έ- θ - ω , or the o in Τύμωλος Tuwlos (Lobeck El . I 477) , and is found even in forms which , like 1000 - av - to - s, Čr -nav- s, are formed without e . The rt. el may be regarded without hesitation as a later by -form of ep , and corresponds to the Skt. ar go , attain . It is the same rt. which we met under No. 500 and in the forms there given as cognate. The older form ep underlies the present stem èp- x. The x has arisen from the inchoative 6% in accordance with an analogy to be further discussed on p. 690; 70 - X -0 -uoi therefore means properly I begin to go , and corresponds to the Skt. arkh attain , fall to the share of, ( Benf. I 63) , where the kh, likewise limited to the present stem , also goes back to sk , and enables us to deduce the Indog. form ar-sk ( ep. Leo Meyer I 345) . -- From the same rt., by means of a determinative, and as we may conjecture, a desiderative s, er - s was formed, with the fundamental meaning , to go , to endeavour to arrive at , hence to err, Lat. err-or ( for crs-or), errare , Goth . aírz-jan nhavãv, Mod. Germ . irren ( Benf. I 62 , L. Meyer I 397) . We may add nadív -000-0 -s, 64-00-00-s. But we (509) must keep distinct Gk. čopa , because it shows clear traces of the digamma ( βέρρης Ahr. Dor. 46 , ενθάδε Γέρρων © 239, Hoffm . Quaest. Hom. II 38) . - On the other hand we cannot but refer öh- n wandering, dlãojai to wander, αλέη avoidance, αλεείνειν avoid , αλεύασθαι shun , ηλεός , dós, astray, confused , with nais-10 -s foolish , 7217-0- v failed, 547 and ádeirns (Lobeck El. I 37 ), a- cox- déčetv stray, escape, and inco- twº properly scarer, driver, then spirit of revenge 12 * 180 BOOK II. ( cp. Keck on Aesch. Ag p . 18) , to a rt. ål , which is originally identical with ar , åp , ép , óp , el. We can how ever hardly regard it as accidental, that the gliding sound should have attached itself just to the words with this signification. It is more difficult to analyse aigéw and silov. The augment of the aorist leads us to infer an initial consonant (Tempora und Modi 142 ( Das Verbum p. 121 ] ) , so too απο--αιρείσθαι ΑA 230 ,, απο-αίρεο Α 275 compared with equipɛital A 182 and Féhwo, Fɛlogia , as I. Bekker writes to avoid hiatus ( A 4 , E 684). In Alcaeus (Fr. 68) Bergk formerly read { xFélero instead of the senseless Éx di Eleto of the M. SS. , now ( ed. 2 and 3) he has accepted I. Bekker's Éx o' Eleto. Neither the one nor the other can be estab lished. The meaning makes it dangerous to connect this stem with No. 655, for the notion is always that of grasping, taking. It is certain on the other hand that the rt. of aipéw , (which is probably for «o-j- w), is to el just as ¿ p is to έλ. And thus the form αφαιλησέσθαι is extremely remarkable : it is to be found now on a Cretan inscription ( De Inscript. Cretensi scr. Rich . Bergmann : Gratulationsschr. des Brandenb. Gymn. zur Berliner Jubelfeier 1860) ; and forms the bridge between cioéw and elhov. καλύπτειν, which on p. 527 was connected with cel -a -re, can hardly be separated from XpúntELV, as will be seen . Besides these words we may also refer to lepivolou and xoéſivtoi ( No. 494), rt. klu and å- xpo- c - o - uai (No. 62) , to αλκ and άρκ (No. 7 ) , βλύω and βρύω ( Lobeck Rhem. 23) , nelow and xóło- s , neleis (No. 53) and Lat. cul- ter, μέλει and μέλλειν and μέριμνα ( No. 466), πόρκο- ς and πλέκω ( No. 103) ; τέλος and τέρμα ( No. 238) , χλουνός and xovoós ( No. 202) and the deductions of Lobeck Path. Prol . pp. 135 , 279, Elem . I 502. uepaipev, grudge, we may with Buttmann Lexil. I 259 derive from the stem ueyapo, identical with μεγαλο (ep. το μέγαρον) . 181 D) Sporadic affection of the Spirants. ( 510) Nothing is so characteristic of the Greek phonetic system as the aversion to the spirants. Of all the con sonants these are exposed to the most numerous and various changes. Since the change of an initial o to the spiritus 548 asper and the expulsion of o between two vowels , the latter of which processes was undoubtedly preceded by the former, have been treated by us as regular phenomena, there remain only the two spirants v and j. Both sounds are also called semi- vowels and stand in the closest possible relation to the vowels u and i *). The obliteration of both of them which finds its counterpart in the expulsion of j and v in the Scandinavian languages distinguishes Greek essentially from the Italian languages, though there is no doubt that there are tendencies at least toward this expulsion even in Latin , especially in the middle of words. Apparently the labial spirant survived the longest. Not only do we find it preserved in the Aeolic and Doric dialects, but we can recognize its existence in Homer as well, by means of the well known metrical indications. But it is undeniable that when the Homeric Epic was at its prime this sound had begun to vacillate ; i . e. it was sometimes pronounced in the old way , and sometimes omitted according to the practice of later Ionic. Though bound to assert most strenuously , in the face of the old laxity , the reign of law in the life of language, we shall err just as much if we are the slaves of a short-sighted

• ) Ebel Ztschr. XIII 272 distinguishes between spirants and

semi- vowels. Such fine distinctions as these have more meaning when applied to the pronunciation of living languages than when used in the etymology of dead ones. Still Ebel is no doubt right in tracing ( p. 285) the manifold transformations of v and j to this double nature which they have. They are sometimes semi- vowels, and then they approach most nearly to the vowels; sometimes they are more consonantal and change into different consonants , and , we may add, are volatilised into the spiritus asper. But a strict distinction cannot be drawn between the two. > 182 BOOK III. precisianism that would reduce everything to a short and simple formula. Most of all should we fail in attempting this in the case of the Homeric poems, whose language is so aptly characterised by Bekker Hom. Bl. 136. Where you might have both ύς and σύς, είβω and λείβω , who can be surprised to find övač by the side of Fávaž ? Just as the oldest Latin is distinguished by vacillation in the ( 511 ) final letters , so the oldest Greek is marked by vacillation 549 of the spirants at the beginning of the word *) . A glance at the history of the sounds of the German language is enough to convince even the most incredulous , that in certain directions sounds take a long while to settle. Inasmuch then as we find considerable remains of this sound, it will be best to begin the consideration of the manifold trans formations of the spirants at the digamma. This surer ground will give us the most convenient starting -point for the discussion of the changes of the j. 1 ) TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE DIGAMMA. The sound of the F must have been exceedingly like that of the u . Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in a passage ( Antiqu. I 20) which has been discussed ad nauseam , defines it as oυ συλλαβή ενί στοιχείω γραφομένη , while according to Bekker Anecd. 777, F had among the Aeolians the sound of oι and oυ. But we are no doubt to understand by ou its later pronunciation in which it does not differ from v, and accordingly to give ü and u as the sounds which that grammarian assigns to F. The fact that in Latin the u consonans has no special letter to represent it can only

• ) On the Digamma in Homer we may now refer specially to the following work “ Rationem quam I. Bekker in restituendo di

gammo secutus est , examinavit A. Leskien ” Leipzig ( Brockhaus) 1866. Precisely similar phenomena are presented by the Sardinian dialect , in which e . g. the v of the Ital. veste ( Lat. restis ), though it has disappeared, still retains influence enough to cause the feminine article sa ( from ipsa ) to remain unaltered before the word : sa este ( Terrien Poncel “ Du Language " Paris 1867 p. 74) . TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 183 be explained by supposing that at the time of the establish ment of the Latin alphabet it very nearly resembled the u vocalis. Even for later Latin Corssen I ? 323 assigns to the v , at all events when between vowels , a pronunciation very similar to that of the English w . Since we find in the dialect of the Vedas a constant interchange between 9 and v as also between j und i we shall no doubt be right in assigning to this spirant in the earliest periods of the languages generally, a sound differing but minutely from that of the corresponding vowel. This is the result arrived at also by Rumpelt ( Deutsche Gramin . I 320 ff.) in reference to the Goth. v and the later w in the Teutonic family (cp. Schleicher Deutsche Sprache 155). The labio dental sound, which is denoted in modern High German by w, clearly an easier sound than that of the English w , is certainly of later date, and it is questionable whether we may assume this sound at all for the Greek digamma. Bentley's view , that the digamma was identical with the English w , adopted also by Pohl de digammate p. 12, has in fact much probability. If this was the case we ( 512) shall not be surprised to find an Indo -Germanic v represented in Greek by vowels. According to the accounts of the old Grammarians , as we saw , the sound which comes closest to the F is that of ov, which , for the period of Greek of which we have historical testimony, cannot be regarded as a diphthong in anything but its written form . ov represents Fnot only in numerous Roman proper names: Ovénia , Ovágówv , Ovevovoia (Corssen 1 ° 311 ) , where the alternative ß for oủ shows a certain amount of vacillation *) 550 in the sound , but also in the interjections oủá or ođã Lat. rah, and ovai It is true that these two words do not occur before the Alexandrian age , but it is not to be supposed for a moment that they were borrowed from Latin. In Aeschylus Pers. 115, 121 we Lạt. cae. [ * But see the more exact discussion in Roby's Latin Grammar Vol . I pp . XXXVI -- XL ). 184 BOOK III . find óá corresponding in meaning to the later ovai, i . e. as a lament. We shall not be wrong in assigning to the oỦ and the ò in these two words one and the same sound, differing but little from that of the semi- consonant v. The Aeschylean form óó (cp. walai, wotoi Bekk. Anecd. 538) bears the same relation to the later oủai that 'Oóduov, as Polybius II 20 , 2 calls lake Vadimo , bears to the later transliteration of the Latin v by ov. Thus this same óó will furnish us with a bridge, over which we can proceed to the demonstration that F has been preserved in a variety of vowels. a) DiGAMMA CHANGED TO A VOWEL. We have first to consider the vowels v and o, which approach most nearly to v . 1 ) v as the representative of F. Here we must distinguish between two cases. There are instances, though their number is limited, in which a solitary v appears in the place of an old f; and then again we find more frequently such a v coalescing with preceding vowels to form diphthongs. Both phenomena have already been often noticed and among later writers especially by Pohl de digammate Pars I Breslau 1854 p. 13, by Savelsberg de digammo Aquisgrani 1854 ff., and by Christ 191. There are the following six certain in stances of initial v F : υάλεται σκωληκιά, υάλη σκώληξ i. e. worm (Ηesych.) . We shall no doubt be right in giving Fal as the rt. , i . e. the Fal , Fel (No. 527) which means roll , writhe, whence both the worms in dead bodies, the alólov kúlai (X 509 ), and én-ul-s tape-worm get their names. While the stem evha with prefixed è stands for i- Fla, in vaha the initial of survives in the form of v. The difference is probably ( 513) one of dialect, for Hesych. also gives the gloss úlágel σκωληκια. υάλ-ε-ται however is no denominative like σκω 2nxăv, súláčelv, and vermiculari of like meaning, but must be regarded as a primitive verb in the sense of “ swarms". TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 185 а Téin is the name given by Herodotus I 167 to the town of lower Italy whose later name Oủéhea is mentioned by Dion. Hal. Antiqu. I 20. Since the town was founded by the Phocaeans, it follows that at the time of their 551 settlement there the F had not as yet entirely disappeared as is the case in the later form 'Eléa . There are coins too on which this form with the initial v appears. We had the stemword of this name in Féros low. ground (No. 530 ). ύεσις " (M.S. ύεσι) στολή Πάφιοι , υεστάκα: ιματισμός Hesych. (presumeably the correct reading is íuatiouóv, so that we should have to assume nom. υεσταξ on the analogy of lídat, žquaţ. Cp. Leo Meyer Vgl. Gr. II 513) apparently belong to the rt. Fec clothe, which has retained so many other traces of the f ( No. 565 ). Cp. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 306. The reading veotis ( = vestis) recommended by Kuhn (Ztschr. X 231) does not agree with the alpha betical arrangement. υτήν την άμπελον, υιόν αναδενδράδα i . e. wild vine , also in Hesychius , are fresh witnesses to the fact that oivo -s and vinu-m belong to the rt. vi, viere and vi- ti- s (No. 594 ). The fundamental meaning of all these words was tendril, plant with tendrils. The same rt. occurs in another application in the Lacedaemonian Baléhones for which the grammarians give the meaning iudvtes ( Ahrens Dor. 47) , cp. vímen . vían õundos i . e. õulhos (Hesych.) belongs to the rt. Fel, and corresponds exactly to the Lacedaem . Bεila i'ln troop (No. 660). úpelyohéov dieppoyós, so M. Schmidt reads , following the M.S. of Hesych. , and regarding the word as the same as Fonzaléog. In that case al forn would be Boeotian. The Homeric payahéov is explained, in its proper place in Hesychius, just in the same way by diagonyóra. There is no doubt whatever about the F in the rt. Fpar (No. 655) . Here then we have a f changed to v even before a con sonant. Christ adds ύαλος glass and υανία. He compares the former with the Skt. sval, but Westergaard knows this rt. - 186 BOOK III . only in the meaning ire. No examples of its use are given, and it is probably only conjectured as a by - form of svar shine. We can build nothing on such unsafe ground as this. Another conjecture about the word will be found at No. 604. --- With vävia the case is still worse ; it is a Doric by - form of invia , which we cannot help connect ing with ünvós swinish, and consequently with ů- s (No.579) . The meaning disturbance, scuffle ( Hesych. Túoßn , uóxn) is given for συηνία as well (ταραχή, αηδία , από των συών Hesych .). Hence it can have nothing to do with the Skt. ( 514 ) van , which among other meanings has that of occidere, perdere. In the middle of a word it is hard to decide whether the vowel or the consonant is the older, e. g. in the word xv - é-w , xv - 1-02 - w (No. 79) by the side of the Skt. çvajá -mii, in κύων çra (No. 84 ). For the latter word we find in in the Vedas the form guâ with the vowel. - l'lv - w (No.527 ) corresponds to the Lat. volv- o , and the Goth. valv-jan. As 552 in this word we regarded the spirant as an intimation of a reduplication, we must here derive the v from an earlier F. - xmlúo hinder is connected by Benfey II 287 with the Lat. calv - i delude, deceive , to which calu-mnia belongs; so far his comparison is good, though he has gone wrong in his further combinations. Cp. Walter Quaest. etymol. p . 7. If we assume the correctness of the comparison, though this is questioned by Bugge Stud . IV 331 f., this would be another example of a v corresponding to a v. Otherwise Corssen II 172.- As in Latin we can hardly distinguish between the suffixes -uo, -ua, and -vo, -va, while we must compare both forms with the Skt. -va , we should expect its representative in Greek in the form of -vo. This suffix however is extremely rare , though it seems to be present in the form δύοι, βίδυοι or βίδεοι, common to early Attic and Lacedaemonian, the name of certain magistrates in Sparta ( Ahrens Dor. 47 ) and also alike of witnesses and of judges in criminal cases in Attica ( cp. No.282). The Attic form vacillates between idúou and id viou (Hesych. Phot., TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 187 Aristoph. Daetal. fr. XV 3 Meineke ). Since Hesych. ex pressly adds συνίστορες as his explanation, and we find ίστωρ (with spir. asp. acc. to Herodian ) in Homer in the same sense (E 501 , PS 486) , it is unmistakeable that Fid is the rt. , and the suffix is no doubt related to that of the Skt. vid - va - s sapiens, gnarus, and the Goth. veit- vód - s witness. It oftener happens that the v which has the same sound as a F unites with preceding vowels to form diphthongs. In the Aeolic dialect of Lesbos this became the rule , and on this subject it is enough to refer to Ahrens 37. While in the case of forms like ναυ- ος , αύελλαι , αύως the same remark holds, as was made above, i . e . that it is a question which was the earlier , the F or the v, on the other hand where an originally initial digamma has been placed by composition in the middle of a word, we shall unquestion ably consider the consonant to be the older sound, e. g. in α - υιδ --ε--τού ( = άå--σιδ--ε--τού)) αφανούς ((Hesych..),, αυετή ( = ά - ετή) τον αυτοετή ( Ηesych. cp. άετέα), in which respect reference may be made to No. 282, 210. So too in αύρηκτος å-Fonxto-s , in E- válw -xev ( No. 660) and E - vétw -xev (No. 305). Without entering more closely into the consideration of these forms, whether vouched for as Aeolicor assumed to be such , I wish to bring for ward here only those words belonging to Homeric or Attic Greek in which the same change may be perceived. To this number belongs the much discussed ανέρυσαν. It(515) is quite inconceivable that the stem šov, which occurs in countless Homeric verses, should have prefixed an å in this one form. I agree with Döderlein , who (Gloss. 2290), like others before him, finds in the è the preposition évé. After the subsequent elision of the a the ev became å in accordance with a tendency often shown in Greek. The meaning draw 553 up or upwards suits the context completely. αυίαχοι N 41 was explained by Aristarchus to mean much -shouting, that the Trojans might appear here in the same character as at r 2. An unbiassed view of the passage will give the preference to the meaning noiseless , i . e . will regard > 188 BOOK III. cp. No. 22. å as a negative prefix. A somewhat different view is ex pressed by Bekker Homer. Blätter 136. - On avlag in its relation to the rt. Felk and the by- forms laž, 1€, člog The name of the Sicilian castle 'Elavic is connected by Pott Personennamen 383 with haid oliva ( No. 528) . καλαύρου xahaFoop was discussed at No. 513. On this word cp. also Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. I p . 138. The form xahópooy has but little authority. navážais in Hesiod " Eoya 666, 693 is generally and rightly explained to be for xar- Fad- l- . The rt. Far (äyvvui, šāya No. 654 b ) bears most decided traces of a digamma. The mutilation of xaré to a simple xa is admirably illustrated by Giese (Aeol . dial. 254 ) by xó -Cehe, Arcad. for xat- é- baha ( Hesych. ) , and sa -Baiva (Aleman). The various names of the sea-bird called καύαξ , καύης, καύης , but also κηυξ (or xnūą) and xńs , discussed by Lobeck Paralipp. 101 f. are all to be explained by the primary form xaF-a . Ficka 44 conjectures ku scream, to which xwxúw (No. 66) belongs, as the root. - The Lacedaemonian proper name Aavayuta C. I. 1466 is remarkable as being the solitary example to show that in Doric too f became v (Ahrens Dor. 51 ). On the stem lāfo cp. No. 535. The Homeric ταλαύ pivo- s may be brought under this head in two ways. We may regard the first part of the word as the adj. ralæos, which on the analogy of xapa Fó-s = cervu - s (No. 50) came no doubt from taha-Fó- s. With a view to this Döderlein ( Gl. 2380) translates the word " starkledern" ( strongly lea thered ). But the “ strongly leathered warrior" ( E 289) hardly sounds right. Or we may follow Hoffmann (I 137 ) and Savelsberg ( p. 16) , in dividing the word taha - Volvo -S and taking for the first part of it the verbal stem tala (cp. taha- Egyó- s) in the sense of bear (No. 236), and Foivo for the second. We thus get the more suitable meaning of “ shield -carrying ". The F is supported especially by the by- form yoivo- s ( Hesych . ). The nearest parallel to this word is tavav -rod - ES ( 1 464) stretching out the feet (Döder lein 215 , Hugo Weber Etymol. Unters. 63) , in which - TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 189 accordingly ταναυ- stands for τανα.Fo.. - ταύρο- ςs ((No. 232 ))( 516)) corresponds exactly, as we saw , to the Zd. ctaora. – The diphthong in d-uavoó- s dark is probably to be explained by a transposition , if we take it to be for å -uap - 50 -s and refer it to a rt. μαρ, which occurs in μαρ-μαίρειν and μαρ- 554 uap- voceiv glisten , in Maioa the name of the dogstar, in uap- uco- ao- s glistening, and perchance too in uap- ían char coal , charcoal - dust. An abundance of combinations with this rt. are given by Grassmann Ztschr. XVI 164 and especially by Corssen 1 ? 404. It is clear that in Homer μάρ- μαρ-0- ς = mar-mor meant rock of any kind, and hence Pictet I 132 compares the Skt. mrn-maru stone, rock. But since in later writers the word is used particularly for hevxòs hijos, it not improbably belongs here. Thus å- uavo- ó- s would properly mean “ not gleaming”. But how are we to explain uaūpos of the same meaning, and its derivative uavooùv darken ( Pind. Aesch .) ? Is it possible that here, as in the case of the rt. ska ( No. 112) and the rt. luk (No. 88), the notion has been transformed into its opposite, gleam to gloom ? In this case it would be possible to connect it with the Ch.-Sl. mra -kŭ caligo , mrük-na - ti 6xo tiệeofai, which Leo Meyer Ztschr. VIII 362 compares with vuxtos duolyo. We should have to assume mar-k as an expansion of mar . It appeared doubtful at No. 351 whether naūpo- s bears this same relation to par-ru - s. In a precisely similar way the diphthong ev arises in the following words. Vadɛv was noticed under the rt. ád ( No. 252). - Inasmuch as the augment here unites with the initial digamma to form a diphthong, this form finds its nearest analogies in the Aeolian ευράγ- η X- Fpay- n ( Ahr. 37) and in the reduplicated forms εvé hoxev (No. 660 ), ευέθωκεν (No. 305 ). Eöhnpa reins ( PS 481 ) is also Ho meric Hesych. calls it Ionic –, and it has the by - forms aöangov, äpangov ( Hesych . ). Since the word is explained not only by ηνίον , but also by εμάς , Fελ wind (No. 527) is probably the root , and we must start from X-Fan- 00- v ; just so toonós arrives from Tpénw at the like meaning. 190 BOOK III . I regard the Lat. lô-ru - m as identical with this; it can be referred to a form vlô -ru-m (cp. lupu -s Ch.-Sl. vlúků No. 89 and Corssen 1 ° 312; cp . also volv- o , volü - cru - m , volü -men ). The Graeco - Italic primary form would be vlârom . That hɛt- elv stone and the related words come from the stem höf has been shown at p. 542. We saw at No. 434 that the rt. of veïgo - v , vevoć was snar , and the Latin ner -vu - s showed us that the suffix was fo. Here as in duavpó- s the f is sounded by anticipation as a vowel in the preceding syllable (cp. below p. 669). Again ov, although in sound no doubt identical with ( 517 ) the simple vowel û , is still etymologically often to be regarded as a true diphthong, which is interchanged with of. We have seen that as the stem Zev corresponds to 555 the Skt. Djav, Lat. Jov, so the stem Bov (No. 644) the by -form of Bos, corresponds to the Skt. gav, Lat. bov . This is one of the cases in which it is impossible to decide whether the consonant or the vowel was the earlier. Boú 8061 is found even on the Boeotian inscription C. I. No. 1569, 1. 38. The same is the case with axov- w whose relation to the rt. KoF was discussed at pp. 97 and 151 , and with the Epic and Aeolic ακουή, ακούα, from which we get to the Attic exoń by way of exofn, just as we get from the pres. ακούω to the perf. ακήκο- α by way of ακηκοψα. The assumption of Christ ( 270) , that this verb belongs to the rt. klu and has lost the liquid, is extremely improbable, for x2 is one of the most favourite combinations. The diphthong in äoov- pa, by the side of the present åpó- w, was explained at No. 490 by the supposition of a stem doof. We have witness to the loss of a F by the usual stem form doo especially in proper names like ' Apóa corn - field ( E. Curtius Peloponn. I 436), 'Apoávio- s " an often recurring name for a brook with arable land on each side of it ” (ib. 194) ; o is here ( as in Bo- os) all that remains of ov ; it corresponds to the v of the Lat. arvu - s , arv- a ( = 'Apóa ), arvu - m . - The forms yoðv -a, doño- a and the related words presuppose yovv - e = genu - a , dopv - a , then yovf- a , dopf -a, TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 191 in which the f became afterwards incorporated with the stem- syllable in the same way in which we saw it happen in vejpov. As witness to this we have especially the Thes salian proper name Γόννοι ( cp. Γονόεσσα , Γονείς , Genuα), which must have been developed by assimilation from Γονδοι , like the Aeolie φθέρρω , κτέννω from φθερω, κτενω. Cp. No. 137, 275. - The relation of lou- w to the Lat. lav- o has been sufficiently discussed at No. 547. Forms like ló-a-100-v cannot be explained without a Greek 10F. — The later by -form oủo- v for the Attic 60- V sorbum ; service-berry is likewise to be explained by supposing a form óFo- v to have lived in the mouth of the common people. The derivation of the word was discussed at No. 596. The strange form zpovoeleiv ( Aesch. Prom. 435, Aristoph. Ran. 730) with the meaning abuse, illtreat, Buttmann (Lexil. II 159) tried to explain by supposing a F to have coalesced with the preposition. According to the latest of the complete discussions of the question, that by Clemm in the Acta soc. philol. Lips. I 77 ff., this expla nation is hardly tenable. With regard to this v, preserved in diphthongs and sprung from F, some doubt arises as to whether in its pronunciation it was a vowel or , in part at least , a consonant. Ahrens Aeol. 39 decides on good grounds in ( 518 ) favour of a vowel pronunciation as far as the Aeolic dia lect is concerned. Savelsberg p. 16 assumes a consonantal pronunciation for the Homeric forms. With this view Bekker Writes απέρυσαν , άfίαχοι , έFαδεν , though before consonants he gives v : e. g. sülnga, zahaūpoy, and in the 556 Hom. Blätter he assumes a vowel pronunciation, at any rate for ¿ Fadev, in spite of writing it with the F. But if the change of F to v is undeniable in general , is it not best to take the metre for our guide ? Now the metre points every where in Homer to a vowel pronunciation , and in Pindar in the case of ævóta (Pyth. II 28 , III 24) to the conso nantal one. For the correptio diphthongi in the latter case , which Ahrens holds possible, is essentially the same 192 BOOK III. as the decomposition of av into af. Tycho Mommsen even writes á Fátav. So too it can hardly be doubted that in Alcaeus Fr. 41 we ought to pronounce črxeFɛ, while in Fr. 36 (καδ δε χευάτω μύρον άδυ και το στήθος άμμι) the metre requires the diphthong. Such forms prove how near F and v were to each other. This fact is further proved to demonstration by forms like the Boeotian dative Bu XEÚF® (C. I. 1639) , the Ionic åfvroũ ( C. I. 10) on the one side, and by the Corcyraean ério EdÇELV , 6xEotýkas (C. I. 1838 1. 6, 12 ) , δεήσω by the side of the Homerie έδεύησεν and αδευτόν , ου ουκ άν τις επιδεηθείη. ( Ηesych. ) on the other, and it serves materially to illustrate the later de velopement of the diphthongs av and εv in the pronun ciation of the Greeks. 2 ) o or w as a representative of the F. The change of f into o or w has at first sight the appearance of an anomaly , and for this very reason my assumption of this change has met with strenuous oppo sition especially on the part of Hugo Weber ( Jahn's Jahrb . 1863 p. 602, 1865 p. 550) and of Voretzsch in his work " de inscriptione Cretensi ” so often referred to. Hugo Weber's objections culminate in the words : " since it appears that in Greek a v i . e. u has arisen from an old o , and not o from v , the supposition of a change of v or F to o is by this one fact shown to be baseless ”. There is an error here. It is true that v is etymologically = U , but phone tically it is not. There can be no question that v arose in a comparatively late period of language from u by attenuation , and it is true that v has become the normal representative of the older u , and no one would think of expecting an ordinary o as the representative of this fa vourite sound. But the versatility of sounds rebels here, as elsewhere, against the narrow boundaries within which ( 519 ) H. Weber wants to confine it. Even after the introduction of the later alphabet the sound 20 was never expressed by the originally diphthongal ov with complete consistency . TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 193 In countless instances the stonemasons still had recourse to 0 , which , especially in the Ionic dialect , must have come uncommonly close to ov in its pronunciation. Other- 557 wise how are we to account for the contraction of oo, 0e, and so to ov ? There is an actually established change of an old u to o in the Cyprian dialect , e. g. in aéroouai πέπυσμαι, εράτοθεν xortugev ( Mor. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 366 ). That is to say , instead of the attenuation of the old u to ü that is customary in the other dialects, a dif ferent pronunciation is here introduced, which was at any rate very near to that of the o. – Even the diphthong Ev is also written ko , and this £o the metre sometimes proves to be a true diphthong , e. g. Xu qúool heoxois at the close of a hexameter ( Keil Rhein. Mus. XIX 258), and on the same inscription from Priene Keil fills up a gap as follows : NA (OAOXON. This is just the diph thong in which it is most difficult to imagine that the sound ü can ever have got a firm footing. How are we to account else for the later pronunciation of av like af, and Ev like £f ? Here too we must consider the writing of so to be an attempt at representing , to some extent the old u sound, in a case in which ou could not possibly be used. Since then, as we saw at p. 549, F had a sound apparently almost the same as an irrational u , why should we be surprised if , in a period in which the character of fell into disuse , we occasionally find its place taken by o ? In Öydoov too , when used as a dissyllable in Homer ( see p. 525) , o is phonetically half vowel, half consonant, like the v in daxpúoiol ( 6 173) . The sound of the o came almost as near to that of the F as that of the v did . This is also proved by the tolerably frequent translitera tion (mentioned at p. 530) of the Lat. v by o in Latin words ; e. g. the constantly occurring Kóivros (also Kúv tos, Lobeck El. II 24 , and Kivros), 'Oaléolos ( Inscriptions recueillies à Delphes No. 17 , 1. 87). It took a consider able time for the cumbrous ou to establish itself in its place. This is enough to show, I think , that our hypo CUETITS , Etymology. II. 13 194 BOOK III . thesis has something to stand on after all . There is a difference between sounds which, like the F, began to dis appear early, leaving however some traces behind, and those which remained in existence always. The peculiarity of the former is that they assume all sorts of different shapes. We must not cut everything after the same pattern , nor imagine that we can exhaust the changes of sounds in a few rigid formularies. The change of f to o has the clearest parallel in Old High German, e. g. snéo = Goth. snaivs, falo gen . falwes, where the oldest records have the u still . Here at all events, as H. Weber remarks, o may have arisen immediately from u ; but this applies to Greek ( 520) as well , the only difference being that, as Greek had no simple character for u the intermediate step was never written . After having thus examined generally the probability of this change of sound, which we assert, we must now apply the test to particular instances. We shall begin with words of which hitherto no other tolerably credible explanation has been proposed. Among these comes doúv in Aleman ( Bekk. Anecd . 949, 20 ); this word has already been con sidered by Buttmann A. Gr. I 44 in its connexion with the lengthening of the vowel before dúv and on- pó- v usual in Homer * ) ( oùd ' öo iti dúv etc.), and referred to dFav, dFnv. With Benfey ( II 209) and Leo Meyer (Ztschr. VII 216) we consider this SFav as a shortened form of difāv the accusative from the stem diFa day = Lat. die for dire ( No. 269). This stem can therefore be regarded as Graeco 558

• ) According to Mehlhorn ( Sendschreiben an H. Prof. Ahrens üb.

die Verlängerung durch die Liquidae , Ratibor 1843 , p. 9 ) out of 42 passages 14 are for and none against the lengthening before drvº dngóv occurs 37 times , but only shows lengthening before itself twice, while 7 passages are against it . Mehlhorn would explain this phenomenon by supposing the loss of j, connecting 8jnv immediately with diu , but this excludes docv. Düntzer ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1867 p. 374 finds here again nothing but " metrical lengthening ". — Cp. now Hartel Homerische Studien I p . 14, TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 195 Italic in the form divá. Sanskrit knows only diva-m (neut. ) in the sense of sky, day, and div, dju ( masc. in the Vedas) with the dat. div-ê , the instrumental div- â by day. That the notion a long time' can grow out of this stem is shown by the Lat. diu (cp. inter-diu ) and the Skt. instru mental plur. dju -bhis diu . While Latin keeps both sounds only in diu, and elsewhere now the i , now the v (u ) of this stem : die-s , tri-du - u - m , dú -dum , the i has dis appeared in Greek without a trace , and the acc. dFāv, doáv, dnu — properly a day long come into use as an adv., with which again δηρόν, δηθά, δηναιός are connected. Hugo Weber has no other explanation to propose in the place of this. The relation which dođv bears to the Lat. diem is the same as that of the Homeric doćoodto 'seemed to the im perf. déato already discussed at No. 269. Hesychius's déa tal dozei has received a remarkable confirmation from an inscription. The inscription of Tegea, so rich in peculiar forms, which may now be seen in the most accurate form in Michaelis's recension (Jahn's Jahrb . 1861 Heft 9 ), gives us 11. 10 and 18 the conjunctive to it déatoi, the first time after al nav, the second time after og äv. We can accordingly assume with certainty a middle verb dé-a -uoi I seem , the a of which , like that of špa -uai, is lengthened in the conjunctive (cp. špārai Pind. Pyth . IV 92) . The scholion to § 242 gives deúm (521) by the side of déw as the stem-form of deat'. But since this form suits the context of the scholion no better than the as- 559 sumed future devow, we must no doubt conclude that there is a copyist's mistake here. H. Weber therefore has no right to describe this word as " having authority ", nor further, to assume a form def- ato ; and if we are actually to believe that the aor. dodotato is derived thence by vowel- inten sification - Sofá-66аto therefore, there is not a single analogy for this. In the weak or composite aorist vowel intensification, except where it affects the present stem too, as in heinw , neito , is entirely unknown. The change of & to o is distinctly confined to the perfect and never occurs 13 * 196 BOOK III. in a dissyllabic stem like dea. So this explanation falls to the ground. Hugo Weber seems inclined to assume a special rt. de , do and to regard dok in doxεiv as an ex pansion of it. But doxeîv found its analogies at No. 15, and the rt . de , do vanishes , like so many others of this scholar's construction, into thin air. It is a pure abstrac tion, confirmed by no form of any related language, while our endeavour is to get to know the actual forms of the Indo-Germanic languages in their historical inter-connexion. As regards the form diatoi assumed by Voretzsch p. 21 , it has certainly analogy entirely on its side , and would altogether suit my view of the word , but it rests on a pure conjecture , and that too an inadmissible one, in the very imperfect Cretan inscription C. I. No. 2554 1. 71. At that place Voretzsch reads instead of Boeckh's KAI TTSAE ΟΝΤΑ ΔΙΑ ΤΑ ΧΡΕΩΨΙΑ και πωλέοντα & δίατ ' αχρεώδια, but expecodns in the sense of superfluous is a formation that does not occur anywhere , and seems in no way prob . able. Ficka 94 derives déurai from the rt. di ( Skt. di, didjati they appear ). In that case it would stand for dia ται and would not be connected directly with δοάσσατο .. But the twofold forms are best explained by supposing div to be the common source of both. The form doloi by the side of dúo is explained by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VII 213 to be from an assumeable Skt. dva-ja , while Pott V 275 is doubtful whether the stem dovo arose from 850-10 or DF -10 . It seems to me that the latter view is preferable. For the stem 8Ft ( cp. No. 277) occurs in δίς for δFίς ( Lat. bis) , δι- σσός dri- tja -s and corresponds to the Skt. dvi- which like the Gk. di- repre sents the numeral in compounds, and to the first syllable of the Lat. bi -ni ( for dvini). Hugo Weber brings in deú TE00- s, but I do not see what he gains by it. Of fóarov oßérov (Hesych .) M. Schmidt's explanation is no doubt correct; i . e. that § here represents the soft ( 522 ) sibilant, which was usually denoted by the less appropriate 560 character 6 , while the o like the ß had its origin in the F. TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 197 Compare at the same time the form ζείνωμεν σβέννυμεν ( Hesych. ) , which has lost the v sound altogether. If we might venture to suppose that in the Skt. ( vas (pres. gras-i-mi spiro) the as is certainly the case before a v in qva - çura - s (No. 20) had taken the place of s, we should thus arrive at a rt. svas which would stand well by the side of the Gk. fec. At all events this com parison is not refuted by the comparison of the Lat. quer-i with the Skt. qvas, which Schweizer Ztschr. XII 308 ad vances against it. For in meaning these two roots are wide apart. Still less is there in Leo Meyer's conjecture ( Or. u. Occ. I 518) , that opévvvul is related to the Skt. gas to be exhausted ( causal, to annihilate ), and these two to the Goth. quist- jan destroy. Sound and meaning are both against it. How the origin of the o is to be accounted for is a mystery. The frogs' croak zodę corresponds to Eng. quack and Ovid's sub aqua, sub aqua maledicere tentant (Metam . VI 376) . The Latin coaxare is perhaps only an imitation of zoáč. Just so the sucking pig's xoiçalv corresponds to Eng. squeak ( Bohem . kvič- e-ti grunnire) . Another case in point is the Cretan town "Odgos ( Ahr. 43, Boeckh C. I. II p. 401), as Steph. Byz. calls it, whose inhabitants are called Fóěloc on coins, while elsewhere the common form of the name is " Agos. Apollon. Rhod . I 1131 calls the country Oiogís, using, that is, ou to represent the F where he wants a long syllable, a diphthong which in his time differed but little from v in sound. Steph. Byz. gives ayñver ( No. 654b) as the etymon , and tells us that ážós is the dialectic equivalent for åyuós precipice, breach. In these words as in Kóïvros the accent should be noticed, as it has found its way to the new syllable. To this view Hugo Weber and Voretzsch p. 7 oppose another, built mainly on the extraordinary form CAYEIN C. I. No. 3050. But this form actually occurs only in the subscription, while in the text , which is disfigured by extraordinary blunders, we find EATEISN at several places. This Faīžos, we are, 198 BOOK III. we a to believe, arose from Fá-Faços as also " Oažos, " Ağos. But in substantives, with the exception of onomatopoetic words, reduplication, and that too by means of the heaviest vowel a, is by no means of so frequent occurrence that we may venture to assume it offhand; and the only support of this assumption is , as we see , not exactly a strong one, inasmuch as the Cretan inscriptions from Teos have all come down to us in a very imperfect form , and hence should be used cautiously for etymological purposes (cp . 561 Ahrens 16 ). The av in CAYENN might be the represen ( 523) tative of a duller a sound, as it must be taken to be in tlie Thessal. δαύχνη for δάφνη mentioned at p. 475. The Locrian town Oiávon or Olávteld is in Plutarch also called ' Távtala (Ross Lokr. Inschrift 14) . Unless are to regard ' r as mere copyist's mistake, the easiest course is to explain the word to be fi-avon violet flower, and hence the equivalent of the proper name 'Iávon ( No. 590 ), and even to derive váx-ivfo-s, with a twofold diminutive ending, from the same stem Fio. In the place of the forms Όιλεύς, Όιλιάδης recom mended by Aristarchus, Zenodotus ( Düntzer de Zenod. stud. 50) read ’ Ilɛús, ' Iaiádns, and this was the form used by many later writers, especially by Stesichorus. It is certain that here too the primary form was fideús, which is easily explained by Fian troop ( p. 551 ) . The o in this name, which is established for Homer by the metre, proves the antiquity of the change of F to o. This will serve to correct an attempt made at Ztschr. I 34 to give another account of the origin of the word . The relation of oισ - ύ - α , οισο- ς to Fiτέα , σίτυς has been already discussed at No. 593. No one ever heard of changing to ou . Even Hugo Weber has no other expla nation to suggest. Perhaps the same stem may be traced in the name of the Lacedaemonian town Oitvàog variously written Bei tvlos, Beitovios (Ahrens Dor. 46) . It is clear at any rate that the 0 and the B here arose from F. TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 199 The Thessalian Όλοοσσών cp. Lob. , later Όλοσσόνες El. I 471 probably owes its double o to a F. The name of the Cretan town Olloon with the by form Bhoonv (Ahr. 50) seems to contain an initial o of the same kind. Cp. note on No. 544. On finding the same small Sicilian stream called now " Avis now " Rāvis we are inclined to believe here too in a form Fävis. In Pindar 01. V 26 there is certainly a hiatus before the a too, and this seems to point to a con sonantal initial. There is no objection in the lengthening of the vowel that has arisen from F, which we should have to suppose took place later. We may finally mention őovếa rice. It is clearly a borrowed word, and, as is recognized by Pott II ” 168, and Benfey I 87 (cp. Hehn 369) , seems not so much directly to resemble the Skt. vrihi in sound, as to be an attempt at reproducing a related Persian form which has a sibilant instead of h. It is worth noticing all the same as a proof that the Greeks tried to express a foreign v too by 0 562 Pictet I 273 gives the Afghan urishi which also has a vowel in the place of v. In a few remaining cases it is more difficult to decide ( 524 ) whether o has come from the simple consonant F, or from the syllable of. In the first edition I explained áhoda thresh to be for Faloja - w . But Hugo Weber p. 605 points to the related chev-po- v (No. 527) , which gives us the stem Falaf. From this seems to have arisen Fahof- n , then, with lengthening to compensate for the loss of the F, Falo - ń and Fólw- s ( cp . sław for rhof -w ), and so too the noun - stem FaloF -ld , whence dło- cd- w (1 568 éloia) and åro- é-w are derivatives. The case is the same with yálw- s, for which under No. 124 we gave yal-vo-s as the primary form . seems to point here too to of , whence too yaló- as for podoF- o- s, so that we here regard o as an auxiliary vowel introduced between 2 and F ( op. T- E- Fó- s = tva - s). On the other hand there are no such indications in the triple stem oλoo in όλοόφρων ( No. 555), The w 200 BOOK III. where óloo- s corresponds to the Lat. salru -s, óhool-tpoxo-s (No. 527) , where it corresponds to the Lat. volv -ere, and óloó- s destructive from the still obscure rt. ól (őlavui) . Since we believe we have established the change of f to 0 , the forms 601F- o , Fol- Fo , and ól- Fo are just as possible as col- o -fo , Fol- o -Fo , and ól- o- Fo. 3) i as the representative of F. Christ p. 193 ff. assumes that f is vocalized to i to a large extent. Since 1 is near akin to the v which often represents F, this change has at all events some credibility at first sight. But it disappears at once if we consider that F did not pass immediately into ü but into u , and this would necessitate the assumption of a threefold change - to u , then to ü , then to i – even if the letter actually showed itself in the last metamorphosis. Moreover in most of the cases it is possible to find another explanation of the i. In the first place, as far as the initial i is concerned, we must at once separate from among the words adduced by Christ the proper names ’Iávelpa and 'Iéveoca , since both admit of explanations from other sources, and since the F of evňo (No. 422) has no authority ; and again lépač, since Béopaš which he compares with it, appears in Hesych. not, as Christ says , as a Lacedaemonian , but as a Libyan word , and accordingly has no weight whatever in any question of Greek Etymology. At the same place we read lapečov npóßatov Boūs. Christ ignores the second inter pretation, and uses the first to bring the explained word into connexion with the stem Fapv (No. 496) . Who can doubt ( cp. Ahrens Dor. 115) that lapɛrov lepetov in 563 the sense of hostia is the right reading ? In the case of other words it remains doubtful whether the is not rather a reduplication instead of Fi) e. g. in i-my- ń protection from the wind ( cp. xd -md - ń , i- w- ń) , which at all events Lobeck is right (Prolegg. 307) in putting under the rt. ( 525) Far (No. 654b ). It will hardly be advanced against this that in the only passage in Homer in which the word TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 201 occurs (5 533) there is no trace of an initial F. We find 1 used as the reduplication even of an initial vowel , most clearly in the word l-at - w discussed at No. 587. The same is the case with i -ovlo - s sheaf, which Christ does not mention , by the side of oùlos , whence Demeter got the name ' Iovha and Oủla , clearly from the rt. Fel (No. 527 ), and with lovio - s earth -worm , a word of like origin, which belongs immediately to υάλη, ευλή discussed on p. 550, again with lõixa , aïlaxa where, it is true, the great multi plicity of forms (ädog , aŭla , ať, Ölog) would make it seem less strange if the stem - form iwlx were to differ om the others in form alone, again with impós whose meaning φύλαξ οίκου connects it at least probably with oυρός ( rt . Fop No. 501 ). There remains then only " laxxos by the side of Βάκχος. But Bergk (Griech. Literatur in Ersch u. Gruber's Encyklopädie , 1 , Section 81 p. 315) regards"I-axxos too as reduplicated , for F1- Faxxo- s , so too Savelsberg de dig. 24 , where attention is called to the Homeric à - vía xoi, ä- nzos and other indications of a rt. Fax. Cp. Be-páx- en- s . κραύγασος, όθεν και Βάκχος Hes. In the middle of a word the case is different. The language of Homer presents several instances in which i stands in the place of a faded digamma. But here too the question must be asked in each case whether it is really a change of F to i that has taken place. In the case of many of the words adduced by Christ the answer must be a decided negative. For instance, the u in - dɛ298 ló - s , where the stem dergu ( p. 471 ) appears as delgaf, belongs without a doubt to the derivative termination, and the same may be said of the 1 in xa - i - w , xha - i- w , da- i- a ( burn ), since everything inclines us to regard the i as a lengthening peculiar to the stem of the present tense. This accounts for xavom etc. It is extremely probable that the same is the case with the Epic forms θείειν , πλείειν, Aveleiv , of which at least the second finds an analogy in a kindred language: Ch.-Sl. plov -ja, Lith . pláu -ju (No. 369) . In other words too the 1 is certainly a part of the stem 202 BOOK III. 13 e . g. in oi-wvó- s which we must explain not by of- wvó- s but by ÓFi-wvó- s ( No. 596). In the related ő -i - o - v it is hard to say whether o or 10 is the suffix , but the Argive form őßɛov i . e . (F10- v (No. 597) proves that the i was already in existence before the loss of the digamma. Schleicher ( Hildebrand's Jahrb. I 407) refers Geld to the ( 526 ) primary form jav- já ( so too Sonne Ztschr. XIII 430) . On 564 the supposed forms είως , τείως it is enough to refer to No. 606. The trochaic HEO , TEOX Bekker (Hom. Blätter 227) prefers to write čios, teños because before o and w ai is the Homeric lengthening of ε . But ños,, tños,, with the long vowel that had existed from the beginning, find support in nos. In the adverb as in the noun éos the short vowel is the later. It is less often that the diphthong ou grows out of o. The history of writing does not help us to explain this πνο- ιή by the side of πνοή might be explained by avof- in . More difficulty attends the singular form dyvojo (w 218) , where the i seems to have no raison d'être. Perhaps it is the result of a mere poetic license after the pattern of είλατίνη for ελατίνη, εΐατο for έ - ατο . To the same elass belongs especially οιετής for o-Fετής ( No. 210) by the side of αυετής. How far we are here from actually living forms may be seen among other things from Aristarchus's reading oïtes by the side of őies ( vui 425) i . e. Ófi- eg. In this, as in other questions, there is no chance of arriving at clear views without taking into consideration the conventional character of the Homeric language, which, after a long life of oral tradition in the schools of the bards, was fixed in a written form by scribes who were perfectly conscious of their task, and not subjected to any scientific criticism till the time of the Alexandrine grammarians. Here if anywhere the need appears of pursuing linguistic and literary studies hand in hand. The bold attempts at foisting into the text of the Homeric poems by reckless emendations a crowd of forms, all as ancient as possible, gathered from the stores of Comparative Philology>, attempts which , if consistently PREFIXED VOWELS AS WITNESSES TO A F. 203 pursued would turn Homer's poems from Greek into Indo Germanic, are just as mistaken in their way as the short sighted efforts at casting the Homeric language in the same mould as later Attic. Strictly speaking then there is – as Ebel too decides ( 527 ) ( Jahn's Jahrb. 83 p. 84) no proof of a linguistic change of F to lo When occurring in the middle of the words adduced – and their number might easily be increased (e. g. by lalovoiv No. 543) the F can claim no other effect than that of having caused a lengthening of the preceding vowel, after it had fallen out itself. Such words belong accordingly to the same class as ήείδη for ε-είδη, Baoilñ -os for Baothér -os, treated of by Ebel Ztschr. IV 171 and Brugman Stud. IV 130 ff. It is there clearly shown that the length in such cases is variable, the loss of the semi - vowel being compensated by the length now of the preceding , now of the following vowel ( Baoiléws, éálov ). Cp. Rumpf Jahn's Jahrb . 1860 p. 682. Also alá- w, 206 uevos, 26- vvv-ul ( No. 203) , o6- w and the like, by -forms 565 to the rts. tlu , xu , pu , owe their existence to a similar lengthening, which however is here accompanied by a dulling of the vowel. Perhaps we must assume old forms Alov - w , xov- w, pov- w in which ou acted as an augmented v instead of the usual Ev. w bears the same relation to an ov of this kind that the traditional Doric , and , in the sense of shield , Homeric po-s bears to Bou-s ( Ahrens Dor. 166) . We have already ( p. 562) assumed the same to be the case with άλως, άλω- ή and γάλως. A careful examination of the Ionic dialect , which unfortunately no one has yet given us , would clear up many points in such questions. b ) PREFIXED VOWELS AS WITNESSES TO A DIGAMMA . In the place of the old labial spirant we often find an ε , more seldom an a , now and then the two side by side in the same word in different dialects , e. g. Cretan depoa , Homeric tépon (No. 497) , Skt. varsha-s. In order to decide the difficult question , whether such a vowel arises 204 BOOK III. out of 5 in the same way as the u and o we have just discussed, or was originally prefixed to the F and then kept its place after the F disappeared , in other words, whether the order of the forms was άερσα Fερσα { έέρση or { { ά- Γερσα άερσα Fερσα X -Fepon épon, it will be necessary before all things to make a survey of all existing forms of the kind. The following are probably the only examples of a as the initial letter of digammatized words : ( 528) 㣠9l0- v ( No. 301 ) , as is there shown , from a rt. Feb. delow , which , as we showed at No. 518 , comes from a rt. cFep. åégw by the side of the Skt. vaksh No. 583. άερσα No. 497. cioa, about which a conjecture was given at No. 569, mainly on the ground of divoves in Hesych ., that it belongs to ioos , šion and the Skt. vishu . dirvoo - v vahos ( Hesych. ) I connected in the Quaestiones etymologicae p. IV with the Lat. vitru-m ( No. 284) , hold ing it to be the vulgar Graecized form of the Latin word. 566 M. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 400 calls this comparison in question, explaining the gloss in Hesychius to be a mistake for aiyvoov, rare by- form of avyyoúolov, hypovolov, words , which occur elsewhere in the meaning amber. There is certainly no proof given of this , for what is there to show that, by the side of the names beginning with a given by M. Schmidt for a shining mineral body , this transformed foreign word might not occur in some dialect or other as a name for glass ? Latin words are of common occurrence in Hesychius. ölog ( No. 22) , the Attic form of the Homeric aúlag , ane , Dor. whaš , in Hesych. Öloß , without doubt from the rt. Felk draw. åv- ded vo - s ( I 146, 288 , N 366 ), where Bekker now а . PREFIXED VOWELS AS WITNESSES TO A F. 205 agrees with Benfey in reading ív -éfed -vo- s, and ev-behato -S ( Hesiod Theog. 660) we may, with Christ 213 , place here, though the a as a representative of the , which is else ε where usual in the case of these stems, looks suspicious. The far more frequent ε is discussed by Lobeck El. I 55 ff. The words and forms belonging here are the following : έαγμα ,, interpreted by Zonaras by σύντριμμα i . e. fracture, bruise , and preserved by Suidas in the form arayua , which is merely spelt differently after the fashion of his time , along with εủxatéaxtos (Lob. El. I 59) from the rt. Far break (No. 654). bed va or šedva constantly in Homer, cp. No. 252 , by the side of the less frequent Edva. XELdóuevos Pind. Nem. X 15 and the aor. čelocuevos, ŽELGAU Évn in Homer from the rt. Fid (No. 282). Cp. Bekker Hom. Bl. 156. εείκοσι No. 16. ÉElpóuevos only in the Certamen Hom. et Hesiod. p. 319, 9 (Goettling) in the sense of asking: it is there fore to be added to the traces mentioned at No. 493 of a consonantal initial for the forms of the rt. ép which have this meaning εελδομαι ( Ξ 276) , εέλδεαι ( ε 210) , εέλδεται ( N 638) , (520) Εελδόμενος ( α 409) , Εελδομένων ( μ 438) , Εελδομένοισιν ( Η 4) , ledwo ( A 41 etc.). The rt. FeX - 8 is to be regarded as an expansion of Fel βολ (No. 659) . Xéloci ( Ø 295 ), inf. aor . to rt. Fel ( No. 660) . έέργει ( Β 617 , Ι 404 etc.) , εέργουσιν (λ 503) , εεργό uevou ( N 525) rt . Fepr ( No. 142). ÉÉpon by the side of äepoa just mentioned ( No. 497). tion by the side of aioa (No. 569). I cannot agree with any of the other explanations of this word. {ópyn with the by - form εvéoyn, given by Pollux VI 567 88 among culinary utensils, and interpreted by topúvn, i . e. ladle , stirrer ( tudicula ), together with its derivative top vñoai ropuvñoai (ib .) and doyábelv, knead , are placed 206 BOOK III. correctly no doubt by Lobeck El. I 63 with oyógaofai, and hence under our rt. Fepr (No. 141). The by - form ɛvéoyn belongs to the examples of F vocalized to v discussed above. The same rt. appears in connexion with quite another meaning in nav-oữoyo- s, where the ov may be explained from rav- Eogyo- s , and hence likewise from a form with a prothetic ε , though possibly from nav- o0oyo- s for παν- Γοργο- ς. εορτή (Herod. ορτή) is shown by the irregular augment of its derivative ĉopráca ( Emotačov) to belong here. The connection with čodw however, conjectured by Lobeck El. I 63 , is quite inadmissible , because the d of žodw arose out of y (No. 141 ) . If it could only be proved that, as Sonne Ztschr. XIII 442 conjectures, é -optń stood for Fa Foorn , we should have to take another view of the ε. Cp. below p. 595. The forms συν- ε- οχμό- ς joint and έ -εχ-μένη συνεχομένη (Hesych .) have been already mentioned under the rt. Fex (No. 169) . απ- εωστό-ν απωθητόν , as we ought probably to read the interpretation in Hesych. instead of dróuntov , is a fresh trace of the F in the rt. oo besides those given at No. 324 . At p. 38 we expressed the belief that Roth was right in regarding the n in ™ -19-80 -s (rt. vidl) as lengthened from a prothetic ε. Since in post - Homeric times the è of these words was regarded as a mere pleonasm , it is not surprising that this sound should have been introduced by mistaken imitators of an apparent license, in stems which show not a trace of a F, as especially in éédusvai (Empedocl. ) rt. έδ ( No. 279) , έέσχατος explained by Suidas as ο έσχατος, belonging to έξ ( No. 583b) , ενέεικαν ήνεγκον, ενεείκω Évéyxa ( Hesych .), mentioned at No. 424. Formations of this kind must be regarded as aberrations of the linguistic sense : they were never incorporated into the living lang uage. We expressed a doubt at No. 599 whether the PREFIXED VOWELS AS WITNESSES TO A F. 207 > same was the case with ( Hesiod Theog. 145). The form occurs again in the Anthology , and Herodian tepi uovýpovs déžews p. 18 mentions it. It almost looks as if aberrations of the kind cannot be excluded even from the Homeric poems. The more carefully they are examined in reference to their dialectic peculiarities , the more do they assume an appearance of a vast patchwork some of the stuff very old , some new *). I. Bekker says in the Hom . Blätter 1 p. 156 note 568 “ although živato and éxitato ' went ' seem also to have the digamma". The facts are as follows. In čiul, iøv, ËTELOL etc. there is never any but a vowel initial . On the other hand out of the 16 verses in which the middle forms είσομαι , είσατο occur, 7 , either by a hiatus (επιείσομαι Λ 367 , Υ 454 , επιεισαμένη Φ 424 , καταείσατο Λ 358), or by a prefixed ε (αντ' Αίαντος εείσατο ο 415 , τω μεν ¿ Elváo tnv 0 544, ep. x 89) seem to point to a consonantal initial; and to these cases 4 may be added in which the hiatus might after all find an excuse in the bucolic caesura ( διαπρο δε είσατο χαλκός Ε 538 , P 518 , ω 524 , cp. Δ 138). Two passages are neutral, because the verse begins with ciboudi , sifato , and only 3 are against the digamma ( πάλιν είσομαι Ω 462 , δεύρ' είσεται ο 213 , μετεισάμενος N 90). We may add Apollon . Rhod. II 372 diQELļévos ( ? cp. Buttmann Ausf. Gr. I 541 ). Now are we on this account to separate these forms from the others of precisely the same meaning belonging to the rt. i , and connect them , say , with the rt. Fı mentioned at p. 108 , a course which is easy to advise, but hard to defend ? Or ought we not rather to assume that the bards themselves, having no fixed rule for the use of the F, which was for them already half obsolete, were misled by the false analogy of leivato (seemed) , and put in the ε before cioato (went) as well, where it suited the verse , and allowed the hiatus from the same reason ? The latter seems the more probable

• ) Cp. A. Leskien “ Studien " II 68.

208 BOOK III . E. to me, however little it agrees with the prevailing views on the subject. We now come to the main question, how are the vowels a and ε in the forms above collected to be regarded ? The best explanation the older school of grammarians had to give was that of πλεονασμός or πρόσθεσις (Lob. ΕΙ.Ι 56) . In later times Hoffmann has maintained decidedly ( Quaest. Hom. II p. 10) that was changed into the vowel This is much the same as Bopp's view (Vgl. Gr. II ? 105) : at all events he talks of a melting into ĉ in the case of reoio. But the majority of modern grammarians are of the opposite opinion , that a and ε are prefixed vowels after which the spirant did not fall out till later, ( 531 ) a view held especially by Buttmann Lexilogus I 145 f ., Giese 285, Ahrens Dor. 257 , I. Bekker Homer. Blätter 133 , where comparison is made with “ the e prefixed in Romance languages for the sake of ease of pronunciation (escalier, espada ) " , Savelsberg 11 , Pohl 21 , Rumpf in his elaborate review of Bekker's Homer Jahn's Jahrb. 81 , P. 680 ff., Schleicher Compend.? 219. Christ adopts a 569 middle course ( 196) , and regards the ε as a prefix when it is at the beginning of a word , and as a transformed F when it is in the middle. There would be no great wonder in the change of F into — through the medium of the vowel u perhaps especially if we imagine the e to be half mute, like that which has arisen in innumer able cases from a u in 0.-H.-G. and N.-H.-G. We have a specially good example of this in the ε which takes the place of the final stem - vowel in the inflexion of adjectives and substantives whose stems end in v : ņdé-os, ndé-01 , άστε-ι, πρέσβε -σι , and also in the feminine form ήδε-ία , for the testimony of the related languages is by no means universal in favour of an εv which has grown by addition of sound out of a v. Certainly the a could hardly be explained as a metamorphosis of the u , since it is without doubt farthest removed of all vowels from the region of the lips, and never springs from other vowels. Therefore after mature and repeated PREFIXED VOWELS AS WITNESSES TO A F. 209 consideration of the question I am now decidedly in favour of the second of the above solutions. The following are the main grounds for my decision . In certain cases we can be quite sure that an a or ĉ was prefixed to the F, because the old digamma still exists after these vowels in the form of v , e . g. in aſampov and söknoa ( p. 554) , in žúrádas äunelor from the rt . Fi ( cp. p. 551 ) , in avlag i . e. ů-Flor-s ( p. 566). It is accordingly clearly proved that a prothetic a and ε were prefixed to a f as well as to liquids and nasals , as in dreiga (No. 310) , čovgoós (No. 306) , ¿ hazú -s (No. 168) , dueúw ( No. 450 ). It is probable too that some forms , in which at first sight of seems to have been transposed from the beginning to the middle of the word , are to be explained in the same way. Even Buttmann whose sound keen judgment seldom forsook him in these questions, connects (Lexil. I 146) the Homeric & Űundo- s (No. 19) with the likewise Homeric form érnio- s, assuming an intermediate form & -Fex -n2o-s, whence by syncope XFxyło- s, and, by vocalization of the F, exnios. Giese p. 271 is , I think, wrong in abandoning this explanation and returning to metathesis. Hugo Weber's objections to this view ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p. 608) fail to convince me that it is mistaken . If, as we see , the acute accent fell in έ- εδνα , έερσα , έαγμα on a syllable which arose at a later time under the influence of phonetic tendencies, why could not this happen in the case of X -Funio -s ? and if an accented vowel can disappear from the end of παρά , κατά , ανά , why not from the middle of a word as well ? (Cp. Stud. IV 223 ff. (532) xüxnios has moreover been influenced no doubt by the analogy of εύ (cp. εύαδεν) . On the other hand, in the case of the forms Fa and đF ( No. 587) there is much to show that both forms existed from a very early period side by side. — On aŭz we may refer to No. 159 , 583 , on 570 aúd by the side of åred and vad to No. 298. – In oupa vós , which at No. 509 we identified with the Skt. Var una - s, I cannot regard it as proved that we have a trans position of Fop-avo- s. It might e . g. have come from CUPTICS, Etymology. II . 14 210 BOOK III. Fop -avo- s by - way of bop- avo- s. The Dor. ápavós suits the latter assumption ; and we should of course have to regard the first o as the direct representative of the F. We must at any rate assume the same tendency to support the sound w by a vowel after preceding consonants in the middle of a word as when initial. In this manner we arrive at the simplest explanation of the possessive pronouns TEO- s , éó- s. With Rumpf ( Jahn's Jahrb. 81 p. 683 ff.) and Schleicher ( Compend.3 213) we must from the stems tfɛ and ofɛ derive tefɛ and OEFɛ , and thence the Graeco Italic tevo- s , sevo - s (cp. Lith. savd -s - is No. 601) , forms which then became in Latin tovo-s, sovo - s, later tuu - s, suu - s , in Greek with expulsion of the F teó- s , ó - s. We take the same view of the ε in the corresponding forms of the personal pronouns , which Rumpf ( ut supra ) discusses thoroughly, and in the inflexion etc. of the stems in v. The Skt. svûdv -î may be regarded as the primary form of the fem. of svadu ýdv. From ofadf - la came first oFadɛF-la, then oföde- la , Gradeia , údɛia. In time & showed itself before all vowel endings (ýdéos, üdéi, ndéa, ndéws), so that the language came to regard this sound as the final letter of the stem , and so to admit it even in the dat. plur. , where it is hardly lawful to assume a form YDEF- 61 (Skt. svâdu -shu ). It should be noticed however that in this point the diphthong stems differ : βασιλεύ- σι , βου- σί. The appearance of this auxiliary vowel between consonants - a phenomenon called åvántvšis by the older grammar ians (Lobeck El. I 436) has also numerous analogies, especially before and after liquids and nasals, as we shall see at p. 718. It is worth noticing, in reference to the doubt expressed above , that several of the vowels that arose in this manner have the chief accent, which, as see, fell on this syllable in the Latin tovo- s too. — If then it is an established fact in the first place , that for certain forms the assumption of a prefixed vowel is necessity ; if , in the second,, a vowel of the character creeps in before other consonants, as well we a same TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 211 at the beginning as in the middle of words , under precisely (533) similar conditions; if, thirdly, forms arrived at on the ana logy of these furnish us with a simple explanation of the forms which actually occur , we may venture , I think , to regard this explanation as established , and consequently to deny that F was ever actually changed into a or E. c) F TRANSFORMED TO OTHER CONSONANTS. 571 > 1 ) B. There can be no doubt that of all the usual marks left in Greek by a vanished F none denoted a sound more nearly approaching to the sound v than B. It is true that, when the Greeks began to write in their own character Roman names and words , ß was as yet by no means the universal and complete representative of the sound given to it by the modern Greeks , as may be seen from the fact that ß always stood for the Latin b, and conversely b for B , while on the other hand ß was only partially used – i. e. alternately with ov and o0 – to denote the Latin 1. But ß must always have had a remarkably soft sound, one that was near to v, and in the course of time be came identical with it. Since our grammarians and lexico graphers all belong to a time in which the softening had become pretty general, it is often quite impossible to decide whether a ß, which they have handed down to us, is merely the written representative of the labial spirant, or whether the actual sound of the spirant has been hardened to that of the kindred explosive. Christ p. 177 escapes the difficulty altogether by treating all kinds of B as one, whether Greek, Latin or Sanskrit, spoken or written , the ß (e . g. ) of Galanos in the eighteenth century v that is or the of old Greek. In order to be sure of our footing, we shall always apply ourselves first to such words and forms as we know to have been actually used in old times, and then proceed to those which , given possibly by lexico graphers according to their pronunciation, perhaps are 14 * 212 BOOK III . witnesses rather to the preservation than the change of the spirant. Words which are decidedly given as Doric or Aeolic we shall omit altogether, since we have nothing essential to add to Ahrens's exhaustive treatment of the subject ( Aeol. 33 ff., Dor. 44 ff.: cf. Voretzsch de inscr. Cret. p . 5) . It is beyond question that in early Greek ß had not the same sound as F , for we are told of a change of F to ß before o even in Alcaeus and Sappho, ( 534) in whose texts F was written before vowels. Nor have we any reason to assume that, when the Attic dialect was at its best, the labial spirant, which at that very time had entirely disappeared from that part of Greece, was actually retained in the form B. On the contrary there is no doubt that in such cases we have to do with a hardening of the F to the explosive , a process which finds countless ana 572 logies in the Teutonic languages and in Irish . For instance in Y.-H.-G. after 1 and r an old w becomes b : Schwalbe, Farbe = 0.-H.-G. sualawâ, farawa (Grimm Gr. I 525) . In Irish we find tarb taurus, delb imago , fedb vidua by the side of the Cymr. taru , delw , gueddw ( Z.2 54 ). In the Ch.-Sl. personal pronouns also , tebe , sebe, the b is hardened from v acc. to Schleicher Kslaw. 280. A minute investigation will show that there exist in Greek, at all events within a considerable range, distinct phonetic inducements to this change. It is no mere chance, I believe , that the F has often undergone this transformation before or after o or v. o and v are the vowels most nearly related to the F. Just as the Romans showed their dislike to the combinations ru and wv among other ways by changing the spirant into b , e. g. in ferb-ui from the stem ferv and in bub- ile for bor- ile , so the change of Fol (Lat. vol-o ) to Bor Boúhouar ( No. 659), with which change may be compared that of Foλόεις ( Όλούς) to Boλόεις (Βολοέντιοι ) on the Cretan inscription edited by Voretzsch , seems like wise to arise from dissimilation, whence we .then get an explanation of the relation of Bol to Feld , Feid. – Of the same kind is θόρυβο- ς wlhose connexion with θρέομαι, TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 213 Fp60- s , fpùlo- s is brought out at No. 317. The o originates in the eventv &is before mentioned ; the suffix we may con jecture to be -Fo = Lat. rovo ( cli- vuru-s , sal-ru -s ), which here became -Po. Lobeck El . I 72 .conjectured that ißvę, the name of an όρνειον κρακτικόν ,, together with the proper name " IBvxos were connected with lúčelv scream ( ivyń, ivyuós). The intermediate step would be the stem form iFuy. xhoſó- s cage, dim . xwßiov, is no doubt connected with the st . wlas i . e. with nin -i-s clâri- s ( No. 59). xoloſó- s mutilated , which has also the same meaning as the Homeric xóło- s and is evidently connected with nohoú- w mutilate ( No. 114) , is without a doubt formed like óloó - s (No. 555) sal-ru - s. In the verb the di gamma has become a vowel , in the adj. it has changed to B. The rt. must be the same as that of the Lat. cellere strike (per-cellere, cul-ter), with which we have also connected anov (No. 55)). From this is formed first rólo- s , then 202050 - s, and later xoloſó -s, which bears to the shorter form the same relation as the Lat, amb-ig-uu -s does to prod -ig-u - s, and then finally the verb xolov- w ( perhaps for xolofjo , Schleicher Comp. ? 779) , which is related to the stem of the adjective as βασιλεύ- ω is to βασιλευ, μεθύ- ω to μεθυ. The forms uólv -Bo -s, uóli - Bo- s have been discussed ( 535 ) at No. 552 , where the words of the same meaning from the related languages with a v are given. 02-20 -S was set down at No. 555 as the abstract substantive to loo -s = salvu - s, in the sense of sali - s. This is supported by the accent, for 02.30 -s : óloó- s θέρμη : θερμή. This ety mology, which falls in with the remarks of Lobeck Rhem . 573 111 , seems to deserve precedence over the earlier ones both in respect of sound and meaning. όροβο - ς was recognized at No. 494 to be identical with the Lat. erru - m . The change to the medial has here the analogy of the N.-H.-G. Erbse, 0.-H.-G. arauriz. The derivative èoéß -ıvto- s probably owes its ß to the primitive form of the word. The change of f to B is to be seen particularly plainly in the Coreyraean form 7oßog (C. I. No. 1909) by the side 214 BOOK III. 1 of 70F0- ( OPCOZIAPOE) on another inscription from the same island discussed by Wachsmuth in the Rhein . Museum XVIII 575 and Bergmann Hermes II 139 , which , acc. to Kirchhoff (zur Geschichte des Alphabets 2 80), is far older. The Ionic ουρος is related to όρος as νεύρο-v (above p. 554) is to nervu - s . We may also , with Hugo Weber ( Jahn's Jahrb . 1863 p. 608) , put with these the not very numerous nouns in -apo- s ( fem . -aßn) . xdoa-po- s beetle, ravva- po- s model ( from rávvai reed acc. to Lobeck Proleg. p . 268 ), 'Exé -pn (I. Bekker Hom . Bl. 292) very likely were originally of the same formation as éya -vó-s, nepa- ó-s ( cervu -s), κρανα-ό- ς, ταλα- ό- ς. There are other instances in which it is possible that a f following an o has passed into B. At No. 574 reference was made to the undeniable connexion between 6oß-é -w scare, 6oß- apó- s vehement, overbearing with oɛv - o rt. ou (έσσευμένως , σούται Dor. σώμαι) . σαυ- αρό- ς, there mentioned, = 602 -apó -s in Hesych. would be related to the form with B as xolov- w is to xolopos. It is true that the gloss does not stand at the place where the alphabetical arrangement would lead us to expect it , and this makes it suspicious. – The Lacedaemonian cßá, the name of a division of the country , also belongs here. That the ß in this word re presents an older F is proved by the by - forms orý saun, ώας τας κώμας ( cod. κόμας) , ουαί φυλαί, "Όα , Όη, Οιη an Attic deme, oin = xoun in Apoll. Rhod. II 139 ( M. Schmidt Ztschr. 1X 366) , oińtn- s xwuýtns Soph. fr. 130N. The Homeric Únep-aľo -v may also be naturally connected with these words. Since there is not a trace here of an initial digamma - for the Cretan úneopaïa given by Pott is the name of a festival (Franz Elem. Epigr. 210) that does not belong here at all or of a 6 in the middle of the word , the connexion with the Skt. vas mentioned at No. 206 is doubtful. It would be more allowable to assume a rt. of identical with aF, iaów (No.587) ( 436 ) --- to which belong aủań, aúlís - with the meaning dwell , a meaning which bears the same relation to that of sleep , that κώμη does to κείσθαι . Among the dialectic forms collected TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 215 > by Ahrens we may add to our present list drpoßão fat, όρoύβω, ώβεα ώα, έξωβάδια – ενώτια . In oρoύβω the spirant , which we should have expected in the place 574 of B, whether as a matter of mere writing or of pronunci ation as well, has developed just as in Bouß-cho-s ( p. 471 ) or as in doloteúfovta (Archäol. Ztg. Dec. 1846) . Cp. Taqv Fóvns on a vase from Volci (Kirchhoff z . Gesch. d. Alphabets? 112) and p. 556. In Lesbian Aeolic f before e regularly became B ( Ahrens 31) : Boodo- v , Boíça. The same change occurs in some words at least in ordinary Greek . Boézo was referred at No. 166b to a rt. vragh. Bod- oow , Boc- s- w boil, ferment, with the substantives Boco- ud , Boaouó-s, used also for the sea - surf and especially in Boaotý -s of earth quakes, forcibly reminds us of the Slavo - Lettic verbs of cooking and boiling : Ch.-Sl. vr - ě - ti fervere, vrenije Bocoud, iz -vir - a - ti Bogelv, varŭ xavua , tar - i- ti téttelv, Lith. vir - ti cook , boil, vir - ti - s whirlpool , eddy ( Lex. ). From a rt . Fap might come by metathesis Bpa , and by expansion by t βρατ-jω βράσσω , like ερέσσω from ερ ερετ (Νο. 492). Ср. Corssen Nachtr. 222. So that probably Boaoida -s meant Hot- head. The name of the Cretan hero Bocolha - s would be better explained by the rt. Bpat , corresponding to the Lat. vert turn , and occurring perhaps in Boat-évn by the side of pat-évn ladle. In that case the word would mean Turner of the people , Tpónatos. With this rt. var boil perhaps the 0.-H.-G. wal-m fervor, wal-i tepor is also con nected. I do not see how to establish phonetic connexion with Bou -atv boil or bubble up , though in meaning it comes as near to our present rt. as the Carlsbad “ Sprudel" (bubbling spring ) does to Vary the oldest name for Carls bad. - We may, with some approximation to certainty, place Boéras here, as I have already done in the note to Overbeck's essay in the Transactions of the k . s . Ges. d . Wissensch. 1864 p . 248. If we take -tas to be the suffix , which bears the same relation to the -tos of xú- ros , xn τος that ας (τέρ-ας, γέρ- ας ) does to oς (γέν- ος , τέλ-ος), we - 216 BOOK III. are left with Bpe as the rt . , and it is extremely probable that this is identical with the same tar guard , watch , from which at No. 501 we derived on the one side opăv, oủpos, and on the other vereri, rerereri. We have a de cided proof of the early application of the rt. var to the worship of the gods in the Skt. vra-ta-m sacred act , vow , Zd. varena (m. ) faith , with which Pictet II 692 connects the Slavonic word for faith Ch.-Sl. vera rioris, viriti il στεύειν . Accordingly βρέ-τας would mean something wor shipped, a very apt name for this the oldest name for the (437) image of a god. We are tempted to place here also the word éoptń ( for å-F09-tń ) noticed on p. 567. Its proper meaning would then be worship. The by - form žooti- s ( prob. for å -F90- t1 -s) discussed by Ahrens Aeol. 158 is not against this. — vapoó- s fawn ( Pott Il1 235 , Benfey II 51 ), ought no more to be separated from vecpó- s, i . e. vɛF-200- s 575 young than the Lat. pullu -s from puer, or juven - ca from juren -i-s. The influence of the is unmistakeable in the stem praot (p. 538), whose relation to the Skt. vardh has been clearly explained . The influence of the preceding o is perhaps the ex planation of the B , not only in oßé- vvv - ul which was above ( p. 559) connected with Códoov , but in qÃoio -Bo- s from the st . phoid (No. 412e), and perhaps in the proper name Olo - Bn as well, if it really is connected with the rt. Jag ( p. 509 note). Otherwise Pott W. I. 999. Still more clear is the relation of inío -Bn énárn (Hesych.) to the st. adet (ep. p . 546) αλιταίνω , αλείτης ; αλίσ-βη then is probably for άλιτ-Γη. énißda the day after the festival and pro verbially used for the morrow (τραχείαν ερπόντων προς Énißdav Pind. Pyth. IV 140) , is conjecturally referred by Pott 1 ' 143, W. I 29, who follows in the track of the old explanations (Hesych ., Lobeck Paralipp. 221), to łnißáda . But neitlier επιβάδης nor even επιβαίνειν is ever to be found in the sense of succeeding. The following day is ñ ériovoa . Benfey's conjecture ( II 71), that the word comes from iſdn plug, is not at all a probable one. Hence we get warrant for the conjecture TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 217 that ¿ri-fda arose by metathesis from éni-difa i . e. the same st. diFa day , which we arrived at on p. 538 for doé -v, corresponding to the Lat. die- s. We met with another trace of this stem at No. 269. Thus ini-bda would be the next day , just as nidaitpov is the after meal, B arising by assimilation from F. The metathesis may be explained by the disinclination of the Greeks and Italians to the combinations df, oß. After deducting the words just discussed, in which it appeared that there were phonetic grounds to be found for the hardening of the F, we are left with but few words in which it seems probable that the same change took place . Το these belongs αμείβω by the side of the Dor. άμεύω (No. 450), which, as I conjecture, arose from đạef - jw and perhaps owes its B to the influence of the j. βίκο - ς (Eustath . ) , Bix- ío - v xúcuos corresponds to the Lat. vic -ia ( Pott 1 ' 120) , perhaps also to the synonymous Lith . viki-s, Bohem. vika , vikev , unless these are borrowed from the Germ. Wicke vetch , and consequently indirectly from the Lat. vicia . Since the word ( cp. Dind. in Steph. Thes. ) is expressly declared not to be Attic, and is not quoted from any but late authors, the ß here is less surprising. — * ßn(538) youth, youth's pleasures, whence nßé- w, Ýßé- or- w, ñBn-rne 10 - v , ¿ v -nontolo - v place of amusement, ën -nßo -s etc. were connected, first, I think, by Pott I ' 113, with the Skt. juvan = Lat. juven -i -s ( juven - cu - s, juven - ca , jún - ix or juven -ix Plaut. Mil. 304 R.), Goth. jugg- s, Lith . jáuna - s, Ch.-Sl. juni young. He explained the n from the Skt. comparative 576 jar-íjas, superl. jav- ishta - s. The Zd . yavan = Skt. juvan also belongs to the latter forms. Benfey II 210 , Leger lotz Ztschr. VII 298 , Christ 152 follow him in this. We must assume a pre- Greek jáv-â or perhaps jáv- jâ. The a belongs to that higher stage which is called in Skt. Viddhi, and bears to the a of jav- íjas the same relation that the n of Brosa i. e. Bno- je does to the a of patv- s, or the w of õa fleece to the o of õis Skt. avi- s. It should be noticed that even the Dorians usually retain the n in 218 BOOK III. 1 this stem ( Ahr. 151 ) . There was, however, a'Aßačov in Aegina (Kekule ' Hebe' p. 3) . This happens in a few other cases, in which either the stem- syllable itself originally contained a diphthong with 1 , as is the case in nxw rt . ik , 87-20- s rt . dif ( No. 269) , ñow- s related to the Skt. vîra -s Lat. vir, Goth. vair, Lith . výra- s, or an i appears in the next syllable, as is the case in ημι-, κρηπί- ς , μήτι -ς , πηκτί- ς , or may be assumed to have existed , as in noowv. Since then in dueißa we ascribed the hardening of the F into B to the influence of the originally succeeding j, perhaps the simplest solution of the difficulty in the case of non is to assume jáv- já to have been the primary form. On the suffix jâ, which is widely spread over all the Indo- Germanic languages, cp. Bopp Vgl. Gr. III 336. Sonne Ztschr. X 176 ventures quite a different etymology of ißn , but it can hardly be correct. We shall have again to refer to the possibility of connecting the Homeric ai&no -í young men, with non. GÉB - w , worship, in Homer only A 242 σέβεσθε, and oftener σέβας , σεβάσσατο , with the idea of awe , were discussed above ( p. 529 ) with reference to the mistaken comparison with the Skt. sap. An older com parison is that with the Skt. sêv colere , venerari ( though also frui, Bopp Gl. , Vergl. Gr. 1 ? 238 , Pott l ' 226 , Benf. I 406) . Since the Skt. ê occasionally arises from a redu plicated a ( Vergl. Gr . II ? 318) , sêv may be referred to to sa - sav, and the sav so arrived at would then correspond to the Gk. Oeß. Still this comparison would remain uncertain but for the support given by the Lat. sevêr- us. For serêr- us, which suggests a lost stem seves, similar to the decor from which decóru - s was formed , agrees perfectly in meaning with gép -ag, 6eu- vó- s ( for 6EF- vo- s) and Gép -E20 - s* úbaßńs, di nalog Hes. Pott too ( I ' 124) explains sériu - s from serr- iu - s; (539) it is a derivative in -io like the Gk. gílio -s from qiho - s ( Pott II ' 493). This connexion thus acquires great prob ability , although no decided grounds are to be seen for the transition of the digamma to B in this instance. I do 577 not feel convinced by the objections of Pott W. I 1353 TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 219 and Corssen 1 ? 465. On φλέψ , stem φλεβ from φλε , cp. p. 303. In the case of several other stems, for which this transition has been assumed, it must be decidedly rejected, especially in poco speak ( fut. Báčo , cp. Báži - s) , whose rt. Bar can have nothing to do with the Skt. vad , in Banßi- s threshold, barrier, battlement , which belongs to the rt. Ba (cp. Bn- ló- s threshold , Bagui-s etc.) and is as far as can be from the Lat. val-va folding door, in pi- a force, whose rt. we saw above (No. 639) to be Bi Yi , and whose B therefore is in no case to be traced to the F of Fi- s Lat. ris. With the whole of this section cp. Leo Meyer I 86. 2) u. That the labial spirant can change to the labial nasal has been habitually recognized in etymology since Pott 11 223. The comparative study of languages has on this point adopted the doctrine of earlier grammarians of a pleonastic u, reviewed by Lobeck El. I 114. Bopp Vergl. Gr. 1 ° 38 mentions this change. According to Benfey I 89 the change of v to m is “common and well known”, Legerlotz Ztschr. VII 135 knows of 'a dozen or so of words, in which the change takes place ; Christ p. 98, 181 ff. gives more than a dozen or so, and Leo Meyer about a dozen. Savelsberg de dig. 31 comes very near to my views on the subject. Fick Ztschr. XX 174 denies this change for ordinary Greek, and Hugo Weber Jahn's Jahrb . 1863 p. 608 and Philol. XVI 657 will rot allow it at all . On general grounds it is impossible to deny the relationship of the two sounds, though of course it by no means follows from this that they are actually exchanged the one for the other. On looking round for analogies we find, as I am told by my former colleague Dillmann, that in the Semitic languages m passes into V , and the same change may be perceived in the Teutonic languages. We can , for instance, hardly separate the plur. of the first pers. pronoun in Skt. and Teutonic vaj-am , Goth. reis we, from the stem of the sing. 220 BOOK IU . ma. It is doubtful whether the South - German dialectic mir for wir contains this same m , or has changed w to m . Still Schweizer gives a few other instances (Ztschr. XII 309) froin German dialects of m = 1 , e. g . munzig = winzig.. In the Keltic languages every m between vowels becomes V , or at least gets a pronunciation like that of v (Z. ? 42. 114 ). The Lith . vidu -s, the inside, vid- ui ué6601, vidurý- s ( 540 middle was connected at No. 469 with uéco- s , mediu - s. 578 Schleicher (Ksl. 135 ) gives two instances, which are hardly indisputable, of the change of an Indo - Germanic m to a Ch.-Sl. v . ( črůr; worm Skt. krmi-s, përů = primus). Moldau, the Germanized form of the Bohemian Vltava, shows the reverse change. Since such relations exist between the sounds v and m there is nothing essentially absurd in the assumption of a change of the one to the other. Whether or not such a change actually took place will entirely depend on the question whether we can find a list of words containing the two letters, the meaning of which admits of a natural connexion between them. If we take the Greek words that fall into this cate gory in the order of probability , we shall most naturally begin with duvó- s. It can hardly be doubted that Benfey I 116 is right in connecting this with öis Skt. avi- s ( No. 595). It corresponds exactly to the Lith . árina- s wether. Consequently du- vó- s stands for & Fi -vo -s (cp. hay.l- vó- s , naid vó- s) and means properly ovilis, whence the transition is easy to the meaning lamb. The preservation of the a in contra distinction to ői-s finds an analogy in the Lat. arilla. More doubt attaches to the origin of the Lat. agnu - s, whose g Benfey likewise derives from v ; but we might also suppose that, like apru - gnu -s, it is compounded with the rt . gen , and that the a by itself is the representative of the stem avi-. Besides we have also to consider the Ch.-Sl. agnici agnu - s. However this may be , there is no doubt that in the Gk. word the ļ arose from F, though it may here be explained to be due to the influence of the following v ( cp. Geu -vo - s P. 576 ), and consequently it is of no more value as evidence TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 221 for the change in other combinations than e. g. Lat. som nu - s from sop - nu - s is for the general relationship between p and m. We must here place a number of words, in which without doubt an initial u confronts a clearly established initial f, and in which the meaning also presents no obs tacle to the connexion of the two forms. idé- w grind, along with ödevpo- v meal and the other related words, have been discussed at No. 527, i . e . have been assigned to the rt . Fe , Fall . If then we have good grounds for assuming a form Fóhevpov, we have to choose, in reference to the well authenticated μάλευρον ülevoov ( cp. Stephan. Thes. sub voc., Schmidt ad Hesych. III p. 67) between two courses : either with Buttmann Lexil. I 195 we must derive the rt. ůl, Fal from an older uan, and consequently identify it with No. 481 uul Lat. mol- o , Goth. mal-an — against which view it is especially to be urged that it is very unlikely that the F, a sound never a favourite with the Greeks, should have ever taken the place of another, least of all of the very convenient and common u must here allow of the change of F to u. For it seems 579 to me hardly possible to conceive, in the third place, that different Greek dialects, perhaps, had formed for one and the same idea two words of such peeuliar formation, re- ( 511 ) sembling each other in all but the initial, from two utterly unconnected roots. Hugo Weber, who is fond of believing in such marvellous freaks of chance, has only one reason able objection to urge to my view , i . e. that the of of áhéa áhevoov is not positively established . But does it not constantly happen that we have no doubt of the existence of this sound, though every trace of it has dis appeared ? His own idea , that perhaps dhéw grind be longs to éhão fai wander, has nothing convincing about it, while the words that I have associated together have meanings which are closely allied. Weber's assertion, that the identification of άλευρον and μάλευρον involves the comparison of the whole rt. Fal with mol, I must distinctly or we > 222 BOOK III. deny. The meanings, which in the one case are com pletely equivalent, widely diverge in the other. Moreover the m of uúko- s , molo is attested by a number of lang uages, while uáhevpov is a rare form , which is far removed by its vowel too from uúhos. uatló- s tuft of hair, cor responds exactly to the meaning of the Lat. villu - s and of the unquestionably related' vellus (cp. anyaoi- uchdo-s), which latter words were compared at No. 496 with the Gk. oùlo- s curly , Goth. vulla and Féplo- v. It follows that uarkó- s stands in all probability for Fahlo- s , though it is true that very discrepant views are held with reference to the word μήλον sheep, which is not far removed from μαλλός. ( Cp. also Fick Ztschr. XX 176.) For Jac. Grimm Gesch . 33 compares the word with the 0.-N. smali pecus , smal parvus in the sense of small cattle , Hugo Weber Etym . Unters. 82 with a well authenticated uāló - s, uchló-s white, shining (cp. uńhona xapróv n 104), Pott derives it from a rt. ma resound, whence too unxãodai (W. I 266) . In any case I do not see how to connect μαλλός with μήλο- v, for the word really means tuft, for all that Hugo Weber says to the contrary , and is so used Aesch . Eumen. 45 , and hence the epithet dpaxovtó -uahio ( Prom. 799) applied to the Gorgons and μαλλω- το- ς χιτών. The use of the word for fleece as a whole is clearly secondary. μελδόμενος has in Hesych. besides the explanations péadov, túxov, φθίνων, which all come from μέλδειν melt, that of επιθυ μών as well ; so too μέλδει, besides τήκει, έψει, φθίνει, has Énigvući. M. Schmidt doubts the correctness of the read ing in the latter point. There is no external reason for such a doubt, and hence , though the meagreness of the authority makes us cautious , we venture to compare Feld, Εελδ ( cp. p. 566); cp. also έλδομαι επιθυμώ, έλδεται επιθυ 580 uži, xéadeofai értit vuεiv etc. Hesych. Max Müller II 331 holds έελδ -ο -μαι to be a shortened form of μέλδ- ο- μαι and ( 642) derives the latter from the rt. uer ( uédet) . But it is diffi cult on this view to account for téad-o -ual, which points to a F, nor is there any precedent for the loss of an initial TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 223 fel With μολπίς ελπίς the case is precisely the same . Here too Hesychius is our sole authority. As there is no definite reason for doubting him , and xhais certainly had the F, we put uolais by its side at No. 333. M. Schmidt, who notices Ölac ý člnis, contents himself with saying ' falli videtur G. C., and at Philol. XI 397 throws doubt on olna as well. But what can we do with such rare forms except assign to them the place which phonetic analogy directs ? There is, at any rate , no more rashness in this , than in altering the text by daring conjectures, when there is rarely ground for safe emendation. Of course no one can deny that here , as in a hundred other cases, there may be a copyist's blunder. We may also record here an example of u for v in the middle of a word. dugivº aúxnv was formerly only known through Hesych ., but had been already connected by Ahr. Dor. 503 with the Aeol. form aögnu mentioned at p. 475. M. Schmidt was for emending this too. But meanwhile it has been found in the newly discovered poem of Theocritus v. 28 : χρή με μακρόν σχόντα τον άμφενα έλκειν τον ζυγόν. The form teaches us much about the Aeolic pronunciation of the diphthong av, which apparently was not very different from av. Here the change is clearly the result of assimi lation. Still Joh . Schmidt Vocal. I 182 gives an entirely different explanation of it : he takes årzúv to be the pri mary form and compares this with the 0.-H.-G. ancha neck . In the case of a second group of words we must be more chary still. uí-to -s , thread, is connected by Lobeck El. I 115 with itéa vimen , whose rt. is undoubtedly Fi, ricre (No. 593), an ingenious conjecture, but nothing more. uboxo- s sprout, twig , rod , and oxo-s (also woyos) öoxn dunéhov khódog xotándonos ( Athen. XI p. 495 ) not used, it seems , till late in the general sense of twig. Several etymologies are possible for the former word ( cp. A. Weber Ztschr. V 254) ; that 7670 -s is connected with the Skt. vaksh = dez, aŭg ( No. 583 ), as Benfey I 93 con jectures , has not much to support it. It is just as easy 224 BOOK III. to connect őoxo- s with © &o- s , of which it might be the diminutive ( for 68-1640 -s), but ögo -s cannot be separated from the synonymous Goth. ast-s, and consequently had no digamma at the beginning. Diefenbach Vgl. Wtb. I 76 f., and Pictet I 199 give further comparisons. The homo nymous uboxo- s calf has (Leo Meyer I 87) been connected 581 with vacca and the Skt. ukslian bull, under the assumption that the Latin word presupposes a form vacsa , the Indian word a form vaksan . But if the Pet. Dict. is right in con necting the latter with the rt . uksh besprinkle , it will suit neither racca nor uóoxo -s. Other combinations too are doubtful. μονθυλεύειν and ονθυλεύειν stuff , adul terate are exactly synonymous. Their origin is however obscure, and of the digamma in particular there is not a trace. – It sounds as if unou- w ( u 170 ioria unpúsavro they drew the sails together) was originally identical with {ova draw . But the comparison becomes extremely doubt ful when we find on further investigation that the special meaning of unpúεiv is twist, wind (Theocr. I 29 x166ÒS μαρύεται περί χείλη), that the substantives μήρ- ινθο- ς and uéo-ul( 9 )-s cord, thread cannot possibly be separated from it, and that we find for unouveo-s a by - form Gunoivto -s as well, while {ovw, though it shows traces enough of the F, has neither the meaning wind nor an initial 6. Whoever wished to maintain it in spite of all this, would have to assume a rt. crep becoming now cuep , uep , now Fep , èp. We found a rt. crep ( svar) with a related meaning at No. 518 , but I am not inclined to advocate its connexion with these words. - Bugge's remarks ( Ztschr. XX 4) on the relation of uogoń to the Vedic rúrp -as image , which are supported by the Pet. Dict. are at all events not self-evident. There is more uncertainty still about a third list of words, which for the most part admit with equal probability of entirely different etymologies. That e. g. , as Christ 182 maintains, uára ( cf. uchepó- s) is identical with vara - s eximius, is extremely doubtful. We might with at least equal probability connect it with the Lat. val- ê -re and the TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 225 Skt . bala -m strength , bal- ishta -s fortissimus and the Ch.-Si. rel-ij , vel- iků magnus ( cp. Pott W. I 561 ) . Since however two distinct conjectures of equal probability are mutually destructive, we are content with regarding the comparative μάλλον i. e. μαλιον as the correlative to melius . - μείραξ girl, later boy as well, ustpextov boy, both with diminutive endings, we should prefer to connect with the rt. uep No. 468 rather than , as Christ 257 ( cp. Lobeck El. I 114) and Leo Meyer I 87 do, with the Laconian xïonu ( st. εipev ), the name at Sparta for youths of twenty and upwards. The latter word , whose forms are discussed by 0. Müller Dorians II 296, shows no trace of F. Cp. Joh. Lissner „ Zur Etymologie von eipɛves " Programm of Eger 1863. My (544) etymology finds, as Delbrück points out to me , a striking 582 confirmation not only in the Zd. maretan man, but in the Skt. marja -s man , youth , marja -ka-s mannikin . The only difference between usipaž ( st. uetpax for ukoj-ax) and marja ka - s is that the former has not a vowel at the end of the stem . — uia by the side of i'a might point to Fía, it is true, but we have shown at No. 599 that uía admits also of another explanation. We recognized odus (No. 290) as the Gk. form of the Skt. rt. dvish hate, and hence we can admit of no connexion of the latter with uïó -os hate and uidéo (Christ 261 ) . The Lat. miser, maes-tu - s, which have re .tained the m, seem more likely to be connected with the Gk. words. ( Cp. Corssen 1 ? 377.) We now come to the cases in which the change under, discussion has been asserted for the middle of a word, but not proved. ήμος and τήμος are continually compared with the Skt. jâvat and tavat. I think I have shown in the Rhein . Mus. 1845 p. 249 ff. that a different temporal relation is expressed in the two cases , and that the Gk. words would find their equivalent rather in the ablative form jasmāt, tasmåt. Since jávat and tâvat have in ňos, tños ( No. 606) their exact Gk, equivalents both in sound and meaning, the other explanation, which appeals to the chance of the splitting up of a single form both in sound and CURTICS , Etymology. II . 15 226 BOOK III. course. sense into two distinct developements, loses all probability. – The attempts at explaining the μ in ήμαρ, ημέρα to be from are not at all convincing, since they assume not only this change, but others too which are by no means common ; this is the case for instance with that made by Savelsberg (Ztschr. VII 379) to refer nuao and has alike to the rt. us (No. 613) , and the still bolder attempt , which has often been made, to connect nudo with the rt. div shine, by the assumption of the loss of dj. No really good ex planation of these common words has yet been given. Still that given by Kuhn ( Ztschr. IV 42) and Pictet II 591 seems to me the least objectionable. Both refer the Gk . words to the Skt. jâ go , whence the Skt. jâman going, Other sources of the idea of time and single por tions of time have been discussed at No. 522. The Zd. ayare (n. ) day seems to have come from the shorter rt. i, avxá-pa - s year, also means properly the course of the light. The suffix of ήμαρ may be compared with that of τέκ-μαρ ( No. 235 ), that of h -uéou with that of i -uepo -s ( No. 617 ) . *) πιμέλη fat belongs no doubt to the rt . πι (Νο. 363 ), but it is much more probable that the u belongs to the derivative element (cp. Tv- u -éin ), than that it represents F. It is doubtful whether sduivo- s oven belongs to the rt . kaF ( No. 44), since in view of the Skt. aç-man stone, 583 ac-manta-m oven , the word has not unreasonably been ( 545) connected with the rt. ak ( Joh. Schmidt ‘Root AK' p. 66 ); but even supposing the word to be connected with naiw , the change of to u would not be established (cp. vo μίνη ( No. 608 ) . - On λελειχμότες by the side of λιχμάω cp. p. 483. We are left at last with forms in which the u cannot be shown with any semblance of probability to have come from F. ucoxdan , which Pott 1 ' 223 and others compare

• ) The latest attempt at the explanation of this difficult word

is that made by Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 404 from the rt, vas shine and the suffix mar. TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 227 with the Lat. axilla, has nothing to do with it. axilla the diminutive of ála ( Schwabe de deminut. p. 98 ) belongs to the Gk. «xxó- s ( No. 4), which had without doubt a vowel initial. The u of uɛžívn which confronts the Laconian form éhívn given by Hesych. — if we are to trust the reading at all – is placed beyond a doubt by the synonymous Lat. milium millet , which does not look like a borrowed word. Hehn 405 conjectures a connexion with uélı. - The assertion that uéxous and cxois alike both come from Fumois has, notwithstanding Christ's ( p. 222) confidence of its truth, not the smallest foundation . Méxois seems to be connected with uetá ( Pott 1² 289 ). For a conjecture on άχρις see No. 166. - The comparison of unpó- s thigh with the synonymous Skt. Úru -s, maintained by Benfey I 81 , since it would need the assumption of an interme diate form ráru, is nothing but a fancy which, until by- and intermediate forms can be established , has nothing what ever to support it. — Still more futile is the comparison of uúdo- s moisture with the Lat. vad-u -m ford. On the rt. uud see No. 479. văd-u -m cannot be separated from al- c - re ( cp. đặc đic - 0 and p. 466). μύδρο- ς too can be explained by the same rt. uud , so that there is no need, as has been conjectured , to go to the rt. svid. - On uiv, which Christ 258 connects with the Skt. sva, preserved in the Gk. Fɛ, 698, we have above (p. 532) passed a different and, I think , more probable judgment. Other conjectures of a still more flimsy nature may here be passed over. As it is, we have in this case ventured on a somewhat longer discussion than the plan of this book admits of in general. It seemed important however, to investigate more minutely the extent of the change and the degree of cer tainty in single instances. The main result we have thereby arrived at is , that the change of f to u is probable for only a very few Greek words. It is hardly more common than the interchange of B and u --- e.. g. in Bapvóuevov βαρνάμενον μαρνάμενον ( Ross Jahn's Jahrb . 69, 545), βέλλειν μέλλειν (Hesych .), Búoung uúoung (No. 482) - , which is con , 15 * 228 BOOK III. find to particular dialects, and is thoroughly discussed by Roscher Stud. III 129. 584 ( 546) 3) v. The relation of y to F has been already noticed above ( p. 435). We meet with an undeniable change of v to g in the Romance languages in the case of initial v : Lat. vastare, Ital. guastar, Fr. gáter, Lat. vulpe-s, Ital. golpe, Lat. vespa , Fr. guêpe, and no one doubts that a g here prefixed itself to the v and then afterwards expelled it. Even the Teutonic languages show some instances of this change. The g of the Goth . bag- m -s dévdpov corresponds acc. to Jac. Grimm to the u of bau -an ; acc. to Pott W. I 1176 the word comes from the rt. Bhu Gk. gu bag-m - s answering to a possible Gk. qu- uo-s in the sense of qvua, gutóv φυτόν,, pútevua φύτευμα.. Otherwise however Delbrück Ztschr. f. d. Philol. I 11. Just so the Goth. triggv- s true comes from the rt. of the verb trau -an , in this case with nasalization as well. Here even Schleicher (Comp.: 321 ) admits the origin of g from '1 . Other Teutonic dialects as well show 9 proceeding from v, e. g. the Low- Germ. negen ( 0.-S. nigen = Goth. niun , M.-H.-G. niwen , Skt. naran (No. 427 ) . Richert " Bidrag till läran om de konsonantiska ljudlagarna " (Upsala 1866 ) p. 377 adduces the Swedish lager = laurus, dialectic Olagus = Olaus. In the modern Persian lang uages an initial v changes very often to g (Fr. Müller in Kuhn's und Schleicher's Beiträge II p. 498 f.). In the British languages every initial v becomes gu , e. g. in guin Lat. vinum , gwr = Lat. vir (Z. 127 ), cp. Ebel Ztschr. XIII 283. It has been denied , especially by Schleicher ( Comp. 235) and Corssen ( Beitr. 70 , Nachtr. 82 , Ausspr. I ? 89), that g arises from v in Latin . Five Latin verbs show in the perfect and perf. pass. participle the addition of a guttural to a shorter stem ending in v oru: vivo vixi, co- niv-e- o co -nixi, flu - o fluxi, stru - o struci, fru -0-1 fruc tu - s . It seemed most natural to explain this guttural by supposing that before the v-, whether aboriginal, as in TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 229 vic - o or developed from the u , – a parasitic g introduced itself, and subsequently passed into words and tenses as they were derived from the stem. But at the same time some of these stems show traces of a guttural in other languages besides Latin, e. g. besides frug-e - s, frug- i, fruc-tu -s we get the Goth. brukjan [Germ . brauchen ) use (cp. note to No. 158), besides con-flug-e-s , fluxi we get the Gk. oivópavě , płóxtaiva ( No. 412d) , besides co - nixi we have the Lat. nic- cre wink ( cp . Fick ? 371 ) , all of which can hardly be satisfactorily explained in this way. I therefore admit that the change of v to go and subsequent g is not established for Latin. It is better to regard the guttural in some of these words as belonging to the root, in others, as in flug, by the side 585 of flu , strug by the side of stru, as a root- determinative, so that stru - g would bear to stru the same relation as ju- g( 547) ( p. 6+ ) to ju . In the case of vixi it is possible to suppose that it came from a reduplicated gi-giv, discussed by Cors sen 12 389 , although, as Ascoli shows Fonol. 131, there are difficulties to be met here too. Doubts have been expressed as to the occurrence of this change in Greek as well. The numerous glosses of Hesychius, in which an initial y appears in the place of F, have been already explained by some older commen tators to be blunders of copyists who wroter by mistake for F. But Buttmann Lexil . II 161 declares himself against this view , aptly referring to the Romance words just men tioned. Giese Aeol. D. 293 recommends a middle course, assuming on the one hand that a phonetic change of s to y actually took place, but admitting on the other that some of the glosses just mentioned were placed under the letter r by mistake. Ahrens again Dor. 52 , followed by Christ 183 , will only admit the T in Hesych. as the sign for F, and so reads yádertai simply as Fódeofai, γέμμα as Γέμμα. At the same passage all the Hesychian glosses with which we are here concerned are adduced. The reasons for and against have been well weighed in dif ferent quarters, but there are nevertheless one or two points 230 BOOK III. making for the phonetic change which have been overlooked . The supporters of the view that y means the sound F, rely mainly on the consideration, that otherwise there would be no trace of this important sound to be found in Hesych ., and this they can hardly believe possible. But I see no weight in this argument at all. The Lexicon follows the alphabet of its time, which had long lost the sign F. The sound of the v was at that late period most naturally represented by B , and we have in fact under B a large number of glosses in which ß was in all probability pro nounced F, although we often find it impossible to disting uish those in which the real medial ß actually arose from F. If then any letter can be regarded as the written re presentative of F it is not y, but ß. More weight attaches to Ahrens' remark that the words adduced under y belonged in part to such dialects as, like the Lesbian, Boeotian, and Laconian , 'retain the unaltered elsewhere , e . g. yếuua and γημα ιμάτιον i . e. Fεσ- μα. For glosses of this kind we may regard as very probable the conjecture admitted by Giese too , i . e. that they were taken from older lexi cons, which were no strangers to the sign F, and were all 586 placed together by a similar mistake under r, just as one or two digammated words have been placed under T, which resembles the digamma in form alone. It is im possible to decide whether the reading γουάναξ , γουελένα, yoúongis, in the grammarian in Bekker's Anecd. 1168, also (548) proceeds from a simple confusion of F with 7. It is certain that we do find y in the place of F even in the . middle of words , where also there may be nothing but the writing of one letter for another, but here the mis take must be supposed to have been made afresh each time that y was so written .. There is no doubt that y stands for 5 in the middle of the glosses άγατάσθαι βλά πτεσθαι , αγάτημαι βέβλαμμαι, as Ahrens p. 55 admits in a measure . The forms belong so clearly to avára άτη in Pindar that there is no reason for the alteration , pro posed by M. Schmidt following Lobeck El. I 162, into TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE F. 231 årátnuoi ατάτημαι.. In Aesch. Ag. 730 again Meineke is perhaps right in reading déraioiv. If we reflect then that in case the sound v was a part of the word selected by the lexico grapher, it would be expressed much more simply by B, or , after a vowel , by v, it is far more probable in this case, that there was a phonetic change of F to y. The tradition also preserved in Hesych. and given in the E. M. 167 on the authority of Herodian , that drpúyɛtos like άτρυτος meant ακαταπόνητος gains credit perhaps from the fact that the derivation tovyāv reap leaves the ε en tirely unexplained. We should then have in this word a very old instance of the phonetic change of F to y . If so , the F must have developed itself at a still earlier time from the preceding v , and å- tov- a - to - s would be a com panion to å -ti- £-to -s; ‘ not to be rubbed , i . e. worn away' would be undoubtedly a suitable epithet of the sea with its untiring motion (Lobeck Prolegg. 145) . The same applies to μώλυγερ τα άνοζα ξύλα , a gloss whose final ρ shows it to be Laconian . The form is for uwlvfes , iden tical with the Lat. molles, i . e. molv -es (No. 457) . Used metaphorically we find μωλύτερον αμβλύτερον , μώλυ- ς και αμαθής, μωλύεται γηράσκει. We have met with similar pho netic developements of F from a preceding v already ( p. 573) in oρoύβω, αριστεύοντα, εδήδοξα etc. ( Cp. Savelsberg dig. 28.) – It is possible that the same is the case with the Hesychian gloss ógovyń and ógovyvợ, the former of which is explained by χρώμα (perhaps a mistake for οφρύωμα), λό φος, αιμασιά, and the latter by οφρυάζει . οφρύη is a form of actual occurrence, and at Theocr. 30, 7 the right reading is δι' οφρύγων. - A Latin v is rendered by y in the gloss Geoyoi člagoi i . e. cerri. The gloss is important as witness to the assibilating pronunciation, and thereby in directly to the time at which such glosses were collected. It is certainly possible to conjecture that y is here only 587 the written , not the phonetic representative of the labial spirant. We have seen at No. 407 that péyyos is identical with go- os (Aeol . paños, Pamphyl. páßos) and 232 BOOK II . is related to it in the same way that ßéve -os is to Bás- os, (549) Névt -os to rás-os. Here the change of F to 7 in con junction with nasalization precisely , that is , as in the Goth . trigg -us – is extremely probable, although Bugge Ztschr. XX 39 separates géyyos completely from géos and compares it with the Lith . sping-éti glitter. All that is more doubtful may be disregarded here , and in particular the words adduced by Giese p. 296 and others from modern Greek , since the y admits here in many cases of other explanations as well. Still the Tzaconian -sypov = old Gk. -Eva deserves notice (Comparetti Ztschr. XVIII 141). 4) Further Changes. As a labial the digamma has a certain relationship to p. But it must appear a priori improbable that the aspirate, which consists of an explosive with a breathing following it , should without any external inducement de velope itself from the far weaker labial spirant. Hence the only instances of this change, that can be pointed out, are to be found in two classes of words, first in certain words in out-of- the-way dialects , in which the lack of a custo mary sign for the actually existing sound v led to the adoption of the somewhat similar , and next after a pre ceding 6, which, as a hard sibilant, assimilated the spirant to itself, that is , hardened it into the aspirate. FÉGTEDE, návra gépels is now rightly read in Sappho 95 ( Bergk " ), since only Et. Gud. gives géoTEPE, the other sources zonepe. laipa donis (Hesych .) is proved , as Ahrens Dor. 49 shows, by the glosses haißa réatn, laita ( with a copyist's error of T for F ) πέλτη, λαίας, ασπίδας Κρήτες, to be iden tical with λαι.Fα ( Νο. 533) . λαφός και αριστερά χειρί χρώ uevos is however probably nothing but the Latin laevus. Savelsberg Ztschr. VIII 407 conjectures that ovqeó -s pig- sty was developed from 6v- F -ɛó- s. - It is a mistake to take φέννος φόνος, ενιαυτός, which has been compared in the latter meaning with yévvos coxaios, as an instance of g = f, for the genuineness of both words is rendered doubtful by TRANSFORJATIONS OF THE F. 233 their position, and the latter in particular is among surround ings that thoroughly justify M. Schmidt's asterisk. As we have shown at No. 428 that in évo - s old the original initial was the sibilant , there is no establishing the digamma at all. -- We must reject the comparison, first attempted by Savelsberg VIII 407, of diepos = piapós bright, shining, with lepós, as the latter had originally a vowel initial ( No. 614). There are however three clear instances in 588 which the F hardened itself unmistakeably under the in fluence of o ; first the pronoun - stem ope , the by- form of fa , é = Skt. sva ( No. 601), on which it is enough to refer to p. 435. That, as Ebel Ztschr. XIII 286 assumes, the phonetic process consisted in the first place in the introduction of a n before the F, and that the latter fell (550) out in time , I think has not been made out * ). We assumed the occurrence of the same change at No. 575 for σφόγγο- ςs. The stem of the personal pronoun of the second person in the dual 696 is developed in a similar way from the singular tva ( 1 s. Skt. tra -m ). Here the first step was the changing of the t to o under the in fluence of the v , the next the change of v to q under the influence of the 6. The Graeco - Italic o' ( ogo and vo- s, có-bi -s) is remarkable, as it also establishes the agreement with the Skt. va -s etc. (Bopp Vgl. Gr. II ” 127) . Of the change, still more improbable in itself, of f to a probably the only instances of any validity are onoyyo-s (No. 575) , in which varies with 4 , and lio -no - s for Alt-F0- s No. 544 , where it is explained to be due to the influence of the sibilant. The Doric form lágos, as the M. SS. in Skylax p. 19 have it ( Voss and others 'Oašós) by the side of "Oačos, Fotos, is very problematical, inasmuch as the reading is by no means certain . Even if the

• ) Still less do I see what is gained by saying, as Max Müller does Ztschr. XVIII 213, that the representation of v by o is “ dialectic or local ” . For in the first place these forms occur in all Greek

dialects , and in the second “ dialectic " would not amount to more than inexplicable. 234 BOOK III. . Cretan ΠΟΛΧΟΣ really meant people as was assumed, it would not be identical with oxlos or volgus. Voretzsch de inscr. Cret. p . 11 and Hugo Weber Jahn's Jahrb. 1863 p . 610 derive tód-xo- s from the rt. Teh ( nolu -s po-pul- u - s ), though the suffix is still left unexplained. But Roscher shows at Studien II , 1, 154, that there is not the smallest warrant for the assumed meaning, and that it is more likely that the word , which is found on a few coins from Cnossus, is a proper name probably nothing but the syncopated by- form of Tólixos. αμπέσαι Lacon. = đuqiéval, which Ahr. Dor. 357 explains to be du - Féodi, clearly owes its ar to the operation of the q in duqi, although it is not easy to see how the following f could arrest the process of aspiration. The case of dun - éz - a is not analogous. All else that Christ 180 and Savelsberg 28 adduce under this head, I hold to be either decidedly wrong or very doubtful. The assertion that F can become or x is made good neither by Christ ( 184) nor by Savelsberg (35) . idudo-xa formed on the analogy of xuñue-xc with the perfect term 589 ination -xa is no proof at all of it. On the entirely isolated ¿ dndofa see above p. 496 . The rare change of f to o has been treated of at p. 447. Savelsberg , it is true, is for assuming the change of of to the dental 6 , a sound as foreign to it as possible, but it is hardly likely that he will find any one to agree with him . (551 ) 2) TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE J. I. TRACES OF THE EXISTENCE OF THE J IN GREEK . The palatal spirant j is to be found in its proper form in no Greek dialect, for the simple reason that the Greek alphabet never had a special sign for it. The loss of this consonant is indeed one of the chief peculiarities shown by the Greek language, and shared by all its dialects, TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE J. 235 as far as any written records that we have can tell us. In this respect Greek resembles Old - Irish , which ( Schleicher Compend. 275) suffered the same loss , and the Norse languages, in which an initial j is very generally dropped (Grimm Gr. I 322) e. g. 0.-Ir. oc, 0.-N. ung - r = Lat. juvencu - s, German jung. But though this letter never existed in a Greek form its effects may be traced to an almost greater extent than those of the digamma. They are more various , though they have in part been less thoroughly investigated. Since the consonant j is not only established for the Indo -Germanic period , but occurs in the Italian languages too , we may safely maintain that the Graeco Italian language possessed it while the Greeks and Italians were still one people. It is even rendered probable by a consideration of the very different treatment of this sound by the several dialects of Greek , that it did not disappear from the spoken language till after the separation of Greek into its chief dialects. There are indeed one or two traces of the existence of this consonant in Homer's language. This is especially the case with the two words as and i'eodai. I have (Philologus III 8) already drawn attention to the fact that the lengthening of short syllables before the ως occurring in the anastrophe ( θεός ώς, όρνιθες ώς, quròv ős, rédɛuvs ős) may be explained in this way, and Christ 154 now agrees with me. Hoffmann in his Quaestiones homericae I 104 has shown, that there are the most un accountable lengthenings of syllables before os , lengthen ings which cannot be attributed to the effect of a pause in the sense for there is not one such pause to be be found before as when in this position – nor of its 590 position in the verse for this lengthening often occurs in the sixth , second and fourth feet. The phenomenon is so frequent that we must regard it as the fixed usage of the Epic language , and elision before ως (θεός δ' ώς τίετο dńuw E 78 ) and the retention of the short quantity before it ( avròs dè xtilos ős 196 ) as anomalies. According to I. Bekker (Homerische Bl . 204) ás has a consonantal 236 BOOK III. initial three times as often as a vowel one. Accordingly, (552) if we are not satisfied with “ poetical license" as an ex planation of the length of the final α in θυγατέρα ήν ( E 371 ) i . e. fvyotépa ofńv, we can hardly help resorting to an older form for an explanation in the present instance. Now we maintained at No. 606 , in spite of some objections, that the spiritus asper of the relative pronoun , and of its adverb os arose out of j. Savelsberg's assertion ( Ztschr. VIII 401, X 76) , that the assumed Fos arose out of #F0- s and is identical with the interrogative pronoun , finds no phonetic analogy except that of the H.-G. wer = Goth.. hvas. But the loss of such a volatile letter as h is not much warrant for that of k, and how improbable it is that of two consonants Greek should have made the more usual one give way to the F, which had but a weak hold in the language, and was vacillating from the very first ! Still less demonstrable is it that the Skt. ja -s arose from kja -s and that ka , with the by- forms kva and kja , is the common stem of all these widely ramifying pronouns. Finally the demonstrative meaning of the Gk. ός in και δς έφη also makes against this derivation , and suggests the assumption that the originally demonstrative stem i, with the by- form ja , is the basis of the Gk. relative pronoun. Nor must we meanwhile leave out of sight the forms of the lang uages of northern Europe ( see No. 606 ). If it were really demonstrated that the Greek relative stem had a F, I should be more inclined to admit the possibility of Lottner's suggestion (Ztschr. IX 320) that it may be deduced from the reflexive stem sua (Gk . é ope) . Still the mean ing presents serious obstacles to this view *) . - On iespai I refer the reader to the detailed exposition in the Philo logus III 5. The rt. of the word is i (No. 615), expanded alike in Gk. to lɛ and in Skt. to jâ, reduplicated ji-jâ, which would make the 1. sing. pres. ji -já -mi. In the middle

• ) On this point, see the synoptical discussion of Richard Förster

in his Quaestiones de attractione Berol. 1868 p . 3 and Windisch on the relative pronoun Stud. II 210 ff. TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE J. 237 > forms ίετο , τέμενος, δεμένων etc., which in their mean ing of strive , yearn , depart somewhat from that of591 the active , we find in 22 passages in the Homeric poems a striking hiatus before the initial. Bekker writes here, and on every possible occassion, Fieto, Fituevos. But neither before nor since my essay in the Philologus has any one been able to show proof of the F, either from Greek dialects or the related languages. I therefore still consider it probable that the hiatus is here due , not to the labial, but to the palatal spirant. The conventional practice of the Epic rhapsodists could perfectly well retain the hiatus and the lengthening before such words in certain habitual phrases, even after the sound j had disappeared, just(553) as the later Epic poets did in the case of digammated words long after the spirant had breathed its last. Finally, in the consideration of the sound j we must not neglect modern Greek. Since modern Greek has preserved many traces of the j as well as of the F, we may conclude, I think , that the palatal spirant, like the labial , never vanished so entirely from the popular and provincial, as it did from the written language. As however it was quite impossible to express this consonant by the help of the existing Greek alphabet, and as we find very indefinite notions of the F to have been current , representing it as a aveŪua analogous to the spiritus asper and lenis, it seems probable that recourse was occasionally had in dialects to the sign of the digamma in order to express the sound of the j. I have already mentioned at p. 442 the forms Thasiafo and Fórı which are to be explained in this way ( cp. Jahn's Jahrb . 71 p. 371). The transformations of the j are very similar to those of the digamma. Much matter that comes under this head has been discussed by Grassmann in his important essay “ On the connexion of the consonants with a following j , and the phenomena which thus arise " ( Ztschr. XI ) , to which we shall have to make constant reference. Here, as before, we start with the vowels. > 238 BOOK III. II. VOCALISATION OF THE J. 1 ) j as i. The vowel 1 comes a step nearer still to the conso nant ; than v does to F , inasmuch as u was the original vowel with which f changed places. Hence the remarks made before about the relation of the semi- vowel and the corresponding vowel apply here more aptly still . In many cases it is impossible to decide which is the older of the two sounds. It would naturally be easiest to do this when 592 the letter is the initial . But besides proper names like 'Icoves = Javanas and lévai Skt. jâ , there is hardly a Greek word in which an initial i can with any degree of certainty be set down as the representative of j. In the middle of a word however the correspondence of the one to the other is very frequent. The instances of this in the structure of the verb have been collected , together with the analogous cases in other departments , in my “ Tempora und Modi", e. g. (p. 89) id - 1a = Skt. scid-já-mi (No. 283), Dor. fut . πραξί- ω , βοαθησίω (p. 310) , ε -ΐη - ν for { o -in - v = Skt. (a )s- ja -m , Lat. (@)s- ie -m (p. 253). In the declension of nouns we meet with this phenomenon in the (554 gen. sing. of the o - declension : 0-10 = Skt. a -sja ( Bopp Vgl. Gr. I ? 384) ; numerous suffixes used in the formation of words show it , as does the comparative suffix -lov, Lat. -ior = Skt. ijan -s for jans or ians, e. g. 9d- imv Skt. svâd -ijans, Lat. suâ(d) o- ior , and the common sufffxes -10- s , -ld , -10 - v , on the relation of which to the Skt. ja - s, jâ, ja -m the reader is referred to Bopp's Vgl. Gr. III ? 333 ff. It should be noticed that in almost every case the Latin vowel agrees with the Greek , more especially in the formation of substantives and adjectives, for which the suffixes 10-9 = iu -s, la ia , 10 - v iu-m are employed in a remarkably similar manner by the two languages, while the Teutonic and Slavonic languages constantly resemble the Sanskrit in choosing the consonant j. We may conjecture from this that the vowel was of great TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE J. 239 antiquity. Again, when i is parallel to the j, it unites itself with preceding vowels to form diphthongs ( Temp. u. Modi 95 ), not only when it stands as the immediate neighbour of the vowel : ua - l -o -uai ( p. 292) , da - í- w ( No. 256 ), but also when it has to make its way to it from the following syllable : ptelo- w ptep- jo , of which case we shall have to treat again . The analogy to the transformations of the F here shows itself clearly at every point. These facts however, which are firmly established , and have also been collected by Christ p. 155 ff., are not so important as the the representation of the j in other ways. 2) j as ε. j bears to ĉ the same relation that u bears to 0. On the analogy then of the cases discussed above on p. 557 f. it will not surprise us to find j represented by E. The Teutonic languages too afford us precisely analogous phe nomena ( Grimm Gr. I 188 , 220 & c. ) especially in the gen . pl. of i- stems ; 0.-H.-G. ensteô by the side of enstjó. It is likewise to be remarked that the modern Greeks occasion ally express the j of other languages by e instead of 1, thus, as Schleicher Zur vergl. Sprach. 37 points out, Galanos in his Iνδικαι μεταφράσεις : Βεάσα = Skt. Vjúsa. We have a predecessor of this Βεάσα in Eάσων on a vase ( Keil Anal. 173) . Conversely, as Maurophrydes Ztschr. 593 VII 137 ff. points out in an essay on the j in modern Greek , which touches on many phenomena that belong to the present subject, an old Greek ε is not unfrequently re placed by j, e. g. in vjós véos. The pronunciation of the & before vowels must even in old Greek have been far more liquid than when it stood before consonants. This is evident from the large number of synizeses between a and following vowels, e. g. in the monosyllabic fɛoi, véa, đã. No mistake could be greater than to weigh this ε in the same balance as that before consonants, and to con- ( 555) clude from the fact that the latter never arises from an older in Greek , that it is impossible that the former 240 BOOK III. should ever have arisen either from i or j or from an irrational sound vacillating between the two ( cp. Schleicher Comp.$ 70 ). We must begin with such forms as coexist with others in Greek itself which show an 1, or with such phenomena as allow us to infer a j with certainty. First of all come the Doric futures. The i of the Doric futures in -616, which correspond to the Skt. futures in -sjumi, remains in strict Doric only before an 0 -sound : πραξίω , πραξίομες , χαριζιόμεθα, before an e -sound it is replaced by < , which is contracted with the following vowel: { gyažirai (Ahr. Dor. Ş. 25, 26 ). In laxer Doric the latter representative occurs throughout: πραξώ , πραξούμες , εργαξεϊται . - A second undoubted in stance of this substitution is the Ionic τέο , τέω , τέων, téorol, by the side of which , for the dative at least, we have proof of Lesbian forms with ι τίω, τίoισι (Ahrens 127 ) . No one will think of doubting that the latter forms are the older, and arose , by the suffixing of an a - sound, from the st. ti ( cp . above p. 481 ) . We have additional, though superfluous evidence of this in the Megaric oà uév τι μήν , strictly τ)-α μήν i . e. τίνα μήν ( Ahr. Dor. 277 ) , where the consonantal j produced the preceding 6 and then vanished . We met with a third of the kind at No. 597 , the Argive őpad má i . e. afja. In all these instances then we have an i by the side of and be certain that the i is the older of the two. And it is most probable that the same is the case, fourthly, with Aɛuvvoos ( Anacr. Fr. 2, 11 , 11 , 2 B.) Slóvvoos , in which word, uncertain though its derivation is , the ε will hardly be held ( cp. also the Aeol. Zóvvvšoy) to be older than ther. We should incline too to regard the ε of ńvoo- én , manliness, compared with ảv-nvog- in ( ep. inep-nvop-én) as the direct equivalent of an 1 , if it were not that the well established form åvdokia renders 594 it . doubtful . For a further set of forms there are to be found elsewhere dialectic by-forms, which clearly point to j, so in particular with Bopéns which at 15 , Y 195 makes a spondee, and had consequently an ε pronounced like a case an , can 2 j AS E. 241 consonant and of the nature of a j, which was able to make the o long by position. The form Bogoã- s in which the accent is irregular arose by assimilation , like the Aeol. φθέρρω from φθερ -jω. A conjecture on its orgin has been given at No. 504. The case is the same with στερεό - ς for which the Atties preferred the form στερρό- ς i . e. στερ jo -s , while the fem . Otetoa ( No. 222) has transposed the i to the stem - syllable (cp. pielow ), and with xxv-ɛó- s by the side of the Aeol. xévvo- s and the Epic Helvó- s , which was ( 556) later shortened into revó- s and is exactly parallel to the Aeol . otévvo - s, Epic otalvó - s, Attic otevó- s , while it should be compared with the Skt. çûn - ja -s (No. 49) as well. Besides these cases, in which ε clearly replaces an older j, we have forms where we cannot be sure that the ε is not a shortening of the diphthong el . Among these comes δωρεά with the Hesychian by - form δωριά. This word dopać may undoubtedly be placed , if only in virtue of its accent, among the collectives in -jâ , treated by Bopp Vergl. Gr. III 2 339 e. g. Skt. gav -jâ a herd of cows, cp . dvipax-iá, μυρμηκ-ιά , νεοττ-ιά. Accordingly δωρ- εά properly means a number of gifts. To the same class of words belongs yev- eć , the original meaning of which we must take to be generation i. e. the sum of people of the same age. Since these collectives presuppose an already existing noun - stem from which they are derived , we must refer yev- eć to γενεσ -ja , which first no doubt became γενεια , then γενεά, as τελεσ -j0- ς became τέλειο- ς and τέλεο - ς , and as the verbs in -ew came from -ɛj- w (Hom. Velzelw ). Here accordingly e is etymologically not a representative of the j but of a combination of sounds containing a j or i . The same is true of the adjectives of material in -80- s, Epic -Elo- s Dor. -10 - s , Skt. ēja -s * ). The names of trees too ending in,

• ) Roediger's objection ( de compos. 41 ) to this generally adopted

grouping will not make any converts. The argument “ non probabile est , illud ponderosum suffixum jam antiquissimo tempore corripi posse “ could as justly , or rather as unjustly, be used to separate the Homeric genitive in ov from that in olo. On -nio - s cp. Stud. II p. 187. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 16 242 BOOK III. -EQ (xpavéa , ovuća) with by - forms in -ia , treated of by Ahrens Dor. 121 and Lobeck El. I 251 seem to me most naturally classed with the adjectives in - €0- s , so that here the tree is named from its fruit, the fig -tree being called “ the figgy (tree ) ”. Accordingly we ought probably to assume for doped as well an older dwp - ić , whose a 595 may be regarded as a weakening of the stem - vowel o (cp. Xpúo8-10 χρύσε -ςs,, oixe-- to--ss)).. Weber Ztschr. f. Gymnasialwesen 1863 p. 123 adduces this very form from an inscription edited by Sauppe Weimar 1847 ( cp . C. I. No. 107 1. 37 ) . It is possible indeed that al , which so early obtained the same force asi, may here be only a different way of writing i . In the forms just discussed we had the guidance of Greek dialects , but there are others of which the explanation must be sought in the related languages alone. Among these is étkó - s compared at No. 208 with the Skt. satja - s. The derived étáčelv preserves the shorter stem éro, which (557 ) is parallel to nevo and otevo. We may perhaps con clude from the 0.-Norse form vidja ripe, that the ε of the corresponding Fitéa (No. 593) arose from j. At No. 423b we derived the ει of εινάτερ-ες = janitr - ic - es from xe , and identified the first { with an older 1.j The Homeric uTE ευτε when may probably be explained in the same way ; it is synonymous with őte , but distinctly separated by its mean ing from hü-te as , with which it is always being mixed up ; it seems , that is , to have arisen from jo -te o -te and to have undergone the same Ionic contraction shown in εμεύ Xuéo. The different explanation given of the word by Sonne Ztschr. XII 282 seems to me irreconcileable with the relative use of £ úte. Perhaps in another isolated re lative form also , éns ńs, only occurring II 208, the a is to be explained as a representative of the old j. The spiritus asper must in that case be held to have found its way in here on the analogy of the other cases. In my Tempora und Modi p. 92, 94 ff. I have like wise explained the ε of a number of verbs , whose present 2 j AS E. 243 stems are distinguished from the verb - stems by the addition of this vowel , in particular yau -é - w , dox -é - w . Christ p. 158 prefers to regard these present- stems as derived from noun stems , and consequently to place them on the same footing as verbs like nopé-w , noleué- w , and compare them with the Skt. verbs in -ajâmi. He gives as his reason the “ Gunirung" of the stem - vowel ; but this does not occur in any of these verbs. The o of dok has no ε by the side of it , and remains unchanged in doča, dów etc., the w of áté- w has its analogy in the Skt. vâdh ( No. 324) and is stable in one language as in the other. There is no question here then of a relation like that between the rt. pep and qopé- w which is derived from the noun- stem popo. Hence I hold to my view of these formations, and find confirmation of it especially in such forms as xúo- w by the side of κύρ- έ- ω , ξύρ- ο- μαι by the side of ξύρ- έ- ω, μαρτύρ- ο- μαι by the side of uaptŭp-é - w , for their long v is as likely to 596 have arisen from ů and op for oj as that of óloqúow (Aeol. óloqúoom) . xvp- é- w accordingly bears exactly the same relation to xúo- w as HEV- ɛó - s does to XELVÓ- s. The fact on which Grassmann Ztschr. XI 33 lays so much stress , i . e. that the ε occasionally appears elsewhere than in the present- stem ( doxnow, xvońow) , cannot count for much, since there are numerous other instances of a strengthened stem forcing its way into the place of the unstrengthened one. The n of jung - o no doubt belongs properly , like the w of çeúy -vv -ut, to the present-stem , and still the perfect is junxi and the perf. pass. part. junctus. Compare also oζήσω , τυπτήσω and other formations of a younger stamp. To the forms discussed at Temp. u. Mod. ut ( 558 ) supra (cp.too Elucidationsp. 144) we may add two in which this explanation finds support in the related languages. 69 -é-ovto B 398, P 212 bears exactly the same relation to the rt. Òp (No. 500) that or - i-untur does to the synonymous Latin rt. or. Now the i of the Lat. form has long been recognized as identical with the Skt. j of the so called fourth conjugation. There is no force at all in Hugo Weber's objection ( Jahn's Jahrb. 16 * 244 BOOK III. 1863 p. 612) that oriri follows the fourth Latin conjugation in most of its forms. This conjugation is in many cases identical with the verbs of the third conj. which have io in the present , and is most certainly not confined to derived verbs, as the old morire and parire prove. If sal-i-o = hloual (p. 537), farc- i- o = pokoow (No. 413) , we may also compare or-i- untur with 69 -é-ovto. The ε of xu - é- w is shown to be different from the ε of pop - é - w and similar derived verbs by the fact that it is never lengthened in the formation of tenses. Moreover the ε of the stem- syllable excludes the possibility of a denominative origin. For these reasons we regarded the ε of žu- E -to-s etc. ( No. 452) as an auxiliary vowel , so that the rt. tu i. e . Feu is parallel to the Lat. vom , Skt. vam , 0.-N. vom , Lith. vem . On the other hand the form of the pres. ( F )ɛu -é - w forsakes the analogy of the Skt. vam - a -mi, Lat. vom - o and follows that of the Lith. vem- j- à . In two cases however, in which ¿ has by many been supposed to have arisen out of j, we cannot accept this origin. We cannot follow Bopp ( Gl. ) and Christ ( 155) in connecting tec- o - uai with the Skt. dhjâi, or, as the Pet. Dict. more correctly gives it , dhjâ, to represent to oneself, have in one's mind. This is forbidden by the great difference in meaning, and by the dialectic forms given at No. 308 from which we can with certainty deduce a rt . DaF , Oav. — Just as little has the suffix -Ev (Nom. Ev- s) to do with the Lith . -ju -s, in spite of the similarity of their use. The Gk. nouns in -EÚ- s, partly nomina agentis ' like . Toxeu- s, 597 partly derived from adjectives and substantives, like đQuornes, noofueb-s,but denoting, with hardly an exception, persons *) , stand in the closest connexion with verbs in -EV- (cp. Hom. ηνιοχή- α ηνιοχεύ - ω, χαλκή- ες χαλκεύω, ιερεύς ιερεύ- ω ) and develope in a great measure , almost before our very eyes , in certain case-forms as expansions of words in -o- s

• ) The use in the formation of proper names has been thoroughly discussed by Passow Philol. XX p. 587 ff.

CHANGE OF 3 INTO OTHER CONSONANTS. 245 ( jvíoxo -s). For this process the old grammarians have the name napaoxnuatiouós. Following Schleicher Ztschr. III (559) 76 ff., I think I have shown (IV 213) how a suffix like this EF or ev serving to individualize the form , has its analogy in the Slavonic -ov and the verbs in -ov- a- ti. Accordingly I can all the less approve of the comparison made by Aufrecht ( on Uggvaladatta 270, 271) of the Gk. - £ v- s with the Skt. -ju -s, inasmuch as the Skt. words in -ju -s , discussed by Bopp Vgl. Gr.2 III 417 , only agree in use to a limited extent with the Gk. words in -EV- S. Pott's attack (W. I 1237 ) does not convert me. 3) j as v. The vowels ( and v , though by no means identical, as in modern Greek , were still not very far apart in the mouths of the old Greeks , and the duller vowel seems now and then to have represented the j instead of the clearer one. Above p. 535 we compared xúavo- s with the Skt. çjáma- s. Plato Crat. p. 4184, in the course of his derivation of the Gk. Svyó- v from dúo, assumes an older form δυο- γόν, which seems not to have been merely made up at random , but rather to have been a somewhat arbitrary way of writing djugón i. e. the same form which we have to assume as a connecting link between the Graeco - Italic jugo-m (Skt. juga -m ) and the Gk. Evyó - v (No. 144) . III. CHANGE OF J INTO OTHER CONSONANTS. A) j as y. In the mouth of a modern Greek y has in many cases ( cp. Deffner Stud . IV 241) the pronunciation of a spirant. Hence we also see it plainly proceed from a j or an i drawn out to a spirant, e. g. in xwoyá χωρία , σεραν ταργά TEO6apavtapia (Mullach Vulgärsprache 89, Ztschr. VI 231). Here belongs especially uviya uvid , where 598 y has developed itself out of the 1 of the diphthong, and 246 BOOK III . many other cases where Mullach ( 140) and before him Giese (295) have explained the 7 with less probability as proceeding from F : xatza ( pron. kâvjo ), xhaiya ( pron. klājo ), avyó- v (pron. avjó), egg, which comes as we saw at No. 597 , from âvja -m . Since in the Teutonic and Slavonic families g is sometimes developed from j (Grimm Gr. I 187 , 220, Bopp Vgl. Gr. 1² 535) , the g of the 0.-H.-G. plural eig -ir no doubt also corresponds to this spirant. [ Cp. March Anglo -Saxon Grammar & 28.] - The people of Sa lamis in Cyprus called sulphur féæyov acc. to Hesych. With M. Schmidt (Ztschr. IX 368) we can here compare the y with ( 560) the 1 of the Ionic form fenlov , ii e. identify y as a means of writing j. – In the word ayovoos ampos given by Mullach the y is also of an old date, so that we may venture to compare it with the j established for őpa 600- s ( No. 522) which appears occasionally in the same stem in Old - Saxon as g ( gêr annus). H. Weber Ztschr. f. Gymnasialw . 1863 p. 124 objects to these two examples that “ fayov and @ yov pos are of extremely doubtful etymology and hence prove nothing ". There is however no question here of etymology, only of the dialectic correspondence between y and j. Are we to believe that θέαγον ( το θείον ώ καθαίρoυσι , Σαλα μίνιοι ) may be a distinct word from θεήίον ? It matters nothing for our present purpose what the word comes from , hence the objection is void. Still we had good reasons for putting it under No. 320. I. Bekker on n 64 says that Aristophanes read öyovpov in this verse in the sense of äwpov instead of cxovpov, although the form was accounted Thracian ( Eustath. 1788, 56 ), cp. Nauck Bullet. de l'Acad . de Pétersb . II 310. - To the words in which y has taken the place of a j we may further add από- γεμ- ε άφελκε, and ύγγεμος συλλαβή, both assigned by Hesych . to the Cyprians. They present us with a rt. yeu take , which we may venture to compare with the Skt. rt. jam , whose multifarious applications, as given by the Pet. Dict. find like wise their best meeting point in the idea of taking, hold ing , and with the Latin em - o which has been long ago CHANGE OF ; INTO OTHER CONSONANTS. 247 TO ( Bopp Gl . ) connected with it (ad -im -o, sûm - 0, prômo cp. pra -jam etc. present, offer ), the Umbr. em - a -ntur = sumantur * ), and the Lith . im - u , Ch.-Sl. im - ą of like meaning. Now since we find Homer using in the same 599 sense the old aorist yévto, which could just as well come from the rt. yeu as from rev, it is perhaps better to put it under this rt. than, as is usually done , under the rt. Fel. Still I do not know how to explain Hesychius's gloss yévvov, or , as the alphabetical arrangement would lead us to expect , γένου Κύπριοι και λαβέ και κάθιζε ; but it remains equally obscure if we explain yév-to to be for FER- E - to. - Last comes owyárai owoai Hesych., which along with σωάδδει παρατηρεί brings us to σωάζειν and the Heraclean rotixhaiya by the side of new , discussed by Meister Stud. IV 428. Are we able then to find analogies to these processes ( 561 ) partly confined to late Greek, partly to particular dialects only, from the ordinary Greek of early times ? In proof of the fact that y was pronounced soft in certain combi nations of sound, attention has been called to its insta bility, e. g. in the Boeotian løv, lá (Ahrens Aeol. 206) – hardly loóv -- for xyov , fyó , in the Tarentine ólíos óliyo-s (Ahrens Dor. 87) , which however is ridiculed in Hyperbolus by the comic writer Plato (Herodian II 926 ed. Lentz) , and consequently was a pronunciation known in Attica , in viało - v spittle ( salîva ), biało - s fat by the side of otpadó- els shining (Lobeck Prolegg. 341 ) , and in Φιαλία by the side of Φιγαλία. Ιn none of these words

• ) Cp. Aufr. u . Kirchh. II 319, where moreover is discussed the more general meaning of the Lat. emere which is visible in Paul. Epit. p.5, 76 ,

and perhaps survived in coemptio as the name of a kind of marriage. Corssen certainly persists in denying the identity of the Lat. em and the rt. jam (I ? 309, 556) , but the meaning at all events presents no obstacle, and the fact that the loss of the initial j cannot be estab lished elsewhere , does not count for much , since with the exception of jecur , jejûnus, and jentare no Latin stem - word begins with je, as would have to be the case with jemo. 248 BOOK III . verse. however can it be proved that the y came from the j, while in some the relation of the two letters is the con But we ought perhaps to mention here the nu merous cases of present - stems in Ğ which have, in Epic and more especially in Doric , futures, aorists, and derived words formed from them with a Š. The & of the verbs in -ca is the representative of the Skt. j. dixáčo may be referred to an assumeable dikajâ -mi and its verb- stem dixaj can only enter into combination with o on one of two conditions; either the j must disappear: dixá- ow, or it must harden into a guttural , which with the 6 gives & : dixáğw (Dor. dixağa ). The latter formation finds a complete parallel in modern Greek, where the future of verbs in -eva (i . e. evo), though written -Evow is pronounced - £y@, so that raidęFw : taidéYo = δικα] ω : δικάξω. Thisis essentially the view expressed by Ahrens Dor.94. Since the language of Homer exhibits numerous forms of this kind, whose stem shows no guttural element : ålandžas, δαίξω , εναρίξα, πολεμίξω *), it looks as if we ought to refer 600 the establishment of these forms to a time when the j in the corresponding present- forms was still sounded pure, i. e . without the prefixed d which we shall have to discuss immediately , ( ålanaj-w ), while the o appeared instead of the & as soon as the dental sound took its place by the side of the j (dla -rodj-w ), when the dental assibilated the j itself, and thus completely removed this consonant from the hinder part of the mouth to the front. As soon as this process of dentalizing was complete the analogy of dental stems (σχίζω σχίσω έσχισται ) necessarily cane into ( 562) play. This view is most certainly not refuted by Hugo Weber's cursory strictures upon it (Ztschr. f. Gymn. 1863

• ) Several younger scholars are very fond of explaining these and other like phenomena as simply the result of " false analogy"

(alias a “ transference of form" ) . If we are not careful we shall find “ Analogy " made into a huge receptacle for all unexplainable odds and ends. In this instance it would not be very easy , I think, to find in Homer verbs with a radical guttural, which those above quoted might be held to have imitated. - RELATION OF ; to Ś AND 8. 249 p. 124). j is a sound that is unpronounceable before s, and it must either have become assimilated to the s or as happens in Sanskrit (bôdhaj-i-shjâmi) have laid claim to an auxiliary vowel in order to be heard. I have no doubt then that we have in this & a noteworthy wit ness to the fact that the old j is not quite unconnected with a guttural. B) Relation of j to Ś and d. The representation of an original j by & is a fact universally recognized , but it can only be understood and explained in connexion with a large number of other facts . We have to do with wide - spread phenomena, of which only a portion have been hitherto recognized , while others have been here and there guessed at, and many have not yet been even mentioned : so that it seems best to throw the discussion which follows into the form of a connected investigation. 1 ) $ as the representative of dj. It is universally acknowledged that ſ frequently re presents a dj occurring before the Greek language was formed . The process of change was undoubtedly that stated by Schleicher (Zur Vergl. Sprachengeschichte p. 40 ff. ). Under the influence of the soft dental consonant the palatal spirant, which followed it , passed over to the dental organ , changing into the sound which in French , Bohemian and Polish is denoted by z , while we Germans distinguish it in pronunciation as a soft s , although we represent it by the same character as the hard or sharp s *) , [German % being pronounced as ts ). $ , which is shown by its in - 601 fluence in prosody to be a double consonant , is the ex

• ) Rumpelt I 19 shows how desireable the distinction would be.

He uses the longſ for the soft, the short s for the hard sibilant. [ For Latin s cp. Roby § 187 ) . Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 269 gives interesting examples of a soft s for j or i from the Venetian dialect : e. g. arerzo aperio, 250 BOOK III. + Gr. EU. pression in writing of dz (according to Rumpelt dí ). The following are certain instances of the representation of an older dj by & : a) Initial . The name Zɛú- s has been mentioned already under the rt . dF (No. 269). As the declension varies in Greek between the stems Zev i . e. Ajɛv and A1F, so in Sanskrit ( 563) it varies between djav, djâu and div. The nominative djáu - s, also , according to the Pet. Dict. , diâu -s, readily unites with pitâ father, like Zɛv-s natńo, Umbr. Ju - pater, Lat. Jup - piter. If we start from the shortest stem div , we have at once by the side of this diu or dju. Considering how the semi - vowel and the vowel vary (Grassmann Ztschr. XI 3, Max Müller Lect. II 449), div was the most natural form before vocalic suffixes ( Skt. div -as = 11-os) , dju before consonantal ( Skt. instrum. pl. dju -bhis ); then the u was strengthened by addition of sound to au = Skt. âu is a further intensification , foreign to Greek. The Italian forms are based upon the fuller stem diov (Skt. djav) , hence Osc. dat. AlovFɛt ( Mommsen Unterital. D. 191 ), 0.- Lat. Diov- i- s (cp. Preller Röm. Myth. p. 166) with an accessory i (cp. can- i- s [ Roby $ 406 ]), later, after the loss of the d, Jov- i- s. By contraction Jov becomes JủJú , which is compounded directly with pater in Umbrian and Latin, just as the stem ΔιFis in Δειπάτυρο- ς · θεός παρά Στυμφαίοις ( Hesych. ). For I believe that I have proved in my Quaestiones etymologicae (Ind. lect. Kil. aest. 1856) p. III that we ought there to read ditátvpo -s, and to assume for this tribe of Epirus a form quite analogous to the Italian Jupater, with a paragogie ending ( ep. Αντίπατρος , Σώπατρος ) and aυ (cp. διαπρύσιος, πανήγυρις ) dulled from ε ( cp. ευπατέρεια) . But in Sanskrit we find also a fourth stem djâ , the accusative of which djá-m ( cp. Leo Meyer Ztschr. V 373) exactly corre sponds to the Homeric Zñ- v at the end of a line (e. g. 265 [ © 206, 2331] ). It was seen even by G. Hermann ( El. doctr. metr. 351) that the apostrophe has no right here. I. Bekker and Lachmann (in Lucr. p. 81 ) follow a Ś AS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF dj. 251 . him , while Lobeck El. II 273 is undecided. But the Sans krit form leaves no doubt remaining. The spirant has entirely disappeared in Zñ- v, just as in Dor. Bő- v βού--νv,, Skt. gô -m . We may place here also Alav ròv oúpavov Népal (Hes. ) , with which compare Herod. I 131 [ oi dè νομίζουσι Διΐ μέν .. θυσίας έρδειν τον κύκλον πάντα του ουρανού Δία καλέοντες] . The corresponding nominative Zn-s is quoted by Herodian ( II 911 , 8 ed. Lentz) from 602 Pherecydes , and with it also Zá- s. As in Al-nétvpo- s we saw the F disappear from the shorter stem A1F = 0.-H.-G. Zio, so also a nominative di- s is mentioned by Herodian. The stem Zn- v in the Hom. Znv- ós, Znu- i is based upon an expansion by an added nasal suffix : to this corresponds the Skt. div -án ( and div -an ) day ( Grassmann Ztschr. XI 8). With regard to the interchange of the longer stem Zyv with the shorter Zev, Zn we may compare the plural iv- es with its sing. 1-5. ( No. 592) . There is a notice of a form still more expanded , Zavr-ós nom . Zá- s in Bekker Anecd. 1181 , 1184. Different conjectures as to these stems are given by Kuhn and Legerlotz (Ztschr. VII, 79, 300 ). ( 561 ) The Lat. Ja - nu - s (cp. Skt. já -na -s going , course) I prefer to exclude entirely. It seems to me from its meaning as an appellative and from the related jâ -nu -a , jân-i-tor to belong to the rt. i , ja (No. 615) , with which even the ancients connected it (cp. Pott W. I 964) . *) In the Aeolic dialect of Lesbos the transition from di to & is an acknowledged fact. Ahrens p. 46 mentions the following instances : só = διά in ζα νυκτός , ζάβατος , ζάδη

• ) The attack of Corssen 12 213 misses its mark. Who will

think it credible that jânu -s passage (medius , imus) , jánua , jânitor derived their names first from the god Janus ? On the contrary , all these words may be just as well derived from the rt . ja , a very early expansion of i , as sá -nu - s from sa , fâ -nu-m from fa , dô-nu-m from do. What Preller says (Röm. Myth . 148 ff.) about Janus as door-keeper ' does not at all go against my etymology. [ But can Janus be separated from Diana ( Jana ) ? cp. Preller 149 , 277 , Roby $ 160. 2] . 252 BOOK III. λος , ζαελεξάμαν , ζαβάλλειν , Ζόννυξος Διόνυσος. There are also the later zeta diaita , zabolus = διάβολος, fúzoa élos according to Eustath . p. 295, 13 originating in διύγρα, ζάει" πνεϊ Κύπριοι, no doubt explained correctly by M. Schmidt as for di- cel , Saxópela diaxopeta ( Ztschr. IX 367) . These forms are only to be explained by the assumption of the intermediate stage dj, and it is worth while noticing that this intermediate stage survives in the mouth of the modern Greeks (Maurophrydes Ztschr. VII 138) . We are tempted accordingly to explain the name of the υλήεσσα Ζάκυνθο- ς from δι- άκανθο- ς, full throughout of άκανθαι or άκανθοι ( brankursine ) .- cp. δίαμμος, διανθής, διάπυρος , Διακρία and the Loerian Ζά- λευκο- ς - with an Aeol. v = a (Ahr. 78 and 82) . For Saguntum , which the legend connects with Záxvvios, we find also the forms Ζάκανθα,, Ζάκανθος, Whether this explanation suits the vegetation of the island, others can decide. [ But cp. Tozer. Geography of Greece p. 354] . Outside of the Aeolic dialect also διά often occurs in the form ζα , as in ζά- χολο- ς (Anthol.), Sauevňs (Hymn. in Merc. , Pind. ), çá -nedo - v (Xeno phanes ), fa-rànons (Aesch.), ça -alovro - s (Herod .), sá -Av00 -s 603 ( Aesch .), çd -xov60 -s ( Eurip .), [ Paley writes on Supp. 71 (68) ' dià is constantly a monosyllable in choral verses ; see on Cho. 774 ( 787) ; and perhaps generally when used in com position in iambics’. ], and undoubtedly also in the Homer. ζά - θεο - ς , ζά - κοτο - ς , ζα - τρεφ - ής , ζα - χρη - ής. Finally the first element of diavexos is in sound, if not in form , equivalent to this tá in a verse of Corinna ( Bergk 9), when the word forms an anapaest, if indeed we are not actually to read ζανεκέως (ζανεκέως εύδεις ; for ή διανεκώς). The transition from the meaning “ through and through ’ to the more general intensive meaning is very easy . Cp. Germ. Durchlaucht Highness (properly an abbreviated past part. of durchleuchten = illustrissimus; cp. also Eng. thorough ). dia is indeed itself derived from 8.Fuc , as has been shown under No. 277 ; the fact is remarkable phonetically, inasmuch as it proves that the sound j was still present in Greek Ś AS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF dj. 253 after the loss of the f from this sound - group. On the (565 ) other hand Hartung's connexion of this fá with öyav, and even with Skt. saha ( Partikeln I 355) is to be absolutely rejected. - διακόσιοι , is scanned as four syllables (πεντάκι diaxóoloi) in Anthol. XI 146, on which Lobeck El. II 106 justly remarks: fortasse taxóolot audiri voluit. b) In the middle of a word. Here we must quote in the first place those present stems in % , which are derived from verbal stems in d. For it may be regarded as proved ( Tempora und Modi 109 [ Das Verbum p. 286 ff.]) that to this d was added a j as the proper suffix of the present stem , and that the con junction of dj gave rise to & Verbs of this kind with roots in d are : EE- 0 -uai rt. éd (No. 280 ), ős- w rt. ód ( No. 288) , oxít- w rt. cxid (Nc. 295) , rés- w rt. xed ( No. 186) . The view of Bopp Vergl. Gr. 1 ° 31, according to which & represents the j, and has extruded a preceding consonant, cannot be maintained in the face of the close connexion of all of the facts that belong here. The noun - ending - la unites with a preceding 8 to form -ča in the Aeol. ndoto napdía (Ahr. 46 ) [ cp. Aesch . Supp. 71 , Theb. 288 Dind.:), in dozvoó- teça, xvavó -nega, toc πεζα (for τετρα- πεζα), the origin of which from -πεδ- ια (cp. Lat . acu - ped - iu -s No. 2) cannot be doubted (Leo Meyer Bemerk. p. 63) . From the same root , also with the vowel ε , come the simple words πεζός == πεδ- ιο - ς , πέζα πεδ- ια ( Νο. 291 ) . In zélaga we recognized ( No. 181 ) the stem zahod , which was referred to Indog. ghrád. 18t-ko- s of yesterday, npwl- có- s of the day before yesterday, certainly contain a stem difo ( cp. Lat. die - s) which we discussed under No. 269 and under doév, dúv p. 558 and p. 575. From the same rt. dif comes doi-8920 -s, the second part of which is equivalent to δηλο- ς : αρί-ζηλοι δε οι αυγαί, ( Ν 244) άριζήλη φωνή ( Σ 219). I. Bekker indeed ( Hom . Bl. 291) divides the word into úpis- dnào- s , regarding úpis, on the score of the proper name 'Apioßn , as a by 254 BOOK III. 604 form of άρι ( cp. αμφί, αμφίς , πολλάκι πολλάκις ). But the origination of & in od is by no means a well-- established process , and we need no postulated form , if we derive the word from άρι -δηλο- ς . δηλος is evidently for δι.F - ηλο ( cp. fx-nao-s). First the F dropped out , as in dé -ato for dif-ato , discussed above ( p. 558), and in Znu = di( v )-ân ( p. 602). The same form probably occurs in di - ało - v pavepóv ( Hesych .), where the a is no doubt long, as being the Doric representative of η (ep. διάλας φανεράς) . But dol- &ndo-s is the regular transmutation of ảol-djnão-s. In the common form dñão- s the j also has been completely ( 566) lost (cp . No. 269) . – Just as in the corresponding verbs , so in the substantives öfn , oxiča we may derive the & from dj. bica ( No. 515) was shown to be a transmutation of Foid-ja , Foad-ja. 2 ) ſ developed from gj through the intermediate stage dj. The origination of & from gj is as universally recognized as its origination from a dj belonging to a stem. It is clear that here there was no immediate transition. It is not probable that the § so originated was phonetically different from that just discussed. Here too & is a double consonant, the first element of which is dental. Hence to get from gj to § we must assume the intermediate stage dj, or in other words , the guttural medial shifted to a dental before j, and then pursued the same course with the following j as the original d. We shall soon see how important it is to keep this intermediate stage in view. The phonetic changes gj dj -- Ś we must recognize in the following cases. Of present stems in the following certainly belong here : άζ -ομαι cp. άγ- to- ς ( Νο. 118) , γογγύζ-ω ( No. 136) , κράζ- ω *) (κέ- κραγ- α) , νίζ - ω (No. 439) , ρέζ - ω dye (No. 154),

• ) The rt. xpay seems itself again to have come from xpax, like alay from hlar ( No. 367). This is made probable by the collections of Fick ? 48 ( e . g. Skt. kark , karkati laugh, kraksh i . e . krak +s roar,

8 AND 88 FOR Dj. 255 δέζ- ω do, (Νο. 141 ) , στάζ- ω drop (σταγ- ών ) στίζ- ω (No. 226), ogue- w well ( opvyuó- s), and also some which have lost a nasal: κλάζ- ω (κλαγγή) , πλάζ - ω (επλάγχθη- ν No. 367), and various verbs in which the y has perhaps been softened from *, as in xias- w cluck glóc- i-o (Walter Ztschr. XII 410) , στενάζω (cp. στενάχω No. 220) , σαλπίζω : this is certainly the case in alácw . We see from this that the softening of x to y , mentioned above, is older than the loss of the j. Of the comparatives of less usual formation we may 605 thus explain μείζων (Ion. μέζων ) μεγ- ιων and Ηom. υπ- ολίζων ολιγ- ιων. Similarly noun - formations like uñča by the side of Máy -alpo - s with a softened guttural ( No. 455) and qúča from the rt. pur (No. 163) . In both we must assume the suffix -la. The adjectives qu &a -x -ivó-s ( N 102) qucahéo-s, punkó-s and Hesiod's å -gúťa -s ( Schol. on Ø 528 ) seem explicable from the noun- stem φυζα. Οη πεφυζότες cp. p. 483 , on the remarkable Seubabai == γεύσασθαι p. 479 . Even for sá - w some have conjectured a connexion with rt. giv (No. 640) . In that case it would be for vja -w , dja- w, and the postulated intermediate stage would be still retained ( 567 ) plainly in dial- ra (cp. p. 483) . For in view of the close affinity between j and i we may , as will be further estab lished later on , without hesitation expect du for dj. 3) 8 and 88 as representatives of dj. Whilst the palatal spirant in the cases hitherto dis cussed survived , at any rate in its representative the dental spirant preserved in ę , there are other cases in which it is either entirely lost, especially when initial , or accord ing to the custom of certain dialects, assimilated to the preceding d, especially in the middle of a word : and the result of this is the phonetic equivalence d or 88 = S. Gr. xgénet , Lith . krak- iu , krak - ti roar ( of the sea) Ch.-Sl. krak - ati crow , Goth. hlah - jan laugh , A. - Sax. hleah- tor noise , laughter ]. Cp. p. 522. 256 BOOK III. a) initial d dj ( s) . It is well known that by the side of the forms of Zɛv- s beginning with Z there are others in several dialects beginning with 4*). The forms 4£v- s and Adv (cp. Záv) are Boeotian ( Ahr. Aeol. 175) , the former also Laconian ( Ahr. Dor. 95). Herodian n. uov. dég. p . 15 ( Lehrs ) quotes the nominative anv, the accusative of which añva has been found on the Cretan inscription of Dreros ( Gött. G. A. 1855 Nachr. No. 7 ) : this therefore corresponds to the Epic Zñva. As the counterpart to this Añva we find 606 on the Cretan inscription treated by Voretzsch 1. 6 Týva ( cp. Tàv Kontayɛvýs on a coin in Mionnet II 257) and, 11. 60, 61 , 77 of the Cretan inscription edited by Berg mann , in the place of this TTHNA. Voretzsch will hardly find any one to agree with him , in deriving (p. 14) this form of the name of the same God from an entirely different stem (rt. tan , tonare). M. Schmidt Ztschr. XII 217 justly recognizes in these different forms only different attempts to express one sound, which defied exact expression through the medium of the Greek alphabet. In this case a sound was probably still heard after the d , which had arisen from the j , or the explosive sound so denoted had a different place of articulation from that of the usual d, t , perhaps one lying farther back in the mouth , and this peculiarity of the place of articulation struck the ear more than what we might call the peculiarity in the degree of the sound. M. Schmidt (Philol. XVIII p. 231—33) quotes further from his Ηesychius ταμία = ζημία , τώνα - ζώνη , to omit

• ) où sãv , which is well established in Theocr. IV 17, VII 39 also belongs here , if with Ameis, Fritzsche and Ahrens ( Philol . XXIII

206 ) we regard it as parallel to the Hom. Zñv. Ahrens assumes the same for the Attic formulae of protestation φεύ δα , πόποι δα , oioi dă , ölev’ă dă , and this is confirmed by other instances of the representation of an original dj by d. The long a is to be compared with that of ’Asáve ( Soph. Aj. 14 [and always in Tragg. cp. Ellendt in voc. ] ) . [ On the common explanation ( e . g. Paley in Theocr. IV 17 , Aesch. Prom . 568 ( 580) : Liddell and Scott s. v. dà) , dã - yn, see above p. 484] . DD OR FOR dj ( $). 257 doubtful instances. As other examples of 8 & some quote, as Boeotian , dvyóv , Angos, as Laconian, dwuós, and with a doubt whether they are Boeotian or Doric , dãlov filov , datév Syterv (Ahrens Aeol . 175, Dor. 95) . — Perhaps the form δάγκολο- ν δρέπανον quoted by Hesych., and the name of the town Záyxan Gáyxan preserved on coins ( Ahrens Dor. 96) belong to this category. Inasmuch as we have actually the gloss αγκαλίς δρέπανον Μακεδόνες (Ηesych. ) and the derivation of this word from the rt. Årk , which unmistakeably occurs in apu-úło - s , áyu- úpa (No. 1 ) , is evident, it seems probable that from this was formed di apnio-v, as it were ' Twy- bow ' (Zweibug) bent apart (cp. di-xeada , Germ. Eim- ber (now more commonly Eimer pail, but 0.-H.-G. eimpar from përan bear , a vessel which can be lifted with one hand ; cp. Grimm Dict. III 111 ] Zu -ber (Eng. tub, 0.-H.-G. zuipar lifted with two hands] . From diaguio - v there would then be formed on the one hand by assibilation of the ι ζάγκλο- ν, ζάγκλη , the name which the Sicels according to Thuc. VI 4 gave to the sickle , on the other hand by the loss of the i the forms dáyxolov and Δάγκλη. In Aleman's δοάν divâm , too , discussed above ( p. 558) , the j has been similarly suppressed after 8 , just as in the Lat. dú-du-m by the side of diu (Fleck eisen Jahrb. 1870 p. 71 ) , bi-duu -m for bi-divu - m . But also δήν , δοάσσατο and δήλο- ς (p. 604) have suffered the same loss. Similarly by the side of fa-, explained to be from dié , on p . 602, we have the form da- in da- go- uvó- s , dá σκιο-ς, probably also in δά- πεδο- ν. - As from δίαιτα in the later language came zeta , so in the mouth of Hyper bolus du tounu became dytaunv (Herodian II p. 926 ), with an entire suppression of the 1 which had passed into a spirant. We see from this that d as a representative of dj was by no means wholly foreign even to the Tonic dialect. b ) 88 or 8 for dj ( 8) in the middle of a word. The Boeotian , Laconian , and Megarian dialects have dd in the place of the ordinary Greek & in the middle of CURTIC , Etymology. II, 17 607 258 BOOK III. one words ( Ahr. Aeol. 175 , Dor. 96) : thus Boeot. roldd_uɛv for noitetv palāv , Lat. rid-ere , where there is no doubt that the 8 belongs to the stem . It is therefore certain that we must here presuppose zold - ja -uɛv, whence came 2010 -dé-uɛv by progressive assimilation , like Aeol. XTÉV- VW from xTev - ja , ordinary Gr. őr- 20-uor from án- jo -uai. Where the final letter of the root is a guttural, we must, as above, assume more step ; thus in the Megar, and Boeot. μάδ- δα uăča, i . e . uad -ja , the earlier stage pay.ja (No. 455) , Boet. opád- da σφαδ-jω , σφαγ-ω, σαλπίδδω σαλπιδ -jω , σαλπιγ- ω . Here belongs also the Boeot. (569) péd -dm = péc-w , which is of special interest to us , inasmuch as it explains the Attic and Ionic. pres. žodw . The rt. Fepy ( No. 141 ) , whence come ëoy-ov , č- 007- d , when the expand ing suffix of the present was added, must have given Feoy-jw , fepd- jw. According to the analogy of oqad-jo, opáco we ought to have had from Feod-ja Feoco , but after pd the spirant was entirely lost , and hence we only find a trace of it in the dentalizing of the v : fepdm . By metathesis Fepr became Fper ( cp. depk - dpak , Fep - Fpe ), and this form too formed its present by the addition of the j : Foxy -jw , Foed - jw Boeot. péd- dw , Ion . Qćew , for here theç could easily be pronounced after the vowel. To formations of the latter kind belong also : &-péx-en- v , pex- tó- s (cp. ¿ ooń- 99 -v, on-tó- s) . Even Buttmann ( A. Gr. II 286) justly called attention to the entirely corresponding metathesis in the Engl. wrought by the side of work . But neither he, nor the earlier comparative grammarians ( cp. Benfey I 84 , Christ 245) succeeded in explaining the d , which is limited to the present stem . Some indeed thought of entirely separating the roots èpr and èpo (Pictet Ztschr. V 47 ). Ahrens Formenl. p. 108 comes nearest to the truth . Only he incorrectly brings in the Aeolic forms in -od , used in Lesbos. But we cannot at all prove the existence of oodw. There is a similar instance of an i which has passed into j and has disappeared altogether in the present dɛi - d - w ; which is to be traced back to del - di - w , del-dj- w (No. 268) . j or 1 WITILA S PREFIXED. 259 We must regard del- d - w as analogous to the Syracusan perfects with the inflexion of a present: δεδοίκω , όλώλω ( Ahr. Dor. 329) : one word of this kind has become estab lished in the usage of ordinary Greek , nx- w, always with a perfect meaning, and coming from the rt . é = Skt. ja go, which occurs reduplicated and with a causative mean ing in i- n -ul ( Christ 153 ). [ Cp. otjxw and ronyop@ in N. T. Greek : Moulton's Winer p. 26) . Finally we must place here also the isolated forms διαφυλάδες διαφυ- 608 λάσσειν, διαφυλάδων διαφυλάσσων on the same in scription of the Varians of Teos (No. 3059 , 1. 11 and 18), which has supplied us already with other remarkable forms, the counterpart as it were of Týva by the side of Zive. If the reported form is genuine, we must explain these forms as a softening, and they are related to those with it much as theça to ahyoow ( No. 367 ) with the other analogies in the Aeolian ( Ahr. 46 ) and Dorian dialects. The modern Greek diaqvidyo is remarkably analogous, for here, as Maurophrydes shows Ztschr. VII 143, the v has the sound of j. 4) ; or 1 with a 8 prefixed. It is a recognized fact that & , especially when initial, often corresponds to a j in the cognate languages. But scholars were for the most part contented with this ety mological agreement, without arriving at any clear idea (570 ) of the phonetic relation of the two sounds, one to the other. Schleicher was the first who , in his essay " Zur vergleichenden Sprachengeschichte' recognized this, and irrefutably established it on p . 48. If we have hitherto seen & proceeding directly from dj , and therefore defined it phonetically as dz, it follows from this that, if & corre sponds etymologically to a j , a d has been prefixed to it ; or , to express this by means of formulae , . S dz dj therefore $ :) dj : j di therefore 3 i tj d + ; 17 * 260 BOOK III. We find exactly the same process in the Romance languages, which Schleicher well refers to (cp. Ebel Ztschr. XIII 287) . Thus from Lat. jacere comes Ital. diacere, from 609 Lat. május Middle Lat. madius ( Diez Gramm. 1 ° 248, 254) * ). Even the further transformations of the Lat. j in the mouth of the Romance nations, like Ital . maggiore i . e. madžore [ž = Fr. j ors in pleasure ] , presume a group of sounds containing d . The case is the same with the English j, as in John, the pronunciation of which as dă is distinguished from that of the French j by this pre fixed d . The difference of these two languages from Greek consists only in the fact that in them the soft sibilant has shifted its place in the mouth . The same phonetic process may be recognized just as clearly in Gothic, but ( 571 ) here only in the middle of the word, where the d is written

• ) Corssen , who is averse to the assumption of a d naturally

produced before j , maintains (Beitr. 123 , Ausspr. 1 ? 806) that the d in madius did not make its appearance until after the assibilation of the j , and that therefore it is not j which has become dj , but the soft sibilant, which we are accustomed to denote by z , which has become az. But this rests npon an error. The d of diacere is unquestionably a prefixed letter , but up to the present day , it has had as its result no assibilation of the i , and the Modern Greek διάκι olóxiov rudder offers the most striking parallel . It is proved by these and by other facts in the history of language , which I have collected , that there is a tendency in the organs of speech to prefix d to a ;. The shifting of the j to the dental sibilant is independent of this : it is a phenomenon , which not only makes its appearance without the d , but also fails to appear after the addition of the d. For the Greek language the parasitic generation of a d before j could only be set aside by assuming that in every in stance in which we see $ correspond to a j in other languages, there was originally a dj. · But who could regard this assumption as probable in the face of the evidence of so many languages, which show nothing but a j , e . g. in the case of the rt. Zur = jug (No. 144) or of Gw -uó- s jûs, which is to be discussed immediately ? The objections which Georg Schulze in his doctoral dissertation ‘ On the relation of Z to the corresponding sounds in the cognate lang uages' (Göttingen 1867 ) raises against my view , I have submitted to a thorough examination in the Studien ' II 180. Ś = j. 261 doubled, as in Goth. dadilja 0.-H.-G. tâju , Skt. (lhá-jà mi (No. 307 ) , tvaddjé gen. of trai for tvajê, iddja I went, according to Müllenhoff (Haupt's Ztschr. XII 387) = Skt. ijája , Gr. ñia. Various Low - German dialects show the same addition : for the High -German ja they say some times dsa , sometimes dža, and indeed even ža. The pre fixed , or , as we may call it , parasitic d furnishes a parallel to the g with F, discussed above , for as Lat. vastare is to Ital. guastar, so is Lat. jacere to Ital. diacere. The deduc tions from this comparison we will draw afterwards. Here we have in the first place to point out the facts . a ) ſ = j. Getui, [ d 41 , 604 cp. Hayman's note), later bec , spelt, whence ɛl -dw90- s őpovoa , is connected with Skt. java -s corn , barley, jara -sa -s grass , the Zd. yava ( m. ) field produce, whence yérin ( m. ) fields, and the Lith . júva -s, grain , any kind of corn , pl. java -í corn on the stalk , jav-ënà stubble ( Bopp Gl., Kuhn Zur ältesten Gesch. p. 14 , Pott 1 ' 35). On the į in the middle of the word cp. p. 563. The con nexion with είαι , είοι· οσπρίων καθάρματα pods , shells, ñia chaff, conjectured by the ancient grammarians and by Lobeck (El. I 100) still seems to me doubtful, though certainly £ ï'c xóptog i . e. fodder in Suidas would supply a link between them . There is however a considerable difference in the meanings. Gé - w from the rt. Zec Skt. jas, according to the Pet. Dict. to bubble ( of boiling liquids), to fatigue one's self, 0.-H.-G. jës, has been discussed under No. 567 . The words Snu - ia penalty, loss and &n- tpó- s executioner 610 (δημόκοινος Ηesych.), ζη- τρείο- ν το των δούλων κολαστήριον probably go back to one and the same root , which we may perhaps compare (Bopp Gl., Benf. II 201 , Ztschr. VIII 89) with the Skt. jam hold , rein in , discussed from another point of view on p . 598. The vowel is lengthened, as in zonu- vó- s rt. kpeu (No. 75) , the nasal dropped be fore the suffix -too. I do not venture to maintain positively 262 BOOK III . any connexion between Snu -la and Lat. dam -nu-m ( cp. No. 270). Grassmann Ztschr. XI 13 ventures upon bolder combinations. Enté- w is referred by Bopp Gl. and Schleicher op. cit. p. 46 ( cp. Fick ? 158) to Skt. jat, which according to the Pet. Dict. has also especially in the middle , the meaning ' to strive after anything'. But in this case the length of the vowel remains surprising, and snuia offers no sufficient analogy for it. The use of the Skt. causative játajāmi is entirely different [attach one's self to , etc. ) . ( 572) We find a shorter stem in Entópwv & ntoúvrov in Hesych ., though with the addition γράφoυσι δέ ένιοι ζητητόρων,, but in Photius merely with the explanation Entntov, and in çi- etai Enteital (Hes. , E. M.), which we may probably read with the diphthong, like the neighbouring fia xolty Sztá. Thus we get a verb & ε - í- w ( cp. velxaiw ), Eé- w and a rt. Ze , which we may the more naturally connect with the equivalent Hom . Si-En -uar later di&ouai ( Pott II 36 ), in that Homer as a rule uses this verb for the notion of seek ing, and only once (5 258) , uses Entów , which is so com mon a word in later writers. di-& n -uoi is a reduplicated form δι -δη-μαι , a present perfect like ήμαι , κείμαι . The derivation from the st. 8F1 , dv ( No. 277) , admissible enough for dića , doubt, does not suit the usage of dišnuai. We are thus led to the conjecture (cp. Christ 151 ) , that the rt. ja go , attain , strive fixed itself in Greek also in the form djâ $n , and that in the special meaning of ' seek ' , that $ n-té- w is related to this rt. as (duqis-)Bn -ré - o to rt. Ba , and that Skt. ja- t and also ják , seek , are to be regarded as only expansions of this same root. Ei &uqo- v , the tree , the fruit of which is called jujubae, whatever the source from which it got its name , shows unmistakeably the reduplicated form and the representation by $ of the j retained in Latin ( Benf. I 686 ) . Evy ó- v in its relation to the rt . Zur Geby-vv -ut, Skt. jug- a -m , Lat. jug -u -m etc. has been explained under No. 144 ; the form dvoyó- v in Plato we discussed on p. 597. Ś = j. 263 Ew-uó- s , broth , would naturally be grouped with E6- , if we were limited to Greek alone ; though &ú-un púpaua, leaven would be an objection in itself. If we compare, however, Skt. jú - s, júsha -s, júsha -m pea- soup , Lat. jús, Lith. 611 júszė bad soup ' of leaven stirred up in water ' , (Nessel mann ), Ch.-Sl. jucha (Schl. Ksl. 133) and the Lett. jau -t, to stir meal into water, quoted by Pott W. I 1232, we arrive at an Indo -Germanic rt. ju with the meaning stir in , mix. Now ' to mingle ' is a meaning actually estab lished in the Pet. Dict. for Skt. rt . ju , elsewhere ' to bind ', and a -jav-ana-m means spoon for stirring (Fick ? 161 ) . The w is probably to be explained from a form with ' added sound' jau -ma-s. The v was suppressed , but it. left behind the long vowel as in the cases mentioned on p . 562. Thus the famous μέλας ζωμός may rest upon a primitive tradition . Só -vn, fã -ua, Św -6 -rúe girdle , girth , Sa -vvv-ul gird seemed to be formed, by a phonetic developement quite analogous, from the rt. ju , which in Skt. means bind. The Lith . jústa girdle seemed also to point to the rt. ju. But Pott W. I 1243 , and Fick ? 160 have since pointed out the Zend words yâonh put on , yâc- tô girded , and the Ch.-Sl. ( 573) po- jas- ů Saóvn, po- jas- a - ti Sovvúvcı (Miklos. Lex. 654) . As the meaning here suits still better, this grouping deserves the preference. The rt. is therefore jas. Goúosa Ewvvúota (Hesych .) is for go - é- otw for Coo- é- ofa , and belongs to a different form of the present. On the other hand the attempt of Ahrens Ztschr. III 165 and Legerlotz VII 295 to refer the first element in Çorvpo- s and its derivatives to some different stem than that of the verb Gé- w is certainly a failure. For śñv is widely used in a metaphorical sense , extending even to fire in Eurip. Bacch. 8 ( woav płóyo). For Gá - w itself CP: p. 483. We pass on to the middle of the word. The & of the verbs in -ačo , -16w has long been recognized as con nected with the j of the Skt. -ajā -mi, i . e. of that termin 264 BOOK ILI. ation , by the aid of which denominative verbs especially are formed . The sound j has preserved the same function in the same place in the Teutonic, Slavonic and Lettic languages most extensively. It is sufficient with respect to this to refer to my Tempora und Modi p. 119 [ Das Verbum p. 300 ff.], to Bopp Vgl. Gr. III ? 115, Schleicher Ksl. 192 ff. I cannot regard this view as shaken by the doubts and objections of Pott II ? 911. The difference of opinion as to the vowel preceding the s, which Schleicher ‘ Zur Sprachengesch .' p. 41 , and also Grassmann Ztschr. XI 97 agree with me in explaining as the final vowel of the nominal stem , may be left out of the question here. We have only to do with the fact that § without the accession ' of any other element but the parasitic d has 612 originated from a j. It is evident that at an early time the denominative verbs divided into two main forms. From -aja -mi, Gk. -ajw -ul, came on the one hand, by the expansion just mentioned, -adja- ul , -a&o-ul , -aça , on the other, by the loss of the j -aami, -aw , -ow , - € 0 , -0. Hence piéto and βιάω go back to the same primitive form βια;ωμι* ) . But transitional forms are not wanting even in Greek. The language of Homer still shows some traces of the original identity of the two formations , as he uses åya πάζω and αγαπάω , αγαπήσω, αντιάσας and αντιόω i . e. αντιάω, βιάζετε and βεβίηκε βιήσεται, ειλυφάζει and είλύφόων, ευνάσω , ευνάζοντο and εύνησα , εύνηθείς , πειράζω and TELONOW, sometimes evidently for reasons of prosody with out any difference of meaning. There was not felt to be any difference in the formation of the verbs. In Theocritus there are some aorists with & from verbs in -á- w, though ( 574 ) Ahrens now banishes them from the text : yaadžal, zarážat ( Ahrens Dor. 91 ) : these evidently come under the same category with those discussed on p. 599 élarážai, and may

• ) On the sound which may be heard in modern Greek some

times as a guttural, sometimes as a palatal spirant ( terveyo , neiro jers in the verbs in -aw cp . Maurophrydes Ztschr. VII 142, f = j. 265 be easily explained by supposing that the Ŝ was produced not by the $ of the present, but by the original j (yelaj Gal). To these Ahrens justly adds xhatã from rhøw i . e. ulasja ( cp. the Heracl. notixhaiya , mentioned on p. 599 ). šptağa is probably to be explained from a by - form goej- w for poé- vw , to which also the rare aorist form pocoin- val , as if from poata ( Lobeck Paralipp. 46) points. We may also call to mind the forms dozáča (Sophron) by the side of προσδοκάω , σχα orácet Aristoph. Nub. 409 , & orāual éptáča (Hesych. ). Cp. Stud. III 189. The Romans transformed the -ajo -mi, which was undoubtedly Graeco -Italic , only in the second way, into -a - o , -o : dónajó mi, dóna -o, dónô. It is true that in a small number of the verbs in -acw it may look as though the dretained in the & belonged to the noun - stem , from which the de nominative verb was derived , e . g. in his to stone, which we might be tempted to derive, not from lido -s, but from the by- form hifd- s ( st. 2u9ad ), and to divide into hifad- ja ( cp. αγγέλλω áyyel( o) -jo) . Indeed Leo Meyer Il 46 has adopted this view , but it may be disproved best from his own meritorious collections. For the number of such words is too small to allow such an explanation to seem probable , in the face of the great majority. And we shall find hereafter that even this din nouns appears to us in another light. L. Meyer quotes 47 verbs in -c & c . Of these there are only twelve for which he contrives to adduce 613 any kind of primitive forms with a dental, and even these twelve are arrived at in the most forced way. Thus τοξάζεσθαι is made to come from τοξότης, ιππάζεσθαι from ιππότη-s , and even αεκάζομαι from the st. αεκοντ , assumpt ions which are not in any respect probable ( cp. above p.530 ). Even where nominal forms in - «ð actually occur , as in μιγά(δ) -s by the side of μιγάζομαι , the usage of the two words is entirely different. There is not a single verb in -a6w which is related to a noun in -ed at all as rol μαίνω is to ποιμήν or όνομαίνω το όνομα. We must pass the same judgment with regard to the relation of the verbs 266 BOOK III. in -i &w ( Élxica , pića ) to the substantives in -1-5 ( st. -10 , Élmi-s, čol- s) . L. Meyer p. 52 enumerates 67 such verbs, not including those with a guttural characteristic. Of these there are only 11 which ' plainly have noun- forms in d corresponding to them '. But besides the verbs just mentioned there are only 4 for which I can regard this as probable, viz. for αυλίζομαι (αυλιδ) , ληΐζομαι (ληϊδ), οπίζομαι (όπιδ) , παίζω (παιδ) . On the other hand , it would be hard to find any one who would derive étaipiobai to show one's self friendly ( 12 335 of Hermes) from étoipis a by-form of éraioa mistress , or droixíčetv (u 135) from αποικίς åroixía colony, where neither form nor mean ( 575 ) ing suits . The verbs in - Ew evidently have not all the same origin . Some few may possibly have noun- forms with 8 underlying them , though even in these instances our further investigations will show that another view is admissible. Others like κιθαρίζω , νεμεσίζω, πολίζω , υβρίζω come from stems in i . A third group , and a very large one, goes back to stems in o , like delavíEW , ÉTOIoiGoual, xaricw , xanvito . Here we must doubtless look upon the i as a weakening of the o (cp. Kooví-dn -s by the side of Bopac on- s), probably through the intermediate stage of an ε . The Cypr. xanta ( E. M. 485, 41 ) = xahéw , Lesb. xahno may also serve as an example of the manifold interchange and the identity of pure verbs and verbs with % * ). If, as we saw p. 572 , the original suffix -va has been preserved sometimes as -Bo, sometimes as -o with the transformation

• ) Other traces of this identity occur in the formation of nouns. The σ before the suffixes το , τυ , μo etc. in δείπνησ-το- ς , ορχησ- τυ - ς,

x996- uó - s is certainly of the same kind as that in nut oplo - tv-s , óaQ16- uó - s. Kissling Ztschr. XVII 213 is certainly right in taking the adverbs in -ωστί ( μεγαλωστί, νεωστί) as analogous to έγρηγορ- τί, jɛlɛï6 -ti, that is , as locatives of obsolete noun - stems in i . Hence μεγαλωσ- τί is related to ανιδρω - τί as καλή- ζω to καλήω. The same o appears also in xngwo- tń - s , dyqo6- tň - s. In this way many another o may be explained , which Leskien Stud. II 67 ff., endeavours to arrive at in another way . § = j. 267 a > on. or the loss of the F , we cannot be surprised to find different 614 representatives for a já -mi and -já -mi. The tendency to prefix a d to j must have come into operation at a certain period of the history of the language, of course long be fore the disappearance of the j. It attacked only a portion of the forms with j; and thus a difference arose, which in the derivation of verbs was shrewdly used , just like the splitting of the vowels (-a- w , - £ -a , -o- w) to differentiato the meaning in various ways. The relation of the 8 (rouldn) to the § of the present stem (roquíça) is discussed later In Sanskrit we have still the form in -ija -mi corre sponding to the verbs in -160 : its relation to these and to those in -aja -mi deserves a more thorough investigation. Besides these verbs I know of no certain instance of the representation of a j in the middle of a word by s. This double consonant is , as a rule, rare in the middle of noun - formations. But we may with some probability quote the following. xvvçãv snarl, whimper ( xvvenduó- s) reminds us of Skt. knû, (knú ná -mi) to give forth a noise, though this is indeed an unauthenticated root. Anyhow in this case there are other possible means of explaining the d. - Tooršív (also Toolsøvn ), which is situated not far from the sea , and if only on that ground, is naturally supposed to be cognate with Tooia and the rt. tra to cross ( 576) over (ep. No. 238 ), with the name of the people Toośýviou or Toolçuvioi ( E. Curtius Peloponnes II 574 ) , might easily owe its & to a j developed from oi : Tool - e- nv : it is not easy to find another explanation of it. The suffix would be derivative , as in xoin the region of the hips, from κωλή. Finally we may mention here the adverbs of place in -EE . That these are formed from odɛ , that is, by the addition of the locative -de to the acc. plur., is a view which Buttmann often repeated (Ausf. Gr. II ° 350) [ Jelf. $ 339 obs. 5 ) , though Lobeck in his note here has pointed out the improbability of this explanation. Cp. also Pott I ? 518 note. and Kühner I ? 55. Among the forms of this kind, which are not numerous, - I find only 11 a 268 BOOK III. quoted – this view only suits ' Atnvaše and Onpage, which are derived from plural nouns; and here we must not overlook the fact that we find not only onßai , but also Θήβη. On the other hand έραζε , χαμάζε are most decidedly opposed to it , inasmuch as, so far from finding the plural of these stems actually existing , we cannot even conceive of their existence , any more than of a Latin humos for humum . The plural is also excluded in the case of uérača [ from ustá ; restored from grammarians in Hes. Op. 392, where the M. SS have μεταξύ) . θύραζε may belong to θύρα as well as to θύραι. Where is the sense then of inventing ad hoc plurals for Βήσαζε , Θριώζε , 'Αφίδναζε, Μουνυχίαζε, Όλυμπίαζε , of which there is not a trace 615 elsewhere ? * ). Apollonius Dyscolus knew nothing of this doctrine. He regards ſe as a phonetic variant for dɛ ( de adverb . Bekk. Anecd. II 618 ). But dɛ is almost always clearly added to an accusative form , our ſe evidently to the stem of the word. Hence it seems to me hardly doubt ful that the ş here came from the j, which we meet often in the formation of cases , especially in datives , like Skt. inasc. acvâ - ja , fem . acvá - jái, in the instrum . fem . Skt. afva - já , in the gen. fem . Skt. acva -j-âs, some of which have Zend forms corresponding. Greek forms in - Eɛ we should be in clined to compare either with dative or with locative forms in the cognate languages. In the former case Júoa- te for Ivpa-jɛ would have to be compared with the Skt. uçvá -jâi; but the Indian diphthong presents some difficulty in its relation to ε , and there is some objection to limiting our selves to masculine forms in âja . Hence Scherer's notion (Zur Gesch . d. d. Spr. 287) of comparing -be with the termination -ya, which (according to Justi p. 387) occurs sometimes in Zend, e. g. in zasta -ya ' in the hand ', and with - je which is found in Lithuanian with the same force, e . g. in the equivalent rànko- je, is more attractive. The [ Ěsì tas ’Aqidvas occurs in Herod . IX 75 ( Baehr) and Strabo Βk. IX p. 397 writes "Αφιδνα ( λέγουσι δε και πληθυντικώς 'Αφίδνας) ]. δι 269 j. more definite determination of this point can only be undertaken in connexion with the difficult analysis of the case-suffixes. But it would be hard to prove for the Š in this place any other origin than that which has been ( 577 ) mentioned. For we surely cannot content ourselves with the assumption of a forma dialectica' for dɛ (Autenrieth Terminus in quem p. 25) . The interchange of directions in the case of such adverbs is established also in other instances. ai-Enó - s, youth , is too obscure in its first element for us to be able to regard Benfey's conjecture (II 210), that Sno corresponds to Skt. java time of youth, and therefore , as we assumed on p. 576 , to Gr. ñßn , as anything more than a conjecture. > .ܐܶ܂ ; dc ) b We have seen that during a certain period in the life of the language a parasitic d was easily generated be fore j. Nothing is more natural than the conjecture that the phonetic group dj, which was thus produced , instead of becoming &, as in the cases already mentioned, some times by means of the vocalization so common in the case of j, was changed into di , and that therefore the syllable di occasionally represents nothing but an original j. This origin of the syllable appears to me very probable, at least in the case of one derivative suffix . This is the adjectival suffix -810- s. This suffix together with several other similar ones, has been discussed by Budenz (das Suffix KOE Gött. 1858) and Bühler ( das Secundär - suftix THE Gött. 1858) ; but I cannot accept their point of view . 616 Benfey I 54 had identified the suffix -dio with the Skt. -tja , which is in this language mainly used to derive ad jectives from adverbs of time and place : tatra there tatra- tja - s of that place , puras before – pauras - tja - s the foremost ( Bopp Vgl. Gr. III2 431). In Greek , at any rate for the Ionic dialect of Attica , in accordance with the tendency to change t before { into o, we have to expect the form -610 , and we do find the suffix -610 in a usage 270 BOOK III . quite similar, rovuvň- 010- s in the hinder part of the ship , Ιθακή-σιο-ς, ημερή-σιο -ς ( Aesch. Ag. 22) , δημό- σιο- ς ( ep. Lobeck Prolegg. 425 sqq.). Now it is not at all probable that the same suffix should , by a softening of the to d , have been also preserved in the form -d10; for ī and the 6 which so often takes its place before i are among the favourite sounds in Greek word -formation , and the softening of 1 to 8 in Greek , as was shown on p . 524 , is an ex tremely rare phenomenon. The adjectives in -dio - s are not common, as a rule, in the older language (Lob. Pro. 351 sqq .), and are never connected with those in -610- s. In Homer we find διχθά- διο - ς, κατα- λοφά- δια , κρυπτά-διο-ς , μινυνθά- διο- ς κουρί -διο-ς , μαψ- ι - δίως, δηϊ- διο- ς , ( by the side of ρεία) , ( 578 ) later di-d10 -s ( from dai) , {nutelaoc - i -do- s, uolo -i -d10 - s * ), νοσφί- διο- ς , νυμφ-ί -διο- ς , παυρ- ί-διο - ς , φωρ-ί -διο - ς etc. It was only in Herodian's time (Tepi uov . deg. p. 18 L) that there came to be uúolov angos of them . These adjectives show a clear affinity to the Aeolic patronymics in -adio - s from stems in -o, like ’ropé -dio -s, Tivá-dio- s (Ahr. 157 ) , while on the other hand it is precisely these patronymics which are connected with forms in -Q- 10- s ( Tropa- 1o - s) and -10 - ( Tɛlauov-10-s )** ). The corresponding patronymics from stems in a, in Skt. end in -ja-s (dása -s slave – dåseja - s son of a slave) , in Lat. in -e -ju -s : pléb-éju -s, Pomp- ėju -s, Petr- ėju -s ( cp . Osc. pumpaíians Pompeianus, Aufrecht Ztschr. I 229 , Corssen V 88 ff .). These too havę remark able by- forms in -ediu -s and -aediu - s e. g. Pomp-aediu -s (Corssen I ? 116 , cp. II ° 393). Thus it becomes in a high > >

• ) uolod- dio- s , the older form , occurs in Eurip. Epigr. 2 , 4 ( Bergk

Lyr. Gr. p. 590) and is retained by Bergk and L. Dindorf ( Steph. Thes. ) also in Soph. 0. C. 228 in accordance with the apparent reading of La.

• • ) The frequent use of the possessive adjectives in -40- s as patronymies is treated thoroughly and with full material from in

scriptions by K. Keil ‘ Inscr. Thessal. tres ', in the letter of con gratulation from the Pforta on the occasion of the jubilee of Boeckh's doctorate ( 1857 ) p. 5 sq. Among all branches of the Aeolians this way of denoting descent always continued to be the popular one. dc j. 271 > degree probable that the the peculiar character of which I pointed out even in my essay " de nom. form . ' p . 7 sqs.. – developed itself here simply out of the 1 , and 617 indeed from what was at the time a consonantal j , so that thus Τύρραιος and Pρράδιος are to each other as the verbs in alj) w to those in açw (adjo) . We shall apply the same explanation to some adjectives of primary for mation, some of which I grouped with these op. cit. pp. 7, 61 : αμ- φά- διο- ς , απο-σπά-διο- ς , εκ-τά -διο - ς , στά- διο- ς (cp . Skt. sthâ - jin ), oxé- dio- s, psí-dio - s, to which belongs also nav- 6v- din ( rt. cu) , now extant only in its adverbial use. Bopp Vgl. Gr. III? 344 also refers these forms to those in -10-9 = Skt. -ja - s (cp. @öy-10 -s jag-ja -s No. 118 , Lat. pr - im - iu - s), but conjectures that the d corresponds to the t , which in Skt. under similar circumstances is added to the root , e. g. in Bhr-t-ja - s servant from the rt. bhar, support. But the transition from t to d is not justified by the phonetic tendencies of Greek in these words any more than in those discussed above. — Finally the pronominal adjective i -d10 -s will also find its explanation in this connexion. The form Fidio- s , found on the Heraclean Tables (Ahr. 42) leaves no doubt that its stem is that of the reflexive pronoun Skt. sva , Gr. (6)Fe ( No. 601), especially as the meaning of this pronoun was not originally limited to the third person , but was that of possession in general. Hence even Bopp Vgl. Gr. II ? 225 connected the stems ofɛ and F1-(579) dio-. But he endeavours here also to find a support for the d in a Sanskrit dental, i . e. in the d of the possessives mad - ja -s, trad- ja -s, on the analogy of which he assumes the non - existent svad - ja - s. But these specifically Indian forms have evidently come from the stems mat and trat, which sometimes in Sanskrit take the place of ma and tva , and sink down to d by a change of their t before vowels , which again is exclusively peculiar to Sanskrit. No clear traces point to the existence of these forms in the time before the separation of languages. The very forms of the possessive pronouns collected by Bopp prove 272 BOOK III. rather that the Indo-Germanic suffix -ja, (in its strengthened form ija) was added immediately to the stems of the per sonal pronouns; hence Gk. & -ue-jo - s, dua-o- s čuó-s, Lat. me- iu -s me- u - s , where however the vocative mi still points to me - iu - s. In this way from the stem 6fe- besides the shorter form 6f0- s or 68F0- S sovo - s , of which we said something on p. 570 - came also 6f8-jo -s, 6F8- do-s , later 6F8- d10io- s , F# -duo- s and finally 7-810--s. The softening of the ĉ tol as from a to 1 in the words quoted on p. 616 — has its analogy especially in the dat. pl . ogí-61 from 60€ , which was originally identical with 6Fɛ. It 618 cannot surprise us that in later times no kinship was felt to exist between forms phonetically so different. c) de j . We have shown above on p. 592, that j not un commonly passes into ε , and therefore we may expect to find dɛ also for dj, and in so far as the before j is parasitic, for a simple j. This phonetic change we assume for nouns in -δεο- ς like αδελφ-ί -δεο- ς , θυγατρ- ί- δεο- ς for so we ought probably to accentuate according to EM . p . 16 with Nauck Aristoph. Byz. 145 — which in Attic end in -δου-ς : αδελφιδούς, θυγατριδούς. This τύπος συγγε vizós, as the old grammarians called the formation (Lobeck Phryn. 299) denotes the son almost in a diminutive fash ion. To this also belong especially vil-doñ - s, éveula- doũ- s and many comic words like tnt-chia -doñ - s ' grandmother's little boy' ( No. 310 ), the connexion of which with the patronymics in -on- s , and the patronymics of birds in -dev - s (det -2-dɛv -s) has been recognized by Göttling Accent lehre 168 and Lobeck ad Aj. v. 880. We may now place these words with those in duo - s discussed above, and å væviá -deo-s with ’ Popc- d1o- s , and may compare Sanskrit words in -ja-s , like pitr- ja-s rétpa- lo- s patr - iu - s. Be ( 680) sides -ja -s we find -ja -s, which is identified with it by Bopp, similarly used in Sanskrit, e. g. svasr - ija-s sister's son, from svasi sister. In this suffix, which according to 8 273 j. Bopp (Skt. Gr. § 584 , 21 ) ' forms patronymics from words of kinship ’, the Greek -dɛo- s has its counterpart. The 1, which takes the place of an o at the end of the stem of the primitive noun , may be compared to the î of i- ja - s, while ja is represented by deo. Such an i originating in o met us before on p. 613 in the case of the verbs in -16W . d) 8 j. The group dj which came from j might also , at that period in the language , in which the palatal spirant began to disappear from Greek mouths , lose the latter sound entirely , so that of dj only was left remaining. In the change of the Lat. vastare into the Ital. guastar and Fr. gâter, often quoted already, we have the fully correspond ing parallel. When used thus, the medial is like a parasitic plant , which first fastens on to another plant, then drains it of its juice , and destroys it entirely. Nor will any one object to the multiplicity of the changes which take place with and by the side of the old j. For the less the probability which we allow , in the case of sounds which have remained 619 in common use in a language, to an isolated groundless deviation from the course of regular phonetic substitution, the greater the confidence with which we can . admit a sporadic variation in the case of sounds , which are found in any language to be gradually disappearing from an early time onwards. *) In the case of such , as e. g. in Latin in the case of its lost aspirates, and of the diphthongs, the genius of the language follows different paths. Various attempts of this kind owe their origin to very different

• ) Leo Meyer in his review of the first edition of my second

volume " Gött. Anz.' 1863 p. 231 pays absolutely no attention to this essential difference , bringing against my explanations the argument, which I have myself often made use of against him , i . e . that it is not probable that ' the same sound should appear under such different phases ' . Moreover I endeavour to establish a connected series of phenomena in favour of the phonetic developement here maintained, and to make this good by analogies. Cp. also “ Studien ' II 189. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 18 274 BOOK Ill. (581) times , and must have been furthered by the tendency to differentiation which runs through the whole life of a language. To refer them to well - established analogies, and to recognize the regular character, which may be detected in them in spite of all their variety, is a task which well repays the trouble it costs. By explaining them surprising light falls upon many forms which could with difficulty be made out from the stand - point of a special investigation. This is particularly the case with the representation of an original j by a Greek d , which we have now to consider more closely . To start from perfectly safe ground , we see an initial d take the place of j in the Boeotian, and probably also Laconian Ahr. Aeol. 175 , Dor. 95) dvyó- v Skt. juga - m , dwuó- s from the rt. ju , and in the Dorian, (accord ing to M. Schmidt, Delphian) datév • Entɛiv (Hesych . ), words which we have discussed on p. 606. What has hitherto often been regarded as a kind of magical meta morphosis of g into d , is explained simply by the loss of the j, and now first assumes its true relation to those words in which , as in Zev- s , the d was of older date. In the same dialects also a dj in the middle of a word, which had first originated from j, e. g. in the Boeot. ταρειάδδω iapeladjw , was assimilated into dd, precisely as a dj based upon a primitive dj or gj. The strengthening of the j by d evidently belongs to a period of language which much precedes the division into dialects and there fore the origination of the The insertion of a d before j and the extrusion of the latter by d does not , moreover, occur exclusively in the cases in which § has developed. To the Hom. laów (No. 587) corresponds Aeol. davw (dators Sappho Fr. 82 Bergk) , which has therefore come from 620 djavo. We saw moreover above p. 606 f., that the sup pression of the spirant after 8 was not entirely strange even to the Attic dialect. Hence the objection , that in Attic at any rate only & could be expected for j, is not well - founded . d = j. 275 An initial 8 answering to a primitive j has some probability, at any rate in the case of one pronominal stem. The particle dň precisely corresponds in usage to the Lat. jam, Goth . 0.-H.-G. ju now, already , Lith. jau already, indeed , Bohem . ju- ž (Ch.-Sl. u = ju , u- že ju + že i . e. Gk. pé). I have no doubt that these words belong to each other phonetically also ; and this has been recognized with respect to those of them beginning with j by J. Grimm (Gr. III 250) , Bopp (Vgl. Gr. II² 201) and Schleicher (Ksl. 263) . The particles beginning with j evidently come from the pronominal stem ja (No. 606), the meaning of which, originally demonstrative , and in fact pointing especially, as it appears , to what was well known, may be clearly seen in the Gothic particles of affirmation ja, jai, Germ. ja [Eng. yea ], and the derived (582 ) pronoun Goth. jain -s Germ. jener * ). From this stem is formed Lat. ja-m , as from the stem ta ta -m . The particle dý has the force of affirmation and of bringing out the present sharply with respect to the past , and may often, e. g. in τα δή νύν πάντα τελείται be actually translated by the German ja. We may regard dň as a case - form , perhaps as the instrumental, of the same stem from which ja -m is an old locative formation (cp. Skt. ja -smin ). From jâ came djâ, then with a suppression of the j dn. 7-89 is to δή as ή μήν tο μήν (otherwise Pott W.I 1057); it is compounded with the like form of the pronominal stem a,

• ) Corssen , who Beitr. 503 , I ? 213 with Pott ( W. I 1050)

identifies ja -m with die- m , objects to this, that the Teutonic pronoun points to what is at a distance , the Lat. jam to what lies near . But this is precisely the relation of &-xei, & -neivo- s to the Lat. ce in hi- ce , ci-s , ci- tra . The more delicate distinctions of the uses of the pronoans are evidently something later , which has taken its own peculiar shape in each language. What determines me to hold fast to the grouping given above is the fact that four families of speech are thus made to agree in the manner of denoting the idea of ' already'. What Pott says of the “ remote dialects' to which the transition from j to 8 is limited, is sufficiently refuted in the text. 18 * 276 BOOK III. just as we find also in Gothic by the side of ju a compound of a different kind ju -than with the same meaning. This is likewise the opinion of Sonne Ztschr. XII 282, where he tries to explain also dɛū -po and deŰ-te in this way, regarding dev as a transformation of ju . Clemm 'Studien ’' III 308 ff. has a different notion . The view developed most fully by Hartung (Partikeln I 224 ff.), and defended by Corssen Beitr. 499, that dŸ is connected with the stem 621 div day , whence dúv (p. 558) , has been contested by Bopp 1. c. on weighty grounds. From the meaning ' by day ' it is not easy to arrive at the meaning ' already ': the Lat, diu , which decidedly belongs to die - s, shows rather that a day presents itself to the childish sense as a very long time. We need not here discuss the question how dň is related to dě, and both to -dɛ which points out and marks direction (ő -dɛ, oixóv -de), and to the Latin pronominal forms -de-m , -da -m .*)

• ) In the first edition I quoted as a second instance of the

transition of an initial j to 8 the rt. du , for which I thought I could deduce an older form ju. But upon renewed examination I gave this up. For natural as it is to compare dv- w with exdutae, pre served in Paulus ( Epit. 80 ), and on the other hand this exdutae with the exuviae which serves as its explanation , and closely as the whole use of dów approximates to that of -uo , there is no certain evidence of a rt. ju , which might be regarded as equivalent to dv , du . The Pet. Dict. only recognizes for rt. ju the meanings ‘ yield , withdraw ' . But another difficulty presented itself to me through a Zend form quoted in Justi , to which my attention was called by Pictet II 302. The word ao- thra (from Indog. au -tra ) shoe , evidently coincides with the Lith. aú - ti ( 1 sing. au-nů) to cover the foot, av- ě - ti to wear a covering for the foot, Ch.-Sl. u- ti in iz-u- ti exuere , ob- u- ti induere, both used also only of a covering for the feet; and may clearly be compared with the Latin words (Pott W. I 623 , Fick ? 17 ) . It would be possible to find a link between the Gk. dv and the Slavo - Lithuan ian verbs in an intermediate ju , for in these languages an initial į is sometimes dropped. But this seems impossible in the case of Zend , for there is nothing of the kind here , but an initial j is often found. This is a very plain proof of the important truth that com parisons even between Greek and Latin words cannot attain to 1 & j. 277 It is more common for a j in the middle of a word (583) to pass into d. The sound 8 holds a very important place in Greek word- formation , and yet no one had hitherto succeeded in pointing to analogous formations from the cognate languages with the solitary exception of Latin, which agrees in part. For we have often seen already that there is no probability in the explanation from an original t. Here again we enter the sphere of those ling uistic phenomena, which I have touched upon in my essay de nominum formatione' pp. 6 — 10. The d as I showed there, partly following Bopp , in a large number of word formations belongs neither to the stem nor to the suffix as an integral part ; and Kuhn in his review of this essay ( Jahrb. f. wissensch. Kritik 1843 p . 31 ) recognized it as 622 accessory , at any rate for some iniportant classes of forms, adding that this d seemed to have originated from j. This remark , though accompanied indeed by phonetic analyses, which differ from the views here stated, suggested to me the whole of the investigation of the relation of d to j, as given here. A quantity of matter belonging here has since been collected in the essays of Budenz and Bühler mentioned on p. 615 , but from a very different standpoint, one which I believe to be entirely erroneous , and treated without any regard to Kuhn's and my own earlier discussion of the subject. a ) Feminines in - and -ud . The most common suffix for the formation of the per sonal feminine in Sanskrit is i . To this suffix corresponds Gk. 1 *) , which as a rule is short, but which in some note > complete certainty without the use of all the cognate languages. The Greek dvw therefore remains a puzzle for the present. The decisiveness , with which Pott II ? 889 rejects the identi fication of the Greek suffix with the Indian of the same form , is evidently only occasioned by the belief, that the Skt. i originated from jâ ; but this belief is far from being proved . It cannot possibly be mere chance that the same vowel should serve in both languages for the same purpose of forming a feminine. 278 BOOK III . (584)worthy Homeric words , as Hoffmann Quaest. § 71 points out , is also long : Bo-ari nótvia "Hon E 357 ( cod. Ven.), Bhoovipoonis šorepávoro 4 36 [cp. Laroche Hom. Textkritik p. 385) . It does not seem excessive boldness in the case of these forms to mark the length by the accent, even against traditional authority Boni [Boõru Laroche, etc.). To these we may add the plural Xv -rhoxqui- d -es (ß 119, T 542), where, besides the length , we meet the d, which is here in question. That this d in the case of stems in -d is not to be regarded as merely a suffix added in particular instances , ' is seen most strikingly from dialectic by - forms like Πάρι-ος, Θέτι- ος, μήνι- ος by Πάριδος, Θέτιδ- ος, μήνιδ- ος, νήνι = vɛavidı Anacr. 14, 3, ãyl- v Hesiod. " Eoya 426 by αψίδα, Καλλί- ν , Σωτηρί- ν, τεχνήτι-ν (Inscriptions de Delphes 90 , 7 ; 32, 10 ; 177, 5) Aeol. κνήμι-ν , σφράγι- ν for κνημίδα, oppayida (Bekk. Anecd. 1207) , and conversely in Sappho nolv - id -21-d -c and even in Sophocles according to Herodian on r 219 id - oc- d -e: it is seen again from the fact that 21 ɛ this d occasionally attaches itself not merely to the suffix 1 , but also especially to the suffix -ti : ppov -rid -os (cp. Ion. πίσ-τι - ος ), θέ-τιδ-ος ( Νο. 307) , κακο-φάτιδος by the side of gáti- s , gen. góti- os. But there can be no doubt about the identity of this ti with the Skt. ti. Why then should a new suffix have been appended here ? No one of those, who contest this theory of mine , has given any answer at all, much less a satisfactory one , to this question. And 623 supposing that we were to follow those who make the 8 come from t , họw could we imagine a second t- suffix here ? reali- s realid -os bowl corresponds to the Lat. pelvi-s ( st . pelvi) . Whence comes the d , if not from 1 ? Even Bopp (Vgl. Gr. III ” 188) recognized that the d attached some times to the feminine suffix for 'feminine nomina agentis -TQL (= Skt. tri ), e. g. in ano-tol- d (cp. Skt. dâ - trî a woman who gives) , was an accessory sound. We must indeed take care not therefore to regard the c of the Lat. trî- c as a parallel case. I have shown Ztschr. IV 215 ff. that this c corresponds rather to the x in the Gk. yuva - ix i . e. 8 279 - j. γυνα--κι ,, and is to be taken as a diminutive suffix (ki) newly added, and that thus gen - e-trix would be to yev-E TQL-s , which does not indeed occur, but may be imagined by analogy in its place we find γενέτειρα i . e. γενε TEP- l - a with a different expansion as mater - cula and Bohem. mat-ka are to måter. But the d of the Greek forms (585 ) is not to be explained from the standpoint of the doctrine of word-formation , but from that of phonetics. Mono syllabic stems in î in Sanskrit before several case - endings beginning with a vowel generate a j from this i , which thus becomes short , e. g. st . bhî fear, instr. sing. bhi-j-a dat. bhi-j-ê nom. pl. bhi-j-as, while those with more than one syllable let the i pass wholly into j : narî woman, nom . pl . narj -as. The expansion of i to ij is quite ana logous to that of û to uv in Sanskrit, e. g. st . bhí earth, nom. pl. bhu- v- as [cp. Schleicher Comp.: p. 29 ) , and, to say nothing of doubtful instances, finds an unmistakeable analogy in the late Latin vidu - v - iu - m from vidua . Now this j afterwards generated before itself a d. Ett-os be came first Θετιί- ος , then Θετιδή-ος , and finally Θέτιδ- ος . Little importance is to be attached to the quantity of the 1 , for no vowel varies as a rule so much as this does. Schleicher ( Beitr. I 328 ff.) even contests the existence of an î and a û for the time before the separation of the languages [Comp.: p. 26) . Like the j in Sanskrit, the d naturally occurs only before vowels. In Greek the accent favours the developement of this sound, inasmuch as it brings the i into greater prominence. xlal-s is of the same formation as ról -s; we have laid -os but Ion . Tóli-os, hence 'Elnl-vixn ( cp. aizi-oxo - s ), hence also the Aeol. xvýul- v beside the ordihary Greek xvmuid - a, and con versely φροντίδ- ος by the side of πίσ - τι- ος . There is certainly no consistency of practice, for we have špid - a , čard- os , but in the acc. έρι - ν όπι - ν are preferred to έριδ - α , όπιδ- α ; and in these forms no one will suppose that a d has been dropped. Among the personal feminines in -1 with an accessory 8 the patronymics deserve to be brought into especial 280 BOOK III. prominence. The Skt. -î serves for precisely the same 624 purpose, and indeed with the same accentuation of the vowel (Bopp Vergl. Gr. III 376) : Draupad -î daughter of Drupada , like Πριαμί- ς daughter of Πρίαμο- ς , or Τανταλί - ς. The final vowel is thrown away before the i in both lang uages. After a consonant simply 1 is added : Mavdiov- i - s. The diphthong ev is in the Homeric dialect treated as in the gen.: Nnpɛv -s Nnon -i -s i . e. NnpaF- 1-5 cp. Nnen- os, ’Epexon-i-s (cp. Ebel Ztschr. IV 171 ). The feminine patro nymic, however, in its formation quite agrees with numerous other half adjectival forms. It does not admit of doubt that IIolauis denoted originally ‘ she who belongs to Priam ' , ( 586 ) in whatever sense of the word *). Hence we have also feminine names of tribes, as in Pindar Aloin - t- s belonging to the masc. Alolɛv- s, and in fact the meaning of such adjectives is extended to that of relation in the widest sense ; thus Z 193 riuñs Basianidos, Pind. Ol. I 102 Bæol anida tiunv. Thus 'Alaixouɛvni-s, the protecting , an epithet of Athene, is simply the feminine to the masc. ' Alalxo Mɛvev -s, a word which is quoted in E. M, as an epithet of Zeus. Masculines in -ɛú- s as ' paraschematisms' from par ticipial forms [i . e. formed from them by a change of in flexion ), were discussed Ztschr. III 79 and above p. 596. Cp. Aquvausvɛv -s (Apoll. Rhod. I 1131) , 'Idojevet-s. In forms like βασιλ -ί -ς , Αιολ-ί - ς , Μεγαρ-ί- ς we must probably assume the loss of the ε , as in onécol for oné€661. Cp. Lobeck Prolegg. 468 ff. These widely extended personal feminines are followed by a large number of common and abstract nouns, especially diminutives , like ani-s beside dɛia , tvo -í-s (cp. Schwabe de demin. p . 54) , which perhaps Bught simply to be placed with the patronymics , so that the little door was denoted, so to speak , as ' doorish ' , just as the daughter of Aeolus

• ) The difficulties, which stand in the way of the view pro

pounded by Benfey, that these words denote properly the wife, so that Ilocauid - n - s means ' son of Priam's wife ', are stated by Pott II 888. d == j. 281 . was described as “ Aeolish ' ; and also names of implements like yoaq - l- s stile, oqay -l- s sword , which even Bopp III ? 382 compares with Skt. words like var- i- s clothing , Khid - i -s axe ( rt. khid split) ; while derived abstract words like 'Ata uavt- i- s, 4mpi-s at any rate to a large extent can be explained simply from the ellipse of a substantive (quan, vñ) . Primi tive abstracts like { 11 - í-s have their analogues in Sanskrit, as lip- i-s writing , and may be explained from the common tendency of language to use the feminine to express the abstract. To start from this latter usage, and to assume e . g. for Ampi- s the meaning of Doric land , for Ilocauí-s the meaning (which cannot be established in a single in- 625 stance) of ' family of Priam ', as older than the concrete ‘ daughter of Dorieus , or of Priam ' , as Budenz (Suff. -KOE p. 61 ) chooses to do , is simply to set things topsy turvy. In the life of language generally the general and abstract proceeds from the individual, from that which strikes the senses, and not the reverse. With this falls also the ex planation of the masculine patronymics, which Budenz pro poses : and this will be seen to be of not less importance. B ) Stems in -ad. The parallelism of the stems in -ad , nom. é- s, with those in -ed , nom. é - s is so great , that the two classes are generally treated together , most thoroughly by Lobeck Prolegg. 439 ff. Like the stems in -1d , those in -ad are turned into feminine patronymics : Βορεαδ like Πριαμιδ , to other feminine proper names or adjectives: uorgad, λημνιαδ , like Θεωριό, Λεσβιδ, to names of countries, and abstract words : ' Ellad, innad like Aloded. It is clear that the stems in -að are to those in -1d precisely as the verbs in -aç @ are to those in -1 &w ; but we can also say , as(587) derived adjectives in -alo- s e. g. ayopa -to -s are to those in --0- s e. g. é -onép - 10 - s. The a must here be regarded by us as the final vowel of the noun - stem , and it represents also the o of the masculine and neuter stems : XEpoa - co - s (χερσο ) by the side of ποτάμ-10-ς, γυμνά -ζω (γυμνο): by the side of roleu - i & w , just as in the derived adjectives in -axo- s 282 BOOK III. as as e. g. Kopivšia -xó -s the a corresponds to the o of Kopivdio-s, for the national names in -10-5 , as is well known , underlie all these words, as a preliminary stage , so that e. g.. Πελοποννησιακός πόλεμος means properly, not the Pelo ponnesian war, which would be the war waged in the Peloponnesus , but the war of the Peloponnesians. We are therefore justified in regarding the 8 of the suffix ad as parallel with the d of id ; and therefore, as id went back to ij, in the same way we may refer ad to aj, or the phonetic relation becomes clearer before vowels 1d-ag went back to idj-es, 1j-Es, so does ad- as go back to adj-as, ajeg. With regard to the explanation of this j, it is simple enough in the case of the feminine proper names and the adjectives corresponding to them. Certainly the j is nothing but the feminine i , so often mentioned, only here it did not, as with the stems in -ed, extrude the final vowel of the stem , but it united it with itself. There was the greatest inducement so to preserve it in the case of the masculine stems in α , e. g. in Βορέα-ς , χαμαιεύνης ( st. xquatavva) . Especially with patronymics, the pre servation of this a was demanded , if only for the sake of clearness. Thus e. g. in the gen. Bopea -j-os was formed. But how do we get from this to the nom . Bopeá- s? I now differ somewhat from my former view, and believe that 626 we may do so most easily in the following way. The full nominative must naturally have been Bopea-t- s. But after a had been developed before the j in the other cases : Βορεά- δ- ος , Βορεα-δ -ι , Βορεα- δ- ες , this found its way, I believe, into the nominative also , where it must have been very welcome as a link between the two vowels. We should thus arrive at the form Bopen- dt- s. There are indeed other instances, in which we detect a similar het eroclisy , as e. g. Eorpárn - v in the accusative is formed according to the false analogy of the nominative. In the dat. plur. also we must probably presuppose Bopea - di -01, and here we have an analogy still more striking. The a of apéoßeF-os, ņdéf-os, although , as we saw on p. 569, d = j. 283 probably only an auxiliary vowel before the v softened to F, and in no case originally appropriated to the dat. plur. ( cp. Skt. svâdu - shu ) made its way into this case also , in consequence of the tendency, which runs through all lang uages , to assimilate the inflexions of the same stem : apéopa 61, ūdé-61. But even Bopea- de- s did not hold its own. When the j of Boped - dj-os disappeared , the 1 in the nom. ( 588 ) was no longer retained. It was the more easily suppressed here , that there were other cases of the loss of an i after dental consonants. In the face of five languages, which point to the stem nak -ti, no one will doubt that it was only in later times that vvx - ti (No. 94) became vuxt, and that therefore the nom. vúš is shortened from vvx - Tl - S , just as much as nox from noc- ti - s. The fact of the loss of 1 or j after t, which is thus proved, may also serve as additional evidence for the suppression of the j in ελπίδος, Βορεάδος.. We hardly need the further proof afforded by the actual occurrence of the stem νυκ - τι in νυκτι - λαμ -πής , vuxti-alayxto -s. The case is the same with Hesiod's form dá- s ( "Eoya 356) , which is absolutely the same with Lat. dó-s, and is therefore shortened from dõ -ti- s; and with the suffix -tnt- = Lat. tật , the shortening of which from -táti is established by Lat. civi- tâti -um [ Roby § 445) with the Skt. suffix -tâti ( Leo Meyer II 532). Bopeå- s has there fore been shortened from Bopeadis through the intermediate form Bopead- s. By means of such a view we can also understand the surprising shortness of the a as compared with Bopéd -s. In the patronymic the a was for a time long by position before two consonants Βορεαδή- ος Βορεαδ- ς. Here the a was shortened as in the Dor. acc. xãoă- s from χωρα -νς , as in the Ion. έσσων (εσσόω) for ήσσων , or as in δικάζω , εδίκασα by the side of δικά . It will not be necessary for our purpose to enter more minutely into the other stems in -ed. But we may just remark that the greater number of them easily lend them selves to our view. By far the majority of these stems consists of feminines, which have by their side masculines 284 BOOK III. . 627in -0 : γυμνά-ς and γυμνός, λευκά- ς and λευκό-s. These are related to Βορεά- ς as ετοιμά-ζω το δικά-ζω , i. e. the vowel a has been in the one case retained in both forms, in the other only in the derived forin , whilst in the stem - form it has been weakened to o. yvuvá -s is therefore immediately connected with youvá-8-0 -uai. Hence we may here assume a yvuva -di- s with just the same right as above a Βορεα- δι- ς. We need not explain in detail how such stems are used in very different ways, partly through the ellipse of a substantive ( δλκά- ς i . e. ναύς, Όλυμπιά- ς i. e. koprń) , partly through that use of the feminine in an ab stract sense , which is so common with the Greeks , (duap tá- s fault, uová- s unity , cp. Ý féqun warmth ). This is the less necessary that here, just as in the diminutival use of the suffix , we find the fullest analogy with the nouns in -ed , the origin of which we were able to estab lish with certainty. There is only one class which will not lend itself to our theory , the adjectives of botłi genders like νομά-ς, μιγά- ς , δρομά- ς , λογά- ς , φυγά- ς. But there ( 589) are hardly a dozen of these , and among them it is only the five mentioned , which are in common use , and these not before Herodotus. Many occur , either altogether or as masculines, only in isolated examples in the poets. Whether we are here to assume an illegitimate transference to the masculine gender, or whether we are to have recourse to the analogy of the few masculines in - like otpogl-s, Tpóxl- s , need not be decided. In Zend - ; is the suffis of patronymics. In no case can they be any objection to our analysis. Leo Meyer's theory (II 103) , that the suffix -ad is identical with the participial suffix -ant, Gk. ovr is not probable for any class of these words, and leaves quite unexplained the very predominant use of the suffix as feminine, which he himself mentions as remarkable. ») Patronymics in -da. The most common kind of patronymics, those in da nom. -dn- s , are evidently connected with two formations discussed above p. 616 ff. i . e. the Aeolic patronymics in 8 = j. 285 1 a -do-s like ' ropá -dio-s and names of kinship in -c -d80- s . Hence it hardly needs further proof that we have before us in this s also only the representative of j. We trace back Bopeá- dn- s to Boqea -jn - s , Kpoví-on- s to Kpovi-jn -s. The difference from the former two forms lies in two points. The group dj, which we presuppose , has in the former instances retained the j in the form of a vowel , in the latter it has rejected it , and while in the former o took the place of the old a , here the stronger a appears, which the Graeco - Italic language retained so peculiarly, 628 even in the case of masculines , as a fuller vowel , by the side of the more usual o , kuptona , agricola . For there can hardly have been any original distinction between this Graeco - Italic masculine a and the more usual 0. We have seen the suffixes -tar and -târ, -man and -mân, -mana and mâna interchange. Why could not a and â have existed side by side , in such a way that â as a rule fell to the feminine, but not without exceptions. That as a fact a já -s or iâ - s did find its place by the side of ja -s or i-as is shown by the Greek nouns in -cā- s, root - words like Tau ία - ς , Φειδία -ς , derivatives like κυματ -ία - ς , ετησ- ία -ς *) ( άνε μος ) , ώχρ-ία-ς , Κριτ -ία- ς , Τειρεσ- ία - ς (Lobeck Proleg. 489) . All these nouns are distinguished from formations like κλόπ-ιο -ς , ξέν-10 -ς , ουράν-10 -ς , α - πειρέσ-ιο- ς by a marked meaning. The fuller vowel serves to bring into (590) prominence, and thus is well suited for patronymics. We may see that the nouns in -ada are by no means exclusively used in this latter signification, from words like ádiódai, more

• ) The irregular accent of the gen. plur. étnolov is certainly to be explained from confusion of the stems ετησιο And ετησια , as is

shown by Gottfr. Stier Ztschr. f. Gymnasialwesen 1869 p. 117 . For the close affinity of the masculine a- with the o - stems we have also poetic forms like dtírn -s ( Aesch. Ag. 72, Eumen. 256) , lodéta - s, 210008éta- s (Pind. Fr. 45 Boeckh) , levxolópa- s ( Eurip. Phoen. 118 ) , Zovgoróun -s ( Hesiod. Theog. 947 etc.) , unaovoua- s ( Eur. Alc. 588) . Cp. Valckenaer ad Eurip. Phoen. v . 120. The a - form is generally the more emphatic. 286 BOOK III. > 1 seamen (Soph . ), ņuepi-dn -s mild (of wine) similarly άνθ- οσμίας Ivyáda -s , as the treasure of Gyges at Delphi was called (Herod. I 14) , and from comic formations like σαλπιγγο-λογχ- υπην- άδαι. As we trace the δ of the suffix -da back to j, this establishes also a relation of affinity with the second patronymic formation , the so - called τύπος Ιωνικός ( Βekk. Anecd. 850 ). Κρονίων is only the expansion of Kpóv-lo -s by the amplificative suffix -wv (-ov), and is related to it as ουραν-ί- ων-ες tο ουράν- 10 - t , as αυλιών to αυλό-ς , κοινών το κοινό-ς, κύφ-ων to κυφό-ς. With regard to the addition of the suffix -da, this, like the feminine suffix d, is added immediately on to stems in a : Βορέα- ς Βορεά-δης fem. [Βορεα- δι- s] Βορεά-ς , but to stems in -10 in such a way that instead of the o the old a appears: Τελαμώνιο- ς Τελαμωνιά-δης [ Τελαμώνια- δι - ς ] Τελαμωνιά-ς. The termination adn- s is here parallel to the Aeol. adio- s , the Skt. éja-s i . e. aija -s, the Lat. ēju -s from aijo -s 629 ( p. 616 ). To consonantal stems -da is attached by means of the vowel 1 : Mɛuvov -i -dn -s fem . Mɛuvov -i- s, and the samei as a rule takes the place of o : Kpov- l-dn -s. The latter kind of formations must be traced back to -ija -s or -îja -s and corresponds to Sanskrit forms like svast - êja -s sister's son. The hexameter metre, under the influence of which patronymics were formed in the epos, required and allowed many abbreviations and expansions, with regard to which it is sufficient here to refer to Buttmann II 435 with Lobeck's additions , and especially to the careful essay of Angermann ' de patronymicorum Graecorum formatione' Stud. I , 1. We need only mention further the Boeotian forms like 'Επαμεινώνδα-ς , Παγών-δα - ς. The loss of the accented i would be , if not quite inconceivable, at any rate surprising. But if we start from 'Erauelvwv- ja -s, the form becomes more intelligible. In this case evidently no i had ever been developed. d) Names of young animals in -dev. The connexion of the words in -dev ( nom . -dev -s ), ( 591) 8 j. 287 > denoting young animals, with patronymics on the one hand, and with words of kinship in -1dɛv on the other, has often been recognized , especially by Pott Personennamen 573 and II ° 883 *). This scholar reminds us of the Boeotian names in -otto- s fem . -otti - s ( Keil Sylloge Inscr. Boeot. p . 77) e. g. Βίοττο - ς , Φίλοττο- ς after the analogy of νεοττός ( i . e. veo-x -jo - s, cp. véag and novi - ciu -s ), and of the Modern Greek names in -rovho- s ( cp. Lat. pullu -s and dató- novio- v 0.-Gk. åetideus), which were originally patronymics. We may regard forms like αετ- ι- δεύ- ς, λαγ- ι - δεύος , αλωπεκ-ι δεύ -ς , γαλ- ι - δεύ- ς , λεοντ - ι -δεύ- ς as expansions of generic adjectives with the addition of the individualizing suffix The little eagle was thus, strictly speaking , denoted 630 by language as the 'eaglish ' (cp. p . 624) . This formation is related to the patronymics in -da as the proper name Ναυτ-εύ- ς is to ναύτη- s , and as the rarer forms Σιμωνι devs, Alaxıdɛús (Göttling Accentlehre 169) to the more usual Σιμωνίδης , Αιακίδης . We may notice also έχι -εύος young viper from šXL-s (Nicander Ther. 133) . 'Eowtidɛú - s a young Cupid [ Anacreont. 26] was jestingly formed after this analogy. On the other hand vidɛv - s is equivalent to υξιδούς. Βαυκιδεύος is found C. Ι . No. 106. Μαιαδεϋ in Hippo -EV. 2 1

• ) Pott indeed explains these forms in a manner entirely different

from mine, i . e. ( II 2 883 ) from composition with the rt. Fid. It will be allowed that the meaning of appearance (sidouat, sidwlov) and further that of resemblance might develope from this. But the great objections, drawn from the form of the word , will not fail to be noticed by everybody, as the loss of the F , which in Homer and elsewhere is very firmly attached to this root , and the difficulty of getting direct from the root to these noun- formations, which would rather require the intermediate stage of some noun like židos, for der- idevs surely cannot have meant the eagle - seer ', Kpov - idri- s the “ Kronos- seer ' , and how are we to explain Alverá -dn - s ? And the assumption that the suffix -lad has arisen from an a inserted ‘ for the sake of euphony' ( p . 898) will satisfy no one. Finally the verbs with -igo in the present , which are also placed here , would , accord ing to Pott's explanation , contradict the fundamental law of Greek composition , that a verbal stem is never directly used to form a compound, not olxo -deu - w , but olxo - dou - é- . 288 BOOK III. nax Fr. 10 as an appellation of Hermes may be a form inten a tionally made to resemble the names of beasts , for this well suits the tone of the fragment, which is very extravagant. Both forms meet also in the name of the old Attic tribe ' Aoyadñs ( nom. s. 'Aoyadɛv-s), the Eponymus of which was named 'Agyádn -s (Herod. V 66). We might suppose a patro nymic form here too , i. e. a nomen agentis coyó- s (cp. 6vv Egyó- s) , whence the 'Aoyadɛis would have got their name, as the sons of the labourers, the field -labourers, like the Taußw rádai as the sons of the common herdsmen. But it is certainly simpler to regard 'Aργαδής as a nomen agentis from εργάζο uat , in which , as in noul-d- ń , 8 takes the place of j. And ( 592) perhaps we ought to regard in the same way the Zeus Eroixadɛús (as well as Eroixeús) of the Sicyonians (Lobeck Prolegg. 351) , so named ' dióti natà qulàs favtoùs štačav και ήρίθμησαν', which is equivalent to the verb στοιχάζειν, divide, separate. ε) The adverbs in -δα , -δον , -δην , -δις. These adverbs, which are tolerably numerous, especially in the language of Homer, have been thoroughly discussed by Leo Meyer Ztschr. VI 287 ff. They are there traced back to the Skt. suffix -tva , which presents a certain similar ity , especially in the employment of the instrumental -tvá to form gerunds , e. g. ga- tva ( rt. gam) , compared with Bádnv. „But the phonetic change from tv to d cannot be satisfactorily established , and the separation of the forms in -d nv from those in -dınv is , as our grouping will show, hardly possible. Mainly on the latter ground Leo Meyer himself has now altered his view. He connects all ad verbial forms in d with the Indian adjectives in -tja (Or. u . Occ. II 603 , Vergl. Gr. II 385) , but there is nothing convincing in this , from the point of view either of form , for there is no reason for the softening of t into 8, or of meaning, for in Sanskrit this is that of necessity, which is foreign to our words , however often Leo Meyer may protest, that it was ‘ undoubtedly' as he asserts , that it is " unmistakeable' etc. The words corresponding to these d = j... 289 r Indian adjectives are rather Greek adjectives like a&io- s, ÚRÓVLO -S, pvýsio -s, Latin ones like anxiu -s . And the identity 631 of the adverbs in -divor -dny with the Latin adverbs in -tim , which he asserts , is the less established , that we have actually in Greek itself adverbs in -τί like έγερ -τί , ονομασ ti, dwp16 - ti, uovw - tí ( cp. singillatim ), which evidently differ from the Latin adverbs only in the case - suffix. Pott II ° 882 has treated these adverbs in an entirely different manner, on some points agreeing with my view. Since then Frohwein in the Studien ' I , 1 , 103 ff. has most diligently collected all the materials. We confine ourselves to demonstrated phonetic change, if we maintain for all these formations the origination of the 8 from j, and their affinity with another Sanskrit gerundial form , that in -ja , e . g.. û -ılá -ja (from the rt. då with pref . a ). It is best to start from the most complete forms. We consider these to be tlie Homerie forms in -διην : σχε-δίην (τύψον δε σχεδίην Ε 830 ) αυτο- σχεδίην (πλήξ' αυτοσχεδίην M 192), duga-dinu ( etxette H 196 ). These forms are unmistake ably feminine accusatives from the adjectives in -dio , which ( 393) we discussed on p. 616. A corresponding dative is nav 6v - diy. We may still regard them as real adjectives, and explain them from the ellipse of the accusative of cognate mealing with the verb : τύψον σχεδίην , i . e . πληγήν , like naibov dialñv (Soph. El. 1415) . But of course in forms like these, as Lobeck Paralipp. p. 363 sq. and Jacob Grimm ( D). Gr. III 239) show , the limits between adjective and adverb fluctuate: we have only to remember övrnu, enpiétny, ivrißinu , Lat. bifariam , perperam and the like. An old acc. plur. with adverbial force, based upon the same suffix , is found in ratalogádia (x 169) for which Bekker writes rutalopádela. The word , derived from logo - s , has its complete analogue in κατ- ωμά - διο-ς (δίσκου κατωμαδίοιο ( PS 431 ) . Only the adverb belonging to the latter word appears in a shorter form , i . e. xar-wua-dóv ( 0352) . Lobeck indeed and the old grammarians invert the real order, deriving ratouédios from xatouadóv ( Prolegg. 151 , ('TRTIUS, Etymology. II . 19 290 BOOK III. cp. Paralipp. 156 ). But as adverbs are almost invariably petrified cases of adjectives , we are never justified in deriving an adjective from an adverb, except when the latter passes into the adjective in its unabbreviated form , as e. g. in d nvaió- s , diu - tinu - s. In one adverb it seems that di is replaced by the Ŝ which so often corresponds to it. Bú-&nv pressed close ( Bv -vé- w ) with Bv- Cóv (Hesych. avxvóv) is explained by Buttmann A. Gr. II 452 , having regard to Bé-Bv6 -uai and the like , as for pvo -dnv ( so also Pott JI ? 812) . But the origination of & from od is , as we saw on p. 614 , an arbitrary assumption. I therefore 632 explain Bú- &nu as for pv- djny. We may notice also the Homeric ä- dnv , or as Bekker writes it , after Aristarchus, ö -dnv. The rt. is that of the Lat. sa - tur, sa- tis *) , and this is in favour of the rough breathing. But the variation in the quantity E 203 έδμεναι άδην (cp. αδηκότες [ άδήσειεν a 134 ]) but elsewhere with a short a is explained most simply by supposing that the j originally occurring after d sometimes made position, sometimes was lost without leaving a trace . Hence came the spelling with dd where the syllable was long, which has eminent advocates; and this shows that & was by no means the only substitute for dj admitted by the Ionians. The variation between ' édnu , fádnv, and άδδην reminds us of that between καλό-ς , καλός and καλλ iwv, which is similarly based upon a group of letters con taining j. We regard these forms as the bridge whereby to get from -diny to .dnv , from -diov to -dov, from dit to -da , stating the equation thus: do :: dio = daδα :: dia δια (( p.. 602).. “ By prefixing the d and vocalizing the j the suffix ja became -dio ; by the rejection of the j it became -do. Thus we arrive at the explanation of the far more ( 594) suffixes -dov, -dnv , -da , of which the first is naturally according to its termination the neuter singular, the second the feminine singular, the third the neuter plural. Here common

• ) [ The initial consonant is proved by 1 88, a 134 , ε 290, u 281 ) .

8 291 - j. belong therefore forms like oxi- dóv, properly tenendo, hence near, ανα-φαν- δόν , επι-στα-δόν , ρυ- δόν , βά- δην , επι λίγ -δην (κλητο P 599) , μίγδην , όνομα-κλή- δην , αέρ- δην contracted čodnv, öp-dnv [ but cp. Steph. Thes. s . voc. ) , yoáß- dnv ( Lob. Elem. I 332 adnot. ) κρύβ- δα , μίγ- δα, άμ- φα- δά , αυτο- σχε-δά. - It is worth while noticing öv-p onu (Hipponax Fr. 35 B. ) , which is well established by the metre here, and by later evidence ( Steph. Thes. s . v. ) : it is quite equivalent in meaning to ρυδόν and ρύδην,, and can hardly be explained except as for ovF- inv, i . e. by supposing that before the vowel i a f developed itself from v in just the same way as that mentioned on p. 496, like the Skt. ba -bhû -v - al. As such a semi-vowel is developed only before a vowel , this B hardened from f ( cp. p. 574) also bears witness to the existence of an i . It is probable that we must explain in this way the relation of the equivalent words goißdo- s and goito -s noise. We may trace back the former to pouf-jo- s ( i . e. pof - 10-9 with epenthesis), the latter to poi -jo -s. As soon as the d makes its appear ance , springing up before the j, we get pouf -djo- s which must become poißdo-s, and goldjo- s, which must become poi&o- s. Ebel Ztschr. XIV 39 also arrives at this ex planation. Perhaps the root is the same as in the equi valent Lat. rú -mor, the other affinities of which we learnt to recognize on No. 523. Or ought we to consider sru , Cik . Øu ( No. 517 ) as the root of the former forms ? - Just as in the examples hitherto discussed the suffix is added 633 to verbal stems , as in the Indian gerunds in -ja, so in mimerous other instances it is added to noun -stems, as in κατωμα- δόν, already mentioned, in ιλα- δόν, ομα- δόν, κλαγγή δόν navaxn -dá , a use which will surprise us the less, considering the origin of the suffix which we maintain , because we have often recognized the forms -dio, -10, Skt. -ja , in a similar use. The substitution of an u or n for the o of a noun (alvon - dóv) is abundantly clear from numerous analogies, especially from the formation of compounds ( ven -yevýs). But with regard to their formation , words 19 * 2.92 BOOK III. like επι-τροχάδην , μετα- δρομά- δην , επι - στροφα-δήν, just like adjectives in - &io - ( Tooxavos) evidently go back to nouns like Éri-Tooxo -s etc., although it is not always possible to prove the existence of these . επιτροχάδην αγόρευεν ( 1 213) means therefore : he spoke in the manner of an {nit pozos, of one hurrying over. The η οf κλαγγηδόν 18 to the « of λαδόν as ταφή-to- ς is to πετρα-to- ς . The ( 595 ) forms in -dis are the most difficult to explain. It seems that iuoipndis* ) is the only one occurring in Homer ( 2 506 , 6 310 ); in the Alexandrian writers we find { v @ radis, eig νηδίς and others ; the grammarians mention τρυφάδας, μιγά dis (op. Lobeck Paralipp. 154). It is most natural to compare uóyıs and uóhıs , and also the multiplicatives in -eexig. May we not suppose , as others have already con jectured , that we have here plural locatives, in which the diphthong ou – after the analogy of the Latin --- has been weakened into 1 , just as in the singular locatives in -1 ? It is true that in the latter case we have the inter mediate step -ɛt often retained, so that duaxei forms a link between duios-i and oixou ; and besides, we should here have to assume the shortening of the i as well. We have formations of a peculiar kind in rovqavdóv rovpios ( Hesych . ), otoxavdov conjectando ( Theognost. ). We might call to mind the Sanskrit participium necessitatis in canêja , e . g. liar- anija -m that which is to be done, and be also inclined to bring in here the adverbs in -ivonu like αριστίνδην, πλουτίνδην with the adverbs in ινδα re lating to games , like éqetívda , dotparivda ( Schmidt Ztschr. f. Sprachw. I p . 264 ff. ) . But this may be put forward more as a conjecture. The latter class of words is explained differently by Budenz “ The suffix KOE' p. 86 f. Corssen, who discusses these formations in Beitr. 140 , regards them as corresponding to the Lat. gerundives; hence puzívda fugienda, which agrees with our own view , as will be

• ) άλλυ- δις ειnd άμυ- δις , like oικα - δις οίκαδε and χαμά- δις

( cp . Ahr. Dor. 373) belong to the local adverbs in -de (No. 263b ). d 293 j. 634 shown on p. 649: but Corssen has a very different belief as to the origin of the suffix. 9) 8 for j in particular verbal forms. Instead of the Homeric form of the present dułod- w deprive, Pindar has duɛlo -w . It is natural to derive both forms from a third underlying both , duep-j- w. The root . is undoubtedly uep ( No. 467 ) , divide, apportion , to which αμέρι- ω is related as ατίζω , άτίω to the rt. τι honour. We must give expertem facere as the fundamental meaning, and must certainly assign another root, i. e. uap shine ( op. p. 553) for the second meaning of duéodelv, blind ; so that the verb, when it has this meaning, is to be compared with duavooùv. Lobeck's attempt (Rhemat. 74) to connect the two meanings is certainly unsuccessful. Before the endings -atau and -oto of the perfect and pluperfect middle we sometimes find the sound d. The particular forms have been quoted by me in Tempora und Modi p. 225 ſep. Das Verbum p . 93 ). I must confess that

• E-xúd -atai, there mentioned, is doubtful * ). For in Herod.

II 75, the only passage where xotaxezúdarai occurs, it rests upon only two M. SS. , while the others have xatamenvatai, (596 ) and this is accepted by Lhardy, Stein and Abicht, and approved by Bredow ( de dial. Herodot. p . 328). boddotai is indeed quite certainly established ( v 354 , égóddato M 431), but here as in xonpédar (pres. xpaidw ) the 8 belongs to the root . Under No. 253 we saw that the root was åpd, by metathesis pad. The forms which remain are αγωνίδαται ( Herod. IX 26 ) , κεχωρίδαται ( 1 140), εσκευάδαται (1V 58 ), παρεσκευάλατο (III 150 ), διακεκρίδαται , which is not found before Dio Cassius ( 52, 5) , and the Homerie formis árnyédat’ (( P 637)),, éhndédar' (( ηn 86 ).. The first four forms correspond to present stems in & Hence language

• ) Also insorcdaro , quoted by Lobeck ad Ajac. 403 , is not certain . The M. S. of Hesych . has dnzonádoro entornoxv. M. Schmidt marks the glons as suspicious, if only because the alphabetical se

quence is not observed. 294 BOOK III . has treated the j here in two different ways. In the present the j with the d which has sprung up before it , has been changed into ; in the perfect the d is the only relic of the j : kyovijatau αγωνιδ ) αται . From this difference arguments have been derived , wherewith to contest this theory of mine. But if we consider that it lies in the organism of the Greek verb to distinguish the present stem from the perfect stem by fuller forms, there is nothing surprising in this various treatment of the j. Just as öd- wd- a was common by the side of öfn , id -os by the side of coudt , or just as the group of consonants 66 was li mited to the present, so the 6 was only retained here, and in the remaining forms, in accordance with analogy, 635 we have only d , which was felt to be an element of the double consonant. If we transfer ourselves to a period, in which men still said ód- ja , id - jo -uci, dywv- e- d-jo-uni, 6xEVC- d -jw , we can understand how forms of the latter kind followed the course of those of the former, that is , how it was possible to regard the j as universally the sign of the present, and to consider the verbal stem as ending in 8. The still older fashion , which Dorism retained , was discussed on p. 599. It is in these forms and some few noun - forms, which are to be discussed immediately, that the reference of derived verbs with -i & W , -afw in the present, as well as primitive verbs ( @ &w , oxíto ), in practical Greek grammar , to a noun -stem in d, finds its justification. The isolated Homeric åxnxédat' on the other hand is contrasted with the equally isolated åxaxelato ( M 179, I. Bekker dxc xńato) and may serve as a finger-post to point out to us the relation of the verbs in -Ew to those in -ew, which we touched upon above ( p. 612) . Lobeck (Rhemat. 227) quotes nine Ho meric verbs , which like αινήσω αινίζω , κανάχησε κανέχιζε, όχλεύνται όχλίσσειε form some tenses from the one stem,, some from the other, just like the verbs in -ow and -aco. ( 597 ) Grassmann Ztschr. XI 98 has carried this parallel out farther. The i of -16w has come from a , like that of içw. (rt . éd) , xdifós (x és). We may deduce a form åxcxe- d-ja д j. 295 with the same justice as éd- jw . Now in åxnxédat' by the side of draniča we actually find this hypothetical ε , and similarly in åxnxed -Óv -as húrau ( Fiesych .), but with exa xaiato , if the traditional authority in its favour is correct, άκηχέδατ' is connected by an intermediate ακαχεί- ατο ακα χεδ- ατο. The case of indédat is similar. Bekker, with good authorities, ( cp. Schol. E. M. on n 86, H. Q. on v 4 ) has restored this form instead of the vulgate tanda dat in n 86. La Roche with M. writes Élnaádat'. Butt mann (A. Gr. I 426) approved the reading indé-at', which is less well- established , though of course it would be formed from the stem ελα- just as πεπτέ- ατο from rt. πτα. On the other hand εληλέ-δατ' goes back to a stem ελα)- , of which the present would take the form la - w or trás- a , and which is to be recognized also in ήλάσθην, ελαστός. But here the a has been weakened to e , as in Bélos beside βάλλω , άπειρέσιος beside πέρας , ούδεϊ beside oύδας. Verbs in -1cm , which come from nouns in a , like usqunoita from uéounoa, must have gone through the same process, before the a quite passed into i . n) din nouns , which are connected with verbs in -Ew in the present. The only feminine in -on, which is connected with a derived verb in - & w in the present, is according to Lobeck 636 (Rhemat. 261 ) xouid- ń. The d is here unmistakeably quite parallel to that of dyovídatar. Among the masculines in do-s we find ónad- ó- s , óand- ó- s companion. We might be tempted to derive this from the copulative and the rt. Ted ( No. 291), but we have in the first place to compare Úndca and óndov, the latter of which , from the absence of a d , cannot have anything to do with this root. Hence the ordinary derivation from the rt. Én (No. 621 ) , in spite of the protest of Pott ' ( 12 829, II ° 418) , deserves the preference. The verbal stem óraj, with a smooth breath ing instead of the rough , like onó- s SUCU - S ( No. 628), is to the rt . Én much as the stem of oteváčo sigh is to Grévo , or that of uluvácw , remain, to uíuva . The only 296 BOOK III . difficulty remaining is the length of the a ( n ). – Some adjectives in -d vo-s also owe their d to the transformation of j. For as xed- vó- s comes from the rt. kad (No. 284), and å- 10- vó- s from the rt. Fid ( No. 282) , so eranad -vó -s, weak, comes from the verbal stem αλαπαδή ( αλαπάζω weaken ). There is the same relation between óloqvd- vó- s, lamenting, and ólogućw , lament, though the existence of the latter word can only be proved for a later time ; for óloqvd - vó -s is evidently not directly connected with óloqú ( 538) pouai ; and also between órid- vó- s dreaded, in Apollon. Rhod. II 292, and the Homeric ónicouat, fear , dread.. We can here only touch in passing upon the noun suffix -dov (nom . -dav) . Benfey Ztschr. II 215 ff. has by no means proved that this corresponds to the Sanskrit -tvan , and Leo Meyer II 366 supports Benfey's position by no better argument than an “ undoubtedly '. Both admit ( Leo Meyer II 542) that, as Aufrecht has shown Ztschr. I 481 , the Greek ouvo and fem. ovvn correspond to the Skt. -tvana , but they do not consider this any objection to the reference of two formations so different as the Greek ones in -sov and -ovva , the former for the most part no mina actionis , the latter nomina qualitatis , to the same source . But further , they do not succeed in adducing a single Sanskrit word in -tran , which corresponds in its usage to the Greek words in -dov. The Indian words are all masculines, and nomina agentis, the Greek words feminines. and nomina actionis. What a word like itran , going, so far as meaning goes , has to do with the Graeco - Latin words in -don , it is hard to say. It is only by combination with the stems in -tvana that Leo Meyer arrives at ab stract nouns , but these again are of an entirely different kind, i . e. derived from noun -stems, and so far well adapted for comparison with Greek words in -ovva , but by no means to be compared with words in dov. Everyone can see that pati-trana -m mastership, the position of husband, cor responds to Gk . δεσποσύνη, δουλο- σύνη. But what re 637 semblance is there between this word and words like d - j. 297 μυρμηκ-ιά > τηκ - ε -δών, μελ- ε- δών ? I have represented (de nom. form. p . 50) the suffix -dov as a by- form of -ov. And in reality the usage of the two is very similar. In Latin we have three parallel suffixes -on (shortened -in ), -iôn and -don ( shortened -din ). The last in words like torpedo, libido come nearest to the Greek , e. g. άλγηδών , χαιρηδών. The words in -ión are connected by Bopp (Vgl. Gr. III 336 ) with the Skt. abstract words in -jâ, e. g. vid-já knowledge ( cp. opin - io ), and he assumes the addition of an n - suffix as in the Teutonic ( so -called )' weak declension (cp. Goth . vaik jó-( n ) fight). Some of these Sanskrit words in -já have a collective meaning (cp. p. 594): gav- jâ a herd of cows; and this too finds its parallel in uvoun - dáv an ants' nest. What if the Graeco-Latin don were identical with ion , and if here too the d had come from j ? *) We shall find below , where the question has to be discussed more in detail , an indication that this letter - change was(599) not wholly unknown to Latin . 9) The group dv, to be explained by metathesis. È lo va adder, viper was regarded by some scholars of antiquity as the feminine of èxi-s ( No. 172), while others thought that each name denoted a different kind of snake ( Aelian Hist. An. X 9 , Lobeck Prolegg. 49). Even in the second case there would be nothing to prevent us from regarding the longer word as in form feminine to šXl- s; for, as Lobeck shows, language often uses differences which originally marked gender to distinguish species. Now we have feminine names in -ινας λύκα-ινα , θέα-ινα , δέσπο-ινα, which we may compare with Latin words like gallina, regina. -lva arose here by metathesis from -vid , as see from nót- vic by the side of dé6-no- iva ( No. 377), and from Aeolian forms like βασίλ -ιννα, Κόριννα ( maiden) we

• ) Corssen Beitr. 108 ( op . Nachtr. 144) explains the stems in

-tlon very differently, i . e . as derivatives from adjective -stems in -do : frigé- do( n ), from an assumed frigê-du - for frigidu - s. The Greek language, which possesses no such adjectives, does not favour this explanation. 298 BOOK III. Φίλ -ιννα (darling ), Μελίτ -ιννα ( melculunm) , Δίκτυννα , an epithet of the huntress Artemis from din - tv -s net , which are to be explained by the assimilation of vj to vv . Thus from the stem & xu first came éxi-vja , then with the prefixed d éxl - vdja , then with the suppression of the j & xc- vda , and finally by metathesis èxi-dva. Metathesis is common, and the transposition of the explosive to the first place especially liked , in the case of nasals ( cp. Siegismund Stud. V 189 ). Compare Πνύξ with Πυκνός, τμησις with τέμνω , σκίδ-να 638 unt with scindo, any -vv-ul with pango. The case is the same with docxıdva, a word which denotes a plant, which is also called äoayos @oceyos or Öpaxos (No. 494 ). – We may explain also in this way the Homeric'Alo-rúdvn, and the name of a Nereid in Callimachus, which is formed in imitation of it, Idatosúdvn. Lobeck, rejecting other con jectures, ( Prolegg. 234 ) traces the words back to üdvai Eyyovot , preserved in Hesych ., and conjectures that they are akin to viós. The meaning daughter of the sea ' suits excellently as a surname of Thetis ( r 207 ) and of the mother of the seals, said to be Amphitrite (d 404 vérodes xadñs ddooúdvns). In the same sense the Nereids are called advoúdvai in Apollon. Rhod. IV , 1599. But we must not divide it á 06 - vdvn , for in such an old compound a case form , as in Kvvós-ovoa , is not to be expected, but alo σύδνη : συδνη might have been preserved as well as ύδνη, just as much as būs and ů- s ( No. 579) or as Exantn -ovi.n and van ( No. 559) . The rt. is that of ú- có-s (No. 605) i . e. cu , Indog. su beget. ov -dvn is therefore for ov -vjn ( Indog. su -n - já) and is the feminine to the Skt. súnu -s , Goth . Lith . sunu - s son . 1 ) The group Bd. It is plain from our grouping (No. 552) that uóduſo -s is the older , uóhvßdo- s the later form of the name of the metal. Here too d , is very simply explained to be the representative of a j. If we assume a subsidiary form uoluß jo- s , properly adjectival, this is related to uólvpo -s as xov σίο- ν is to χρυσό- ς. In the case of another name of a metal we find the same accessory d. From xálvų zadúß -d10 - s > ( 600 ) d = j. 299 and zahvp -8-1xó -s are derived : the latter is actually used as a substantive in the sense of xálvų by Eur. Heracl. 162 μη γαρ ως μεθήσομεν δόξης αγώνα τόνδ' άτερ χαλυβδικού and thus gives us an immediate parallel for uódvßdos as explained above (cp. Lobeck Paralipp. 316 ). We may suppose that a j was generated before the i , which was then the origin of the d. odb- do-s was mentioned by the side of pani-s under No. 513 , without any positive assertion that the two words , tolerably equivalent in mean ing, were were akin akin.. But it is easy to get from paní- s to βαπι - ο- ς – not more difficult than from δάκρυ το δάκρυ- ο- ν and from parl- 0-s to pandjo -s óápdo- s. Λάβδακο- ς and his son lářo-s may naturally be derived from the same root, and this has already been done by Pott Ztschr. VII 321. If for the son we assume AF-10 -s as the form to start with , and explain this with Pott as dňu- co-s ( cp. Mõul- s) from the stem dāro ( No. 535 ), the form Aa Fra -xo-s at once suggests itself for the father; and this must have become rápda-xo- s: it is to Adio-s as Koolvfia-xó- s to Kopív io-s. Aiaxo- s shows the same 639 formation. Of course in this case the father would only have got his name after the son , but this is certainly not the only case in which the fathers in myths are younger than their sons. Pott's explanation from Aco- dóxo-s is • opposed by the a , while his conjecture that hép- do is the same name as haïs *) now receives confirmation. It has perhaps come from lafj- a and means popularis , vulgaris, which seems to me more probable than the etymology of Benfey mentioned under No. 532. x) d at the end of roots . We have reserved the instances, in which & seems to have developed phònetically at the end of roots from their final letter , to the end of this section , because these cases

• ) On a Praenestine cista discussed by R. Schoene in the Annali

dell' Instit. 1870 p. 339 we find AAFIE. 300 BOOK III . But as are the least convincing in favour of the phonetic transition here discussed . It would be easy to regard the d in this position differently, i . e. as one of those significant con sonants which, as has been explained at p. 61 ff., are attached to roots ending in a vowel as secondary elements, as ' root-determinatives , and this the more so , that on p . 65 we admitted this force of 8 at any rate in two certain instances. It might e . g. be maintained that the word di- d -aş fountain is to the rt. 7 ( No. 371) just as ué- d --- (601){ vo-s, ué- d - o - VTES are to ue ( ué-rpo - v No. 461), and that it has come from a root mid expanded from Ti. we have already seen repeatedly , how a j is developed from a preceding 1 , and how this j then passes into d, it seems to me more probable that we have to go back to the unexpanded root ni itself. As in Sanskrit pi- tha -s water, pajas milk, water, were formed from this root, and in Slavonic from the same root pi-vo beer, so in Greek there was formed in the first place πι- α , then πι)-α , πιδρ- α , πιδα with the meaning fountain . The Homeric ridň- els ( 1 183), rich in fountains, is derived from the stem aida, which has been lost in its independent use , but which survives in the offshoot aidé- w spring, gush , a word which has phonetically nothing in common with ando- o leap ( No. 291). From the same stem πιδα comes the diminutive πίδαξ (« p. βώλαξ , ρύαξ). Perhaps the forms πισ - τήρ watering place, trough , rio -Toc watering place, and ai-vos low -lying land ( Πίσα , cp . άρσεα λειμώνες rt . αρδ) go back to an ob solete muj- w - w , the causative meaning of which had developed , just as in xris- w found, by the side of Hom . έϋ-κτί- μενο-ς, οικίζω by the side of oικέω. But in any 640 case these words show how easy the transition of meaning was from drinking to regions rich in water. The same change obtrudes itself upon us for rhůEQ . It cannot be doubted that the rt . klu originally had no final d (No. 63), but it may be doubted whether the d appearing in xaúd- ov and other noun - forms is analogous to that of xouid -ý, dlanad -vó-s ( p. 636 ), i . e. whether it has developed from d 301 j. 1 . . a j, or is to be regarded as a root - determinative. Jur mann Ztschr. XI 398 expresses himself very decidedly in favour of the second view , but this is not proved beyond a doubt either by the Greek forms, which he has quoted (xatanlúosai in Pind ., cp . TavÚ66w ) or by the Lat. lustru-m sin - offering ( cp. monstru -m ), which he has well compared. Under No. 463 we quoted the words užid- os, ueld- á- w, uaid- iá- w in their relation to Skt. smi and to the words in the cognate languages. We must assume in Greek , as analogous to the Skt. smaja-s pride, astonishment ( cp. mi ru -s), ( 6 )uel-o-s, to which , so far as form goes , usid -og ( nent. ), preserved in Hesych ., is related as yév - og to yóvo- s. Then j developed from the diphthong El , just as f did from ev in douoteúfovta ( p. 574) , and finally from this came d, in the manner so often explained already. This explanation seems to me more probable than that suggested by Hugo Weber Ztschr. X 242 , that the dis a root determinative. For (6) ui not ( 6 )ừat is the root, and I doubt whether these determining expansions, which belong altogether to an early period in language ( p. 72) , ever attach themselves to stems, which are already strengthened (602) by 'addition of sound '. The chronology of the earlier history of language, a branch of study which , in spite of Pott's ridicule, requires to be worked out thoroughly , debars me altogether from making use of these additions, even where no indications in a cognate language point to them , to the extent that lIugo Weber does. Hence I give the preference here to the phonetic method of explanation. Hesychius has explained both the glosses dvooïcelv and υπ- οΐζεσθαι by υπονοεϊν. όίζω was therefore a by-form of the llom . oio . The case is the same with the rt. x11 . The d of xaid n I described as accessory ( de nom . form . p. 7). Kuhn in his notice of the essay ( Berl. Jahrb. 1843 p . 32) raised the objection , that d belongs to the root, and compared Skt. klid. But the meaning of this root “ to become moist' is too far removed . If on the other hand we consider the list of words xdíelv , to be warm , luxurious, 302 BOOK III . (χλι- αρός lukewarm, χλιαίνειν), χλι -δή, δια- κε- χλι- δ- ώς ( Plut. Alcib.. 11luxurious =-χλι - δ- ανό-- ςs),, χλοι--δ- ή ((χλοιδωσι θρύπτον ται, κέ- χλοι- δ-ε - ν διέλκετο Ηesych.), χλό- δ- η (έκλυσις, μαλακία), it becomes probable that the developed phonetically from 641 i and its attendant j, in the first group with an unstrengthened, in the second with a strengthened stem. Hence x201-8-1 and χλό- δ- η , which are to each other as the Τροιζήνιοι mentioned on p. 614 to Toośývioi , both go back to xor-ja. Döderlein (Syn. u. Etym. VI 147) conjectures that the rt. xhi corresponds to the gli of the Lat. gli-sc-e-re , especially as Paul. Epit. Fest. ( p. 98 M.) explains the gloss glisc-erae mensae by gliscentes, crescentes instructione epularum . nexàidos would then mean properly ' full grown', and xded would denote the full luxuriant growth , so that these words would also be connected with several quoted under No. 197. But I hesitate to accept this explanation because of the mean ing “ to be warm ' , which I cannot reconcile with it. Walter Ztschr. XII 386 ascribes it , on this account, to the Skt. rt. ghar to be warm. But it is not probable that by the side of tep-uó- s (p. 485) this root should have been also preserved in so different a form . We may mention also the unauthenticated *) Skt. rt. hil (i . e. ghil) lascivire ( Fick ? 71 ) . Much resembling this root , and even in meaning in many ways analogous to it , are the four pairs of stems collected under No. 412 : φλα φλα- δ, φλι φλι - δ, φλυ φλυ- δ, ploi ploi- d. Here the d after i and ou may be easily explained phonetically. From pla too we easily get to pła-d , e. g. by tracing back i -pha - o - o - v to ž-gha - j- o - v , i . e. to a present stem in j, and similarly from påɛ to pre- d. (603) But the d of £ x --gavvd-óv - atv causes some difficulty , and we must not entirely reject the idea of the d being a root determinative, especially as a d appears also in the cognate languages, without our being justified in explaining this phonetically. Then phoid which is raised by " addition of >

• ) [ The cognate rt, hel however forms heli and helana dalliance

etc. Cp. M. Williams Dict. p . 1177 c . ) . 8 303 j. mm sound' has probably come front φλιο , just as φλοι for φλι. We may finally mention here a few roots in a , with by -forms, in which i and d appear. To these belongs the rt. qa ( No. 407), from which come pa-có- s dusky , gray, pal-xó- s shining, but also gai- o - quo - s, pal- d- po-s in a si milar meaning, with pai- d- ɛl © VEL (Hesych. ) and Þaid -wv. I conjecture that the d here developed out of 1 , so that we should have to assume qal·l-uo- s, gai- el, and for pal d - pó- s after the analogy of Sanskrit forms , like mud -i - ra - s glad from the rt . mud , pal- 1-00-5. The 1 has therefore made its way into the stem -syllable by the modification of the vowel or by insertion. Probably we ought to assume something of the same kind with regard to goi-po- s pure, clear, the ß of which (cp. p. 573) points to F, so that we are led to gof- jo -s ( cp. pows φάος and φαύ- ος). We have a d without this modification of the vowel , and merely as a relic of the j in dugé-d- 10 - s. Of the same for mation with φαιδρός 1s λαι-δ-ρό- ς θρασύς ( Hesych.), which certainly belongs to the rt. lac (No. 532), under which it has already been quoted . The case is possibly some- 642 what the same with loídopo -s insulting, lodopła insult. Hesychius has the glosses λαίειν φθέγγεσθαι, λάε εψόφησεν, which we may perhaps compare with Goth . la - i-an hoidopæiv, Lith. ló -ti (pres. ló- j-u ) roar, lo -j- ó -ti insult ( Nesselm. ) Ch.-SI. la -j-a -ti roar , insult, Lat. la - tra - re ( op. Tarpátalvº Baoßapi Selv Hesych. ) and Skt. rt. rû ( râi) latrare , allatrare. Still I do not ignore the fact that there are still some diffi culties. In any case the explanations of the Greek word hitherto given , from Skt. rt. nind blame ( Pott II ' 164, otherwise W. I 3 and 598) and from. Lat. laed - cre ( Walter Ztschr. XII 383) are unsatisfactory. - In the two Cyprian glosses σκυδά σκιά and ρυδία ροά ή ροιά (pomegranate ), quoted by M. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 364 , we may assign the same origin to the d. We must certainly take v in these words as the representative of ou , so that 6xvdá connects itself directly with the adjective 6x016- s mentioned No. 112, as øvdiu does with poud. From ou came j, which on 304 BOOK III. - then passed into d. More doubtful instances may be passed over here : still at the close of this section we may at any rate say one word about the d which in a small number of words looks quite like an inserted consonant. I have already discussed this unusual phenomenon with reference to Buttmann ( Lexil. I 124) [ E. T.2 p . 322] and Lobeck ( ad 'Ajac. p. 403), in my essay de nom . form . p. 7 . Our manner of regarding the question leaves but little ( 604) room for the insertion of a d ; and the contributions of older grammarians towards its explanation are quite un satisfactory; but how are we to treat the well - established Attic name Θού- δ -ιππος? Will Will any one seriously doubt that the first syllable is the same as in Oov -xvdidn- s , Oov κλής , Θού- μαντις ? Cp. "Έρμιππος , Ποσίδιππος . In the Revue Archéologique 1865 p . 143 the name Nixó- d -LATO - s is quoted from an inscription of Thasos. By this tem - d ávač C. I. No. 2338, l . 123 receives confirmation against Keil's attempt at emendation (Analecta 159) . And in these proper names no one supposes that there are to be found primitive forms, which might possibly lie hidden in the d , e. g. the ablative , which has been thought of for us dató-s. Before the adjectival ending -es d appears in an equally strange way in επαυτοφαδής επ' αυτοφώρω , αυτο σχε - δ - ές υπόδημα γυναικών, ευαδές εύπνοον, εξαδές ευήνεμος, oſ dè evans, all in Hesychins, discussed by Lobeck Paralipp. 156. παλαι- δ - έτης = παλαιετής in the same work may be Of older words &xto -d -oanoai ( A 518) to make hostile, belongs here, with the later & x ódono - s, discussed by Buttmann. At any rate as far as meaning is concerned, he shows that the derivation mentioned in Eustathius from 643 rt. ótt, see, is extremely probable. Are we to suppose that d has here originated from the 1 of the diphthong oi ?

• X701-090 - would have in its favour the analogy of odor

πόρο-ς, όλοοί-τροχο-ς , Κλυταιμνήστρα. It is even more difficult to decide as to the initial d in dívios , which Sophocles, according to the scholiasts on Apoll. Rhod . IV 14 , used in his Ixion with the meaning of Beplaquévos, an error . 8 WITH A PARASITIC j. 305 and which therefore comes from the rt. in (intouai No. 623 ). Hence the old explanation of novdivlov " Agyos ( Strabo VIII 371) as Baapapóv. This notice does not look like pure invention. Are we to consider that this accessory d may have sprung up from those instances , which we have explained from an old j ? It is impossible, I believe, altogether to deny similar phenomena. 5 ) d with a parasitic j. The phonetic change, to which we now pass on , is essentially different from that just discussed. We only place it here , because we have in this case also to deal with the sounds d and j. Thus far we have been endeavour ing to show that over a wide area j generated a d be fore itself, and then underwent changes of many kinds, and even total suppression. Now we have to discuss a small number of words in which conversely a d first generated from itself the sound j , with which again further changes are connected . The natural generation of a spirant, so little in harmony with the Greek language, is at first (607) sight somewhat surprising. But here too we have again to remember carefully , that we have to do with periods in the life of the language, which precede the existence of the Greek language as such , and its favourite phonetic tendencies, as known to us from records , and which are accessible to us only by means of combinations belonging to the history of language. We have been more than once, especially on pp. 478 and 489 , brought to see that in an ante -Hellenic time the spirant j frequently attached itself parasitically to various consonants; and the analogies of other languages have been often adduced to confirm this . The most unmistakeable case of this kind, from the point of view of Greek, is the change of an original g into f , mentioned on pp . 479, 483 : rt. gus, yev- a çavdarfai, rt . gar, Arcad. Gép - E- 4p0 -v. Here evidently y first became nj, then dj , then & But if g could become gi , why should not d have been able to expand itself into dj ? There was CURTits , Etymology. II . 20 306 BOOK III. indeed a special ‘ elective affinity' between the two con sonants, quite as much as between g and v . And as we there saw on the one hand a y becoming gv , and further 644 sometimes a g, but on the other hand and this process is still more indisputable saw g changing into go and sometimes into r' , - rt. ang (Skt. añģ) Lat. ungu -o , so in the case of dj we have to recognize the two- fold course, on the one hand that of j to dj (d) , which has been just discussed , on the other hand that of d to dj (, ). The first course led to the generation of a d , the latter to its extinction. We assert then , that an original d sometimes passes throngh dj into & The clearest instance of this kind is å -išndo- v B 318. After what has been said on this passage by Buttmann ( Lexil. I 247 ) , Lehrs (Herodian p . 457), Bekker (ad Iliad. p. 415) with reference to the Scholia on this place, the glosses of Hesychius, and the explanation of Apollonius Sophista in his Lexicon , we need have no hesitation about accepting the reading of the cod. Am brosianus, and taking the verse τον μεν αίζηλον θήκες θεός όπερ έφηνεν 1606 just as Cicero renders it (de Divin . II 30 ) Qui luci ediderat genitor Saturnius idem Abdidit. The adjective therefore means invisible, and is disting uished from α - ίδ-ελο- ς ( άΐδελα πάντα τίθεσκεν Hesiod Fragm . 130 Markscheffel) only by the appearance of g in the place of d , and by the quantity of the e ( op. e- id -nao- s). The latter difference cannot much surprise us , as we find e. g. in the Ilomer. Ex -nao -s the fuller form , in in - Elo- s the shorter. I do not understand either, how some have been able to find such difficulties in the various use of dignao-s and the Hesiodic åüdɛlo - s on the one hand, and the Homeric didnão -son the other.didnão-sis active = & pavicov* ),

• ) ( Yet in Hesiod . " Epya 754 atanla must be passive: uwusverv årdna to cavil at unseen things '; so in the fragment of Hesiod

1 WITH A PARASITIC j. 307 αίζηλο- ς passive åpavús. The same change of meaning is found in d -unxavo-s, in ogahepó- s and in other adjectives. ditnão-s was evidently a rare form , surviving only in its hieratic usage, and for this very reason occurring only here, aidnio -s the form usual in the epos , and one which 645 had developed a distinct usage. The case does not seem to me to gain anything from the discussions of Savelsberg (Quaest. lexicologicae Aquisgr. 1861 ) and Autenrieth (on Naegelsbach's notes, 3rd. ed. p. 328) . It is phonetically impossible to identify the syllable år with the common prefix kol and ái-Sno-s with ảpi-&ndo -s discussed on p . 603. With respect to the form åüdɛda, in the above quoted fragment of Hesiod , the long quantity of the 1 is probably to be accounted for by means of the heavier pronunciation of the 8 , which comes near to 8d , and which is explicable by presupposing di. – A second word of the kind is uétea , as Hesiod " Eoya 513 calls the undea αιδοΐα. To start from the second, the Homeric form , and to regard & as a modification of the d , the link being supplied by dj, is recommended by the formation of the word - for there is no place for a j belonging to the stem before the suffix -ES and by the probable etymology. For the root seems to be mad, which we recognized under No. 456 in several similar meanings, especially in that of flowing: Oppian Cyneget. IV 441 uses undea with the meaning ' urina '. We believed, in the article referred to , that we could recognize a kinship between the rts . mad and mud. To the latter the Ch.-Sl. mądo testiculus, which has previously been compared by Pott II 204, well attaches itself. We must reject the theory that uídea and uéçen are connected with uébog = Skt. maith - ja -s ( Benf. JI 30 ), for d is not the representative of a dh . A third instance of the kind is offered by the various names of the gazelle discussed by Lobeck El . I 97. The quoted by Schol. on Pind. Pyth. III 14 , and perhaps in Soph. Aj . 608 ůídniov "Aidav " gloom - wrapt Hades ' ( Jebb ): cp . Buttmann s . v . ) . 20 * 308 BOOK II . 647 eye of the gazelle is too celebrated for us to venture to doubt the derivation of doord- s from the rt. Depk (No. 13) . But we find by the side of this in Herodotus (IV 192) the form Soozás , and similarly by the side of the shorter form dópš in Nicander ( Ther. 42) , in Callim. ( Hymn. in Dian. 97 ) and elsewhere, fóoš. It is evident in this case that by the side of doof dopxá- s there were formed djoos, djooxa -s, and that the dj gradually passed into &. *) Of the second change, i . e. that of a d through dj into j and i we have an example which can hardly be rejected in the same word- stem , which served to establish the first letter- change. In Hesych. we find the glosses topx - ES ' TV δορκάδων ζώων , ένιοι δε ηλικίαν ελάφου , with which we should compare ζόρξ ηλικία ελάφου ή δορκάς, and ίυρκες: αίγες άγριοι , υστριχίδες. The last word means a kind of whip, probably of deer's hide and named from it , just like δορκαλίς ( όργανον κολαστικόν Suid .) . If ζόρξ pointed us to the st. djoox, in the same way we have here the st. loox , in which the d has dropped off, and the j appears as a vowel: ivox - es is proved by its vowel to be Aeolic . Even Lobeck El. I 96 speaks of the dentalis vocali i cognata ' The possibility of the loss of a d before 1 is estab lished by ιωκή (δίωξις , διωγμός), ίωξις ( παλίωξις, προΐωξις),

• ) The opinion , which I formerly maintained , that the root di ,

( No. 268) to fear, belongs here , I must now abandon , because since that time a very ancient Corinthian inscription , written Bovotqoqi,dov, with the proper name JFarvíus has been discovered , concerning which I refer to my Studien Vol. VIII , p . 465. Inasmuch as this name belongs to devós and decoat, the F of this inscription , which is clearly recognizable , affords us proof that the root di to fear took its origin from dfe, and that forms such as EdSELGEV VroddzicavTES ( M 413) περιοδείσασα ( Ο 123 ) κύoν αδδεές ( Θ 423) , and metrical irregularities such as ούτε τί με δέος ίσχει ακήριον ( Ε 817), μέγα te delvóvre ( 1 10 ) have sprung from the previous existence not of the ; but of the F. The most probable comparison of the root SF1 , now firmly established , is that proposed by Fick , Wörterbuch 13 113 , with the Zend drae -tha ( fem .) terror , according to Justi. d WITH A PARASITIC j. 309 source . we as compared with the equivalent forms of diaíxelv pursue. Buttmann ( Lexil. I 219) compared the 0.-H.-G. jagón, where he also assumed a loss of the initial dental. This is extremely doubtful. But we may still regard ( cp. p. 63) diwk as an expansion of the rt. di djá ( cp. i ja) : perhaps we may follow Buttmann in deriving διάκ- ονο- ς , διάκ- τωρ from the same From dióxovos comes 0.-H.-G. jacuno, jachuno, Bohem . jahen , a form which is a parallel to ioxń. These changes in the stem diwx are , however, so far different from those mentioned above, that here the 1 is original, but in the st. doox it is of later origin . (609) Corssen 1 ° 214 , 307 represents jac-io as equivalent to Gr. diox- w , maintaining the loss of d for Latin also. But perhaps we may go one step further: j could easily fall off, and therefore as from y through yF, F and finally the smooth breathing might be produced , as conjectured on p . 474 , so from through dj we might yet , and finally either the smooth or the rough breathing. I do not wish here to lay any stress upon the form oxés tàs diogels, because, according to Bernhardy upon Suidas, it seems to be but ill established. The case is better with ópxń ( or óoxý) öwis (Hesych . ), which , as M. Schmidt re • cognizes, receives some support in the gloss ' of Cyrillus 63 όρχάς: ελάφου είδος. It cannot be doubted that the latter word is a dialectic form of doozós. And thus we have one witness at any rate for this. The Tzakonians still say őoxo ui for my eyes ( Comparetti Ztschr . XVIII 137 ). 648 The analysis of šorud , which followed here in earlier editions, and the discussion of its connexion with rt. dik point, which I previously expressed with reserve , I now withdraw . Perhaps however čoixa may be connected with the rt. Fik ( No. 17) , as Fick ? 491 also conjectures. From the Latin rt. vic comes the notion of change in vices, vice, ricem . But ad vicem means ' like ' : Sardanapali vicem mori ( Cic. Att. X 8, 7 ) * ), ad parentum vicem (Gell. II 15, 1).

• ) ( Boot's note is : Sequens aetas vice et ad vicem dixit, quod tamen

non est consuetudinis Tullianae.] 310 BOOK III . So perhaps we may reconcile εικών (ep. ίχνος) and έoικέναι Tivi with Eixelv, napeíxelv. Cp. I. Bekker Hom . Bl. 137 ( and the English turn ]. At the close of this investigation of the manifold re lations of the d to the j in Greek , the question forces itselt upon us , whether these relations can have been entirely (612)foreign to Latin. At the beginning of a word Latin especially often shows the j, from the change of which in Greek sometimes § ( jugu - m Svyó -v) sometimes 8 ( jam on ) has arisen. But in the stem Djov the dj which originally occurred there, in the course of the history of language has been shortened into j ( Jov ), just as in iaxń by the side of dioxw. Conversely, the origination of a d from a j in the middle of a word , through the intermediate stage of dj , may be shown to be probable. As Lat. ten - d - o ( No. 230) corresponds to Gk. tiiv - w i . e. TEV- j- w , and to Goth. than - j- a , and in the same way fen- d-o (No. 311 ) to Gk. fɛiva i . e. fɛv- j-w , the origination of the d from j here is at least possible. For the fact, that the d appears also beyond the limits of the present- stem , the proper place of this j , e. g. in te- ten-d -i , would be no objection , because we see also the n of jung -o, ping - o , with which the case is the same, firmly rooted in a similar manner. The case is the same with Lat. ru- d -o , and Gk. apu- w , Skt. ru ( râu -mi) No. 523 and with cu - d -o hammer and the equivalent Ch.-Si. ku (Ch.-Sl. ku-j-ą Cu -d -0 ), kyj a hammer (Schleicher Ksl . 96 ) . But I do not ignore the fact, that here, as generally with the final letters of roots , it is always open to suppose an expansion of the root by the determinative d ; and this too , according to Latin phonetic laws, may be identified with the determinative common in Greek ( p. 65 ). We might with more confidence maintain that the d of the suffix -doín) , which appears to us closely akin to the Gk. -dov ( p. 636) owes so RELATION OF d To j IN LATIN . 311 its origin to this. Finally by means of this assumption a very simple explanation offers itself for another much discussed Latin suffix . The suffix of the Lat. gerundive, or, as it would be better called , verbal adjective -endu - s or -undu - s, the earlier explanations of which have been 649 discussed by me in the Ztschr. f. d . Alterthw . 1845 p . 297 ff., I formerly regarded , with Haase (Note 580 on Reisig's Lectures on Latin Grammar) and Bopp ( Vgl. Gr. III ” 183) as a present participle middle , which had originated from the active suffix- -ent ( = Gr. ovt Skt. ant) by the addition of an a. But I give this explanation up, and mainly be cause another seems to me to be more natural. Aufrecht ( Umbr. Sprachdenkm . I 148) compares the Lat. vehendu - s with the completely equivalent Skt. vahanija - s, though he leaves the d unexplained. The ij we may regard here, as in the comparative suffix -ijans as a specifically Indian developement from i orj. So , just as we are led from jans to jans, so we are led from -ani-ja -s to an -ja -s. Assum ing then that in Latin too the j was strengthened to alj, and afterwards left only d behind , vehendu - s would agree, letter for letter, with vahanja -s. In Sanskrit too we find (613 ) an -anja -s which is undoubtedly akin, e. g. in nabh -anja -s rushing forward ( rt. nabh ), duv-anja -s honouring. In Zend -énya corresponds in verc2- énya working, from vcrcz - ena ( rt . verez = Fepr) work . All these have an active force, so that they are to the Sanskrit words in -anija precisely as Lat. sec -undu -s is to ger-undu - s. The forms of the other Italian languages also suit our view. In Umbrian there are preihaner anferener answering to the Lat. piandus, ( am ) ferendus, in Oscan we have upsannam in the meaning of operandam . The single n, as well as the double n may very well have come from nj. With regard to the meaning we assume with Aufrecht that the Sanskrit form had by no means originally the meaning of necessity, but that, coming as it did from the abstract substantive vahana-mi carrying', it meant originally only “ relating to, or belonging to carry ing '. How easily under these circumstances the same meaning 312 BOOK III . can develope , is shown by the Zend yarn - ya from yauna sacrifice, properly, 'relating to sacrifice', then to be honoured by sacrifice'. From this general usage, which does not much differ from that of the German infinitive with zu ( to) , the idiom of ratio navis vehendae and ratio vehndi might as readily develope as that of navis vehenda est. *)

• ) This derivation of the Latin gerund has been vigorously con tested by Corssen Beitr. 120, Nachtr. 140 ff., mainly on two grounds,

In the first place C. finds no “ strict proof' that j ever became d in Latin. But I am afraid that we have here to do with a form , for which no ' strict proof of its origin can ever be given. Etymology too has spheres within which , in the want of evident facts , we must content ourselves with divination. I believe that I have dis covered another trace of a Latin d = j in the suffix -don . Dr. Richard Klotz has called my attention to the name of the fish blendiu - s Gk. Påévvos (Plin. XXXII 9, 32) , and has pointed out how closely connected the suffixes io , co , do are , e . g. in rub - ia by the side of rub - eu - s and rubi-du-s , füm - cu -s and fumi-du - s, Lúc- iu - s and lúci du -s , Lív - iu - s and livi-du - s. If , as I conjectured , the developement of the d before j belonged to a very carly period in the history of language, we cannot be surprised, if this sporadic phonetic tendency cannot be proved for us in more cases. No one will deny that it was no longer present at a later time, when a j in the middle of a word was only allowed within very narrow limits. There is still less force in the second argument, that the suffix -ana , which is assumed by me , and in a different sense by Pott II ? 495 , as a component part of en -du - s, is foreign to the Italian soil. This ob jection , even if it were founded on fact , would be of little im portance. For as the suffix -ana is proved by its frequent occurrence in almost all branches of the same stock to have been in existence before the separation of languages (Bopp Vgl. Gr. III ” 396, Schleicher Comp.3 409) , it would be admissible , according to the laws of our science , to conjecture its presence in Latin also , even if only in composition . But further, this suffix does occur , though in a somer what different use , in lic - inu - s ( cp. oped - evo - s) , ac- inu - s (cp. Bad avo- s) , pag- ina ( cp. otaq- ávn) . It can hardly be denied that, so far as the meaning is concerned, my derivation has everything in its favour. It is also supported by the analogy of the developement of meaning, for, like -anija , the other gerundive formations of Sanskrit in -tavja and tja (Zend -tya) plainly come from abstract substantives, by means of the suffix -ja . For the forms in bundu- s j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 313 IV. CHANGES OF THE j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 650 ( 614 ) We have still to speak of those changes of the j which are occasioned by the contact of this sound with other consonants in the middle of a word. For although many of these changes have been already mentioned incidentally, they still require a comprehensive survey. We find our selves here on much firmer ground. The change of lj into aa , oj into oo, rj, oj, uj, wj, into 66 ( tt) , rj, dj into & , when these sounds occur in the middle of a word , and the metathesis of j, in the form of l , into the preceding 651 syllable after v and e , are facts so generally recognized * ), and -cundu - s, which belong to the gerundives , and wbich are made still plainer by the verbal nature of these forms, connected as they are with the formation of tenses ( cp. rump -endu - s, cupi- endu - s ), ( p . Symbola philol. Bonnens. I p. 277 . Corssen thinks that he has found the key to these much - discussed forms in the Skt. words in -anla -8 (Nachtr. 148, 1 ° 575 , II ? 180 ). But the origin of these words, with their cerebral d , which is still unexplained , is by no means clear; many of them occur first in late writers , some, according to the Pet. Dict., only in grammarians; few show in their usage even a slight resemblance to the Latin gerundives. On the other hand the adverbs in -evd nv and -uvda , as I pointed out on p . 633 , do offer at any rate some points of comparison ; and we may also adduce here the stems xvlivě ( xulivd- 00- s) , dlıvd. [ Cp. Roby Vol. II pp. Lxxxv ff. ]

• ) The only philologist, who makes an exception to this state

ment, is Pott ( II 2 738 ff. ), who , though he allows for a portion of the forms here discussed the origin , which is recognized by all other scholars, stoutly denies that the present stems in 66 ( tt) ori ginate in τ ) , θ ) , κj , χι. Pott derives λίσσ- ο - μαι from λίτ- τ - ο - μαι , πράσσω from πραγ- τ- ω , though he agrees with us in deriving Κρήσσα from Κρητ- ια , ελάσσων from ελαχ- ιων. The consequence of this dubious separation of forms, which may be without difficulty ex plained from the same phonetic process , is that Pott is compelled to regard it as the older group of sounds in the verbal forms, co as the older in the feminines and comparatives. To explain the origin of 66 from it he appeals to the change of the Doric + ( pa- ti) into the Ionic and Attic o (on -ge), without remembering that it was on the contrary just the Dorians who said apdogo , and the Athenians 314 BOOK III. that it is unnecessary to prove them , or even to quote all (615 ) the instances. It is sufficient to refer here especially to my " Tempora und Modi ' p. 87 ff. [ Das Verbum p. 300 ff.], to Ahrens Aeol. SS 8, 9, and to the subsequent treat ment of the question by Christ 155 ff., Leo Meyer 253 ff., Schleicher Comp. 225 ff. The fact is so certain , and so easily intelligible, that I was able , at the same time with troettw . There is , however, no explanation whatever for the ti in the place of or in the comparative, which is according to his view improper, unless indeed the expression ' fattening off ' ( Abplattung), which Pott delights in using (e . g. W. I 1349) is to be regarded as such . We, on the contrary , explain both groups of sounds from a third and older group , of which they are modifications. Moreover the assertion that it might have originated in the Attic dialect from xt , is supported by no clear instance of the kind . At first sight, it seems a well - grounded objection to our view , that presents of this kind find no support in the formation of the present in the kindred languages. But at any rate in one verb gedoow , as coin pared with farc-i - o ( No. 413) , the Latin is quite parallel to the Greek ; and even in the case of the stems in 2 , p and v , where Pott him self explains the present formation from an added j , there is not more than one such parallel, öll- 0-yaı by the side of sal- i- o ( p . 537). And where are the parallels for the t - formation , which Pott so decidedly prefers ? They are entirely wanting, and it must be ad mitted generally, that the various languages, while agreeing un mistakeably in the most essential means of expanding a present stem , yet on individual points go very much their own ways in this matter. For this very reason it is of little significance for the ori gination of or from a group containing t , that in Homer įvíatu occurs by the side of Xvioow , and that in later Greek the entirely isolated Tént is found as well as néoco. We have other instances of duplicate present- stems side by side : avvitáv - o -uai and nevs-o μαι , μίγνυμι and μίσγ- ω , οφείλω and oφλ-ισκ- άν- ω , πέκτ- ω , πέκα and neix - w . It is clear that there was originally a great diversity of formation prevalent, which could hardly have been devoid of meaning at the first. Hence if we continue actually to explain from a group of sounds containing j all forms which according to Greek phonetic laws, and according to the laws of the formation of the Indo -Germanic languages, can be explained from it , it naturally does not suggest itself to us to maintain between these forms any other agreement than the phonetic. j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 315 1 Ahrens, to introduce it into my school- grammar. Cp. Elucidations 40 ff. All that concerns us here is the 652 manner of regarding this process phonetically, and the establishment of some disputed changes. To proceed the more safely, let us begin with what is simplest. 1 ) λα 2j, Aeol. pe = ej, vv = vj. No one will hesitate to regard the transition from áh-j-o -uai ( cp. sal -i -o ) to äha- o-uai , from éd- j-o -s ( cp. al -i- u - s) to äha- o- s ( No. 524) , from gdep- j - w to Aeol. préop - w (Att.pozio-w ), from Xtev- j- w to Aeol. XTévv - W (Att.xtelv - w ), from κενjo- ς (No. 49) to κέννο- ς (Ion. κεινός, κενεός, Αtt. xevós No. 49) , as a simple assimilation , or as Leo Meyer calls this highest degree of the adaptation of one sound to its neighbouring sound , Angleichung ( entire assimilation ), of the spirant j to the consonant standing before it . Other (516) languages, especially the Teutonic , establish the process most clearly by the numerous verbs , in which these same groups of sounds have developed themselves in precisely the same way (Grimm Gr. I 870 f.): 0.-H.-G. stelban ( cp . orékhelv) from stel-jan , dennan ( cp . teivelv , Aeol. tévvelv ) from den -jan. In the case of the Aeolic formations the consonant j stands directly by the side of the vowel . We may confidently assume as the primitive Greek form , i . e . that which was anterior to the breaking -off of the dialects, the form with i e. g. XEVLO- s. For it is only from this that we can explain all the several forms of the dialects. In the Aeolic néQCOXos, neppéxelv ( Ahr. 56) we must assume Aeojoxos, neQjExelv as an intermediate form , which makes very clear the variation between the vowel and the spirant. The Asiatic branch of the Aeolic dialect is evidently the most consistent in these phonetic changes, inasmuch as here the law holds good: 1 , o , v completely assimilate the following spirant. For just as aj, ej , vi pass into id, ρο, νν , 80 do also λ.F , ρσ, ντ , λσ, ρσ , νσ : πολλα = πολ.F- α , γόννα γον-α , στέλλαι – στελ -σαι, έρρα Or όρρα špoa ( for εioa ). As further in the same dialect a preceding 316 BOOK III. - o is likewise completely assimilated to a following l or ν : έμ - μι εσ- μι , έν- νυ- μι 36 -vv -ut, the still more comprehensive law holds good : every spirant is completely assimilated to a contiguous a, e, u , v. 2) 06 = oj. This change is based upon the same principle of pro gressive assimilation . Tlie hard sibilant drew over the 653 contiguous soft spirant j to itself. So endeo6ov ( K 493 ) *) from the stem άηθες, νίσσ - ο - μαι ( rt. νες No. 432) , πτίσσ- ω from atioj- a rt. Ttic , the relation of which to Lat. pins-o Skt. pish we discussed on p . 489. This same group of sounds sometimes originates also from of: Aeol. 1660-$ ( Att. 100- s) = F16f0- S ( No. 569), TÉG600-es for teoFaq-es and this from retfæQ- es ( No. 648 ). No one is likely to think of assuming an intermediate step here. We have the same change, among other places, in Prakrit, where tassa con corresponds to the Skt. genitive ta- sja ( = Gk. to -to ). ( 617) 3) (tt) from tj, oj. Here for the first time a change presents itself, which did not take place at one step. For both sounds are here softened , and the question is in what way the mixed sound 66 arose , which e. g. in lio- 60- ual λιτ-ο-μαι or in the Aeolie and Ηomeric μέσσο--ςs ue -jo - s , Lat. med - in - s ( No. 469) originated in the explosive sound accompanied by j. Here we have for the first time that phenomenon of zetacism so admirably explained by Schleicher in the work already cited frequently. The origin of the double sibilant may evidently be explained in two ways. Either 2

• ) Cp. Leskien Stud. II 82. The statement made there, borrowed

from Veitch (Greek Verbs, irregular and defective) that in Apollonius Rhodius, where the word also occurs , there is the various reading anteoxov , which L. conjectures also for the passage in Homer , is inaccurate. In IV 38 antéorovoc is found in Laur., intégocoa in Guelferb. On the other hand , we may leave it doubtful whether iocoucı has come from { a -jo - uat , or has originated in {6-600 -ual. j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 317 the j remained at first unaltered , but caused assibilation of the τ and θ : in that case λιτ-ο- μαι , μελιτ-α , μεθ 30- ς would have first become λισ-ο- μαι , μελισ- α , μεσ jo- s , and only after this would assimilation have come in, as in the case mentioned under 2 ): λίσσομαι, μέλισσα, uéogos. But with this explanation it is hard to understand the forms with tt, common to the popular Attic dialect , which was current in the comedians and the orators, and to the Boeotians. This form is not indeed by any means found accompanying every 66, but it is in the majority of cases , e. g. in uśkitta , the origination of which from usdır.ja cannot be doubted . Are we then to suppose that this Attic and Boeotian sound developed as early as the time in which the j itself still remained unchanged after 1T , 9 and 6 ? This would here involve many impro babilities, but it is still more opposed by the 60 ( TT) which has originated from gutturals, and which we shall have to discuss immediately. Or was the j changed in the first place , under the influence of the preceding dental, into that soft dental intermediate sound , which we will denote by z , and which we met above in our discussion of the $ ( = dz) ? In that case uelit-ju would belong to an ante Hellenic period, and the earliest Greek form would be 654 ushit-za , which under the hardening influence of the t certainly soon became uɛàit -ga. From uɛhit- ha then came by progressive assimilation uénıt-ta * ), by retrogressive, uśkio -ta with a change of the t into the sibilant. Of the two pos sibilities the second seems to me on all accounts the more probable, agreeing as I do with the statement of the case by Schleicher (Zur vgl. Sprachengesch. 74 ) , which has not received the attention it deserves from recent philologists. Also in those Greek feminine forms in which the termination

• ) The supposed form uénita , bronght forward again by Pott II ° 746 , rests onty mpon an inaccurate accentuation in Empedocles v. 374 , where Dindorf and Meineke (Athen. XII 510) rightly read

ξανθών τε σπονδάς μελίτων (from μέλι, not μελιτών ) βιπτοντες ές ουδας. 318 BOOK III . (618 ) la or ja is appended to a stem in vr ( navt-ja , hvovr-ja) , nothing prevents us from supposing that the j first passed into % , then with the + into 6 : navt-za , navt- 64 , navoa (nãoa Aeol. nai-60 ). The early change of the j into the soft dental spirant explains the fact that we do not find in any Greek dialect a trace of the j (or 1 ) which we must presuppose , and that the o is also shared by just those dialects, which elsewhere leave the t unaltered. 4) 66 (tt) from nj , xj. In this change, in which there is an alteration not merely of the quality but also of the organ of the first element, we must evidently assume one more step in the transition. If we compare norov ηκ-jων or Θρησσα Θρηκ-ja with Ion . κρέσσων κρετ-γων Or with Κρήσσα Κρητ-γα , Or ελάσσων ελαχ-jων with βάσσων Bat-jov, we shall be able to assume the same group of sounds as the proximate antecedent step to 66 in both cases . Just as under 3) we traced back 66 in the first place to tz , so here too this will be the right point of departure. For the Greek language, before it had as yet broken up into dialects, we must assume nr- omv, Ooạt- 60 , člat-omv. By progressive assimilation arose from these the Boeotian and Attic ήτ των, Θρατ-τα, ελάττων, by retrogressive assimilation and the hardening of the z too, the Ionic and Doric 655 16-gwv, Oowo -ra, tháo-6Wv4) . The preliminary stage , which

• ) Ascoli Ztschr. XVII 410 explains the origin of the groups of consonants here discussed in an entirely different manner. As he

himself promises a fuller exposition of his view elsewhere , it will be better to postpone the examination of it, until his arguments are fully presented to us. I confine myself here to the remark that the view that tt , contrary to the general current of phonetic change, could have arisen from go , seems to me very far from proved by the quotations from the Eranic languages. To say nothing of the pronunciation , which however is by no means certainly established e. g. in the case of Old Persian and Zend , for the sounds here under consideration , the question presents itself, whether 0.-P. adam really presupposes an azam ( z being taken as a soft s) like the Zend azem , j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 319 Vla we assume , is precisely the same which we find in Wal lachian, e. g. Lat. glac- ie-s (pronounced glak -ie - s ), Wall. ghiatzë . The French glace corresponds to the Doric and Ionic forms ( Schleicher 73 ). This preliminary stage appears just as clearly in Frisian , where according to Schleicher (78 ) , e. g. from the old rekkja tendere comes resza [ Eng. reach ], the sz of which is to be pronounced like ts , from (619 ) likkja aequare lisza etc. We may notice in these transitions, that the aspirates and x exercise precisely the same in fluence as the tenues T and X. This is another confirma tion of the fact, which we recognized above, when discussing the pronunciation of the aspirates , that these consonants really contain in themselves the explosive sound plus the aspirate. How could élax-jav ever have become žláttav, if the x did not carry in itself an explosive element, which was capable of manifesting itself as 7 ? But from clath -són just as from Koryth -s0 we easily get to ελάτ-των, κορύτ -τω by the suppression of the aspiration. However the Cretan dialect , at any rate , has preserved to us an example of the retention of the aspirate: Sálas- sa in the inscription published by Bergmann, Berlin 1860, 11. 16, 17 (Voretzsch de tit. Cret. p. 18) . This 99 is evidently quite analogous to the it and the Boeotian dd. The gloss of Hesych. (possibly a Macedonian word) δάλαγχαν θάλασσαν ( ep. δόξα θάλασσα Ηπειρώται ) points to , as a letter of the stem, and this disproves Walter's conjecture Ztschr. XII 419. But it confirms the derivation of the word , maintained by Pott W. III 798 and Benfey II 254 , from the stem tpax (op. θράσσω tapdoow and táox- n * tápažus Hes.), which is aspirated into goax by the influence of the e , and is related to rt. tar ( Skt. tar- ala-s trembling, tar-anta - s sea) just as τρυ - χ to τρυ. The sea would thus derive its or whether in the Ossetic farath the th really presnpposes an ante eedent sibilant ( Skt. paraçu ). In any case the original sound was in both instances an explosive, and it would be first necessary to disprove the theory that alam came direct from agham or agam , farath from the primitive form paraku ( Gr. rédɛxv- s ) by dentalism . 320 BOOK III. name from its restless motion . On à for p see above p. 546. Hitherto we have seen that the course of their pho netic history has been the same for the dental and for the guttural group. But how have öt-owv, Opąt-60, člah - owv, or the forms which immediately preceded them with for 6 , arisen from the primitive forms, which we must assume? 656 Evidently by that influence of the j upon the preceding guttural, on which Schleicher has thrown so much light, whereby the latter became palatalized, and gradually shifted from the palate forwards into the dental region. Hence the phenomenon is here too assimilation, and that of a retrogressive character. The representation of this phonetic change, which is here given , is further confirmed by two facts belong to Greek dialectology. In the first place , it is remarkable that the Dorians, who in so many other instances give the preference to the t over the o, here agree with the Ionians in the 66, as compared with it of the Attic and Boeotian (Ahrens Dor. 100) . If the change from Kont- ja into Koſoou rested upon the principle which caused the change of éviaút- lo- s into {viævo- 10 - s , of pa-ti into on-oí, i . e . on the assibilating force of the i , we should naturally have expected that the same dialects would in both cases have t , and the same dialects 6 ; but this is not the case. The assibilating influence of the 1 on a preceding dental (620) is evidently a linguistic phenomenon of later date * ) in

• ) Of course we must not fail to notice that at a much earlier

time, i . e . anterior to the Greek language, t in particnlar instances passes into s , as is proved by the termination of the 2 sing. -si (from tu , tra ), and by the participial termination ras (whence us ia , Gr. via) by the side of rat ( cp . Sonne Ztschr. XII 290) . Cer tain phonetic tendencies seem to seize upon languages more than once at periods entirely distinct and widely separated. This is probably the explanation of the r of the Latin passive ( = se cp . p. 294 ), which long precedes the change from s to y which after wards, within historic times, was usual. But the phenomena here in question are purely Greek . j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 321 Greek phonetic history, and for this very reason it is mknown to strict Dorism. On the other hand the phonetic changes now under consideration are, in their first appear ance , of much earlier date , and the difference between it and the 66 which is by no means later, but is quite as old, depends only upon the direction of the assimilation. A second argument is supplied by the Boeotian dialect. The Boeotians show in other instances also the tendency, where a dental explosive is brought into contact with the sibilant, to give the preference to the former: thus they said ίττω for έστω , έττασαν for έστασαν , and even , changing a radical 6, probably Éttia εστία , ιτθαι for ήσθαι ( cp. Hesych. s . v. with the note of M. Schmidt). Now the change which we assume from Κρητ- σα into Κρήτ-τα etc. differs from this only in its direction. In both cases the hard explosive gains the day over the sibilant. The agree ment of the New - Attic dialect with the Boeotian in this change, is , as Grassmann recognizes in the essay often mentioned above , p. 35 , an extremely important fact for 657 the history of the Greek dialects and stems. Perhaps we may even go a step further, and ascribe to the popular Attic dialect the tendency to assimilate the sibilants before 7 and 9 likewise. Names of places often contain old phonetic forms from an extinct period of language. The name 'Attixń has been derived by some from ext- ixń coast - land. But the Italian softening of xt to it (atto = actus) , which appears in the Cretan Murros = Múxtos ( M. Schmidt Ztschr. XII 219) , is entirely un -- Attic Attic.. What if Attin were for kot -inń town -district ? It is well known that Athens was called το άστυ κατ ' εξοχήν. Then we should be able to explain the form ' Atsi-s also , from dori-s; we should have to assume a by- form dofi-s with an aspiration which is not unknown in the case of or (cp. Cret. in gavti iotāvīı ); and from this ' Athi- s would come after the Boeotian fashion . This group of sounds meets us again in the name of the Attie deme Πίτθο -ς . CVETIUS, Etymology. II . 21 322 BOOK III . (621 ) 5 ) Ś from dj and yj. This change has been so thoroughly discussed by us above ( p. 600 ff .) , that anything more seems to be super fluous.. The parallelism with ' the groups just discussed is unmistakeable. We assumed that uéliora had come im mediately from uɛhit- oa, more remotely from uɛhit- zd. The last step , in the case where the medial is in contact with the s , is actually found in αργυρό- πεζα , from άργυρο- πεδ- ια , for & had the sound dz. And just as the Boeotians made to into it , so did they make dz into dd : fepiddo = Jepita , i . e. Tepl-dzw , Japl- djw. The guttural medial passed in the first place into the dental , and then underwent the same change: péddo bé[ w from pɛy-jo ( ged - jo), ped - zo ). Here the Laconians and even the Megarians agreed with the Boeotians : μαδδα uã &a . The Romance and Teutonic dialects, which just above proved instructive, afford us analogies here too : Ital . razzo = rad - iu - s, Fris. lid -za for ligg- ja lie. But in Greek an important difference from the changes of the hard group presents itself. The Ionic dialect keeps to the group of sounds & = dz , whereas it made a further change in to by the complete suppression of the explosive element. This last step in the softening , where the soft sound is concerned , is only taken in Modern Greek, where & has the sound of a soft s , and is related to 66 precisely as the soft sound is to the hard. How old this last softening of the g may be, need not be discussed here. 658 . 6 ) 60 ( tt) apparently from aj , & apparently from Bj. In other, and especially more modern languages it is by no means unknown for the labial consonants with a following ;j to coalesce into special groups of sounds. Schleicher has carefully examined these phenomena, but he fully shares the view which I expressed in the " Tempora und Modi' ( p. 105 f .) that these changes, which belong for the most part to a later period of language, to be admitted in the history of the Greek language. It are not j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 323 cannot be simply an accident, that in almost all cases, which come under consideration, it is more than doubtful whether the labial does not originate in a guttural, as in néOOW , which as we saw on p. 459 did not come so much from nen - jw as from nex-jw , or in other words had its origin in a period of language, in which labialism had not yet made its way into this root, or as in 006€ óx- l-€ (No. 627) by the side of ovouai, 706d Fox- ja ( No. 620) by the side of öx , ën- os , to say nothing here of some doubtful cases ( op. évíoów No. 623 ). The same (622) is true of νίζ - ω by the side of rt. νιβ ( χερνιβ , νίπτω) . Sanskrit gives us niỹ (No. 439 ), therefore the ß is of later date , and viça is derived from viy-jo , not from viß-jw. It is only the ζ of λάζομαι απd λάζυμαι , apparently from the rt. daß (aaupáva ) which has no radical guttural side by side with it. Perhaps there has really been in this case a transition from the labial to the guttural class, as is assumed by Ebel Ztschr. XIV 45 and Ascoli Glottolog. 143 , and supported by similar phenomena in Italian dialects (Neapol. chiu = piu ). * [ Cp. p. 440]. But I cannot see what is to induce us, in the case of words which, like those just mentioned , had originally a guttural, to assume in the first place the transition into the labial ( óx on) and afterwards, as Ebel will have it , the reverse change, back to the guttural (ór —- óx). But while no decisive reasons are adduced for the assumption of such an unusual course in the history of sounds, yet on the other hand I cannot think Grassmann justified in returning again to labial zetacism '. 7 ) 66 ( tt) apparently from dj , vj. It is as clear as day that, putting out of the question the explosive element, which was longer retained in the §, 66 ( TT) is to $ ( dd) , as the tenuis is to the medial; and that therefore we are to expect the former group only where the stem ends with a tenuis , or with the aspirate, which only differs from it by the addition of the breathing, and the latter group where the stem ends with a medial. 21 * 324 BOOK III. This law of language seems to be liable to some exceptions, 659 inasmuch as in a number of words the hard group of sounds seems to proceed from a soft stem - consonant. Schleicher p. 162 has rightly recognized that such a tran sition would be the more surprising , that it contradicts what we have taken to be the fundamental principle of all phonetic change, - that it would be , not a softening, but a hardening. Even Grassmann, who holds to the old doctrine, can suggest no other explanation for this ( p. 37), than one which is entirely contrary to nature , that this sound before its loss in Greek after mute consonants seemed more akin to the hard sounds than to the soft '. It seemed there fore to be worth while examining whether this phenomenon also , like that discussed above in the case of the labials, was not to be explained in a different way. I undertook this investigation in brief in the Prooemium to the Pro gramme of Lectures at Kiel, for the summer of 1857 ( De anomaliae cuiusdam Graecae analogia) . The results of the investigation are as follows. Apparently 66 comes from dj in the comparative βράσσων, which occurs only in K 226 μούνος δ' ει πέρ τε νοήση, αλλά τε οι βράσσων τε νόος λεπτή δέ τε μήτις. ( 623) This comparative is generally derived from Boadv - s. But this derivation was unknown to the older grammarians. On the contrary, according to Aristonicus, the prae -Alexandrine grammarians denoted as oi yaoo6oyodgoi derived the com parative from Boaxv- s. Aristarchus opposed this view , but only because Homer does not elsewhere use the word Booxús. But he too did not take Bokosov as the com parative of Boodus, though this word is very common in Homer , but as the participle of βράσσειν seethe , βρασσό μενος, ταρασσόμενος διά το δέος; in which certainly no one will follow him . Hence the derivation from Boadus did not once occur to him either, even as a possible one. So weak is the authority for this explanation. Now as we cannot hold with the same rigour to the critical principle of Aristarchus to refer the Homeric usage to a rule as į IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS . 325 4 strict as possible nor , above all , to his disinclination to admit words, which in later times were commonly current, in isolated passages in Homer, inasmuch as the investigations of Friedländer ( Zwei homerische Wortver zeichnisse, Leipzig 1860 ) show that the number of änač alonuéva in Homer is unusually large , the decision of Aristarchus cannot carry conviction for us : we shall rather have the less hesitation in accepting the older tradition, according to which Bocoowv means shorter, in that Bocxús is common enough in later Greek in metaphorical applica tions. For instance, urà Bọcorros Pvcóums ( Thuc. III 42) corresponds to our ' short- sighted' as applied to the 660 mind. We have more than enough confirmation from an other dialect, conjecturally Aeolic ( Ahrens Dor. 504 ), in βρόσσονος (ep . βροχέως) βραχυτέρου ( Hesych. ). Thus βράσ σων has beyond all doubt come from βραχ- ιων , like ελάσ oov from xhax-uwv ; and this anomaly is removed. All other instances of this change quoted from the Attic dialect are altogether dubious, - But there are certainly in other dialects more traces of an interchange of oo with & And indeed 66 would come from d , if the gloss of Hesychius πέσσον : χωρίον Κύπριοι , πεδίον Αιολείς τινές ομαλές were quite sound , as Ahrens ( 66 ) and M. Schmidt (Hesych .) suppose it to be. This origin for the group of sounds is less certain in yćobav dovŕv (Hesych .), for though in the case of this word we naturally think first of rt. Fad ( cFad No. 252) , with y = f ( cp. p. 585) , yet it is also possible that it is akin to yndé- w (No. 122) , and that yćoba is from yot- ja ( cp. gaud - iu - m ). But the Tarentines ( Ahrens Dor. 98) said not only odhnicow for Gannica , where a Y, and originally , as we shall see immediately, a x occurred, but also φράσσω for φράζω.. In this very word φράζω,, however, the d which appears in dol-good-ńs, né- poad - 0 - V (624 ) and other words may possibly have originated in t . In Ztschr. IV 237 I have attempted to trace the rt . opad back to ftpat , and to establish its identity with the pret of inter -pre(t) -s, inter -pret-ari, as well as with the Lith. prat 326 BOOK III . understand (pra -n - t- · I mark , próta-s insight), and Goth. frath- s understanding, frath -jan understand. Bergk's differing explanation of inter -pres (Philol. XIV, These 68) does not shake me in this view. I did not however venture to place this case among the certain instances of aspiration and softening. In the Tarentine pokoow and the Boeotian goátta (Corinna apud Eustath . ad Od. p . 1654, 25) thie harder sound seems to have been retained . The case is probably the same with liooov , which is explained in Hesychius by člaobov inter alia , and in this meaning is to be regarded as equivalent to hitov. We saw on p . 523 that the y of óliyo -s is softened from x. But for the majority of the dialectic forms, which we have every reason to separate from those of ordinary Greek, another explanation is also possible, which I regard as on the whole more probable. The Romans as a rule expressed a & in the middle of a word by ss : atticisso, massa. The ss must undoubtedly have properly expressed the doubled soft sibilant, for which there was no special character. How if it was much the same with those Tarentine, Cyprian and Aeolic forms ? In that case these dialects , earlier than the others , allowed the dz ( ), at any rate in certain forms, to pass into zz, that is , into the very same soft sibilant, 661 which in Modern Greek is denoted by S , only pronounced more thickly , and therefore felt to be doubled : 06 then denoted the sound, which is noticed in the vulgar North German vulgar word ' drusseln ' . In other instances too the character o must have occasionally carried with it the soft sibilant, e. g. in Euúovn ( as compared with Zuúovn) . But such softenings cannot guide us at all with regard to the Attic dialect, in which 66 and § were strictly distinct sounds. The explanation here offered also suits well the statements that we have with regard to a reverse change, which sometimes occurs, and that in the same dialects : Tarent. dváčo = ivásom åow etc. ( Ahr. Dor. 101), and also the fact that the later Greek language shows a similar fluctuation: ovploow being found after Christ for the older ovpítw etc. > į IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS . 327 Iu 13 primitive verbs and 7 verbs derived from noun stems 66 (tr) seems to come from y. In the case of three of the primitive verbs , Greek itself seems to show a fluctuation between the harder and the softer sound, i . e. in yoow , the later by- form of anyvvui ( No. 343) , and πάσσαλος ( p. 523) , σάττω (σάκος by the side of σάγη) and ópuoco ( p. 518) : in three, viz . in pococo farc-io ( No. ( 625 ) 413), in udoow (No. 455) and in ancow (No. 367) , the other languages give us forms with k which are undoubtedly akin . For a fourth verb too , npárow, the Lith . perk - u I sell , is of itself enough to make it probable , that we must regard Apax as the stem , derived from the shorter stení zpā , which is preserved in πι-πρά σκ- ω and in έπρα- σεν έπραγματεύετο, recorded by Hesych. ( cp. No. 358). But on Greek soil too at least one relic of the stem apax has been preserved in an unaltered form : Apāxo -s, or as it would probably be more correctly accentuated , after the analogy of anyó- s , λοιπός, στιλβός, πρακό - ς C. Ι . 1702 1. 4 * ). The word is equivalent, as Boeckh has seen , to noduriuo-s or apaxtiuio - s ( also a Delphic expression) , and therefore means liable to the exaction of a penalty , punishable. (cp. cionodobelv ). The form yoń- 66w , which occurs even in Homer, [ 1 550 and ( in the same verse) P 660] , will have come from the shorter stem preserved in šype- ro, by means of an expand ing x , just as apax comes from roa. The case is much the same with ρήσσω, the late by- form of ρήγνυμι (cp. p . 511 ) , because of oor- os , only that here the priority of the x cannot be proved so decisively. Hence for 7 or 8 out of 12 or 13 verbs the conjecture is justified , that the reason for the hard sibilant lay in a x originally present. 662 As for the four or five remaining verbs , opátra , which from Plato downwards becomes more common than the older ogáčo , seems to have taken the place of opóta in order that too many sibilants might be avoided : and we must remember in this case , that dd was unknown to the

• ) And yet Pott W. I 473 says in his friendly fashion , that I

have " invented for rénqaya a sinking from a to y ” . 328 BOOK III . Attic dialect. Hence the it is here somewhat in the same position as in the Cretan Trñve ( p. 606 ). Of the remaining words there is only tớoow , the origin of which remains to me doubtful, even after all that Fickº 74 has collected, and which is not indeed used frequently until after the time of Homer. @ooo ( xatdorm) = öyvvul cannot be proved to exist until after the time of Augustus, pouoow = φρύγω is not by any means certain in Theocritus Ahrens and Meineke read poúyovtos in XII 9. From Fritzsch's note it seems that pourtovros here rests only on the authority of early printed texts , the M. SS. here as in VI , 16' and XI 12 having poúyovros). In these cases we need not hesitate to admit real deviation from the ancient paths on the ground of the apparent analogies just discussed. As, to the derivative verbs, we have for Guddoom the forms σάλαξ ( gen. σάλακος) and σαλάκων preserved by the side of ochayń. dllcoów must be referred to a noun - stem ållaxo , which is to dalo precisely as Skt. anja -ka to the equivalent anja ( No. 524) . A similar origin for uapdoow, ahordoow , Atepúoow is in no way improbable, as x is in secondary word - formation an extremely common element, while y is an element which is in hardly any case original. For uaquapúorm we learnt on p. 524 to recognize a noun stem in -úka as its source. It can hardly have been other wise with the New - Attic equótra by the side of the older & quóğa . Thus the general result, recognized also by ( 626 ) Schleicher Comp.: 226 , can hardly be contested , that with the exception of a small number of verbs , which are not yet fully elucidated , and of which some are very late, 66 (TT) came not from y but from x, which x however — after the estab lishment of this group of sounds —in the remaining forms, and especially between two vowels , (έφράγην, πέπραγα), as was explained above pp. 522 ff ., was softened to y . We must notice here again , as an important fact for the chronology of the history of the language, that the latter softening is of later date than the first establishment of this group of sounds. j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 329 8) x9 from ghj. In one indubitable instance , and that at the beginning of a word, the group xo corresponds to an Indo - Germanic ghj ( Skt. hj) , i . e. in rités (No. 193 ) = Skt. hjas, Indo - G . ghjas. The most natural explanation of the 4 here is that a dental sound was developed before j , as in the numerous instances thoroughly discussed above , and that after the change of the gh to X , this necessarily became , by the assimilating influence of the x (Ebel Ztschr. XIV 39). -- 663 The origin of the χθ in χθαμαλό- ς compared with χαμαι, and the connexion of these words with Skt. ksham earth , have been discussed under No. 183. τρίχα must have become toxoá by the addition of the suffix -ja , the j of which afterwards passed into t. rolyté therefore ( op. τετραχθά ) is to τρίχα as υστάτιος tο ύστατος, λοίσθιος to Loiofos. Further combinations with regard to these words are offered by Joh . Schmidt Ztschr. XVI 436. 9) at supposed to come from pj, bhj , bj. Theoretically it would be a probable conjecture that the labial consonants likewise united with j to form par ticular groups of sounds. It is true that above for good reasons we rejected the transition of a labial into the si bilant groups. But here we have to deal with a different conjecture. So far as I know , Ahrens (Formenl. 185) was the first to maintain that the t of the labial present-stems like τύπ- τ - ω , βλάπ-τ- ω, κρύπ- τ- ω came from j. This same explanation has been recently advanced by Christ ( Lautl. 159) and, as something quite new , with a reference to Kuhn , by Steinthal (Charakteristik der hauptsächl. Sprach typen , Preface p. VI). Finally Grassmann Ztschr. XI 40 ff. and Ebel Ztschr. XIV 34 accept it. The latter assures us that he had previously arrived at the same view inde pendently. At first sight there is something very attractive in tracing back the forms adduced to the same principle (627) of formation , as that on which poison , ©&o, atého, and uaivouai depend: and where thé a belongs to the root 330 BOOK III. 1 the transition conjectured might well be defended . From an assumed tvn - j- w tva -D -j - w might have come just as xdjęs from xes, and then the a might have assimilated the medial d , and in this way from tva -dj- w might have come Tunatj- w , and finally with a loss of the j , túr- T - 0. Indeed under No. 382 we saw that itu - w originates in just this way from a root spju, and we learnt to recognize the same change also on p. 489. In support of this ex planation of oxén - 1-0 -uai Ebel p. 40 well quotes Skt. pac jû -mi, Lat. spec - i -o (No. 111 ) , though tubh - ja -mi can give us no help for tún-t- w ( TUT ). Nor can I attach any weight to Modern Greek forms like νίβγω , κόβγω, κρύβγω , in which y is a spirant. Modern Greek forms, in cases where they are connected with dialectic forms of the ancient Greek language, may be regarded as the continuations of old tendencies; but here, where all old Greek dialects agree in their t , this is hardly admissible, especially as the 664 Modern Greek forms show the strongest variations (xócto, κόβγω , κόβω , νίβγω , νίβω). Cp. Mauroplhrydes Ζtschr. VII 143. But how are we to explain the process in cases where the root has an aspirate or a medial ? According to the analogy of that very word xěés we should necessarily have expected from rt . kpuq xovoto , and in the same way ταφθω, τρυφθω, βαφθω, δρυφθω, βαφθω, especially as go is a very common combination , and where a ß be longs to the root , βδ , e . g. νιβδω, βλαβδω (cp. γράβδην), instead of the forms with at , which are the only ones found. The hardening of the 8 to t , which runs counter to the principle of ' weathering away ', or- the change of the j to t , as Steinthal puts it , is an assumption , as we have seen before, entirely devoid of any analogy. The influence of the spirant j is , on the contrary, in all lang uages, a softening influence. But there is something more to be added. Although it is prevalently , yet it is by no means solely in the case of labials that this t , characterising the present stem , is found (Tempora und Modi 83 [ Das Verbum I 227 ff.)). It appears clearly in ávú- t- w and > j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS. 331 kou- t- w, the Attic by- forms of the older évv- w and doó -w . Grassmann indeed , p . 42, wishes to explain the former as the original form : but it would be hard to suggest any adequate motive for dropping the t between two vowels, and how little the shortness of the in άνύσω ήνυσα proves the loss of a dental , is shown by είλκύσα, έπτύσα , λέλύκα, We have also TÉX -T-W , the somewhat later by - form of AÉX- 6 , neix - w ( No. 97 ). Parallel to this réx - tw is the Lat. pec- to with its analogues flecto , plecto , nccto , forms which are not at all analogous to such as fac- i- o , jac-i-o . If the t had come from j , we should necessarily have expected Gk. récow , Lat. pecio , plecio. It is absolutely no argument(628) against this explanation that the t in Latin extends beyond the sphere of the present-stem ( pec- t- en ), for we find the same occurring in junctu -s compared with jug- u - m . It is simpler again to regard tix -t - w (No. 235) , which Grass mann with others wishes to explain by metathesis from TL - TX - 6 , as a present- formation with t. The objection of Ebel Ztschr. XIII 268 , that ε is thinned only before ‘ muta cum continua ' is not at all well- founded , as will be seen on p. 701 . But finally , we have in Lithuanian an extensive class of verbs , the fifth of Schleicher's division, which distinguishes the present - stem from the verb - stem by the addition of a t , e . g. verb - stem dris ( = Indog. dhars Gr. Capc No. 315) pres. dris-t - u. We cannot imagine that this t has originated in Lithuanian from a j, because there is another class of verbs , the fourth , which shows this j, sometimes pure, sometimes in different transformations corresponding to the phonetic laws of Lithuanian. It is sufficient with regard to this , to refer to Schleicher's Lit. Gr. 241 and 246 , and to Bopp's Vergl. Gr. II ? 355. It is true that Grassmann has also explained this Lithuanian 665 form differently , by taking not t , but st as the formative element, and identifying this with the inchoative sk ( 6x, Lat. sc) . This notion is worth consideration : the form and meaning of these verbs suit it well. There is only the Low - Lithuanian ei- t- u I go (op. Osc. eí- t -uns) , quoted 332 BOOK III . by Schleicher p . 246 note, to stand in the way. But if we had even to give up this Lithuanian analogy, this would alter nothing with respect to the Greek formation, the t of which on p . 65 I compared with the determinative which we find employed occasionally in other forms ( op. αμαρ- τ- είν , άλι-τ-εϊν ). In the attempt of the spirit of lang uage to distinguish the present stem from the verb - stem , we see the difference between the primary root and the root expanded by a determinative made use of also in other cases . Cp. έσ - θ - ω , πλή- θ- ω, φθι-νύ- θ- ω *).

• ) The discussion of this question by Ebel ( Ztschr. XIV 39) has

given me an occasion to determine more precisely , with the help of Lobeck Rhem . 42 , the stock of verbs here coming into consideration. There are 47 verbs, which have before the w of the 1 sing. pres. πτ , excluding πίπτω, the formation of which is entirely different, and counting only once luplicate forms like στράπτω and αστράπτω,, σκίμπτω andl σκήπτω. Of these 22 , viz. * αστράπτω αστραπή) , δρέπτω ( a late poet . Iby -form of δρέπω) , * ενίπτω ενίσσω ( ένιπή cp. p. 454 ) , ενίπτω address (rt. Fεπ ) , θώπτω ( θωπεύω) , ελλώπτω (έλλωπέω), *ιπτο μαι (ίπος), και κάμπτω ( καμπή) , κάπτω ( καπύω) , * κλέπτω (κλοπή ) ,

• κόπτω ( κέκοπα) , * μάρπτω ( μέμαρπον, μέμαπον) , πέπτω (late , and

rarely well -established , by the side of πέσσω , πέττω , πέπων) , * δίπτω ( διπή) , ρύπτω ( ρύπος) , σκάπτω ( σκαπάνη) , *σκέπτομαι ( σκοπός) , *σκήπτω ( σκήπων), σκνίπτω (σκνίψ , st . σκνίπ and σκνίφ Lobeck ad Ρhryn. 399 ) , σκώπτω ( σκώψ st . σκωπ) , * τύπτω (τύπος), * χαλέπτω ( χαλεπός) have 8 π belonging to the stem; 11 , viz. * απτω ( αφή) , * βάπτω ( βαφή) , γλάπτω (late for γλάφω) , δρύπτω (compared with αποδρύφω, δρυφή) , έρέπτω roof ( with ερέφω , οροφή) , * θάπτω ( τάφος) , θρύπτω (τρυφή), κολάπτω, * κύπτω (κυφός) , λίπτομαι ( rt . λιφ No. 545 ) , * ράπτω (βαφή ) have a p in the stem; 3 , viz . *βλάπτω (in Homer also βλάβε ται ) , * καλύπτω (καλύβη) and * νίπτω ( σ 179 rt. viß from viy) have B in the stem . Some verbs of the first group occasionally change π into φ (cp. p . 500) , as κάπτω , δίπτω , σκάπτω. For *λάπτω ( Νο. 530 b ) the a can in fact only be deduced from the kindred languages, while λαφύσσω points to Φ. In the case of *κρύπτω there is a fluctuation between q and B ( cp. 518) , but it is probable that both sounds go back to an older a , preserved in clup -cu - s. In the case of 10 verbs , viz. *γνά μπτω ( γνάπτω) , *δάπτω, δαρβάπτω , δύπτω ( Alexandr.) , * ερέπτομαι , *ιάπτω , κορύπτω, *σκηρίπτομαι , χρέμπτο μαι , χρίμπτω , there are no forms in which the labial sound would appear pure. Hence in the majority, at all events, a belongs to j IN CONNEXION WITH OTHER CONSONANTS . 333 10 ) uv supposed uj. 666 This transition has also been maintained by Ahrens (629) (Formenl. 185) , who endeavours thus to bring the present stem xau- v into the long list of the j- class : réu- v-w xau - j- w ; explaining by the same principle IIolúdau - va from (630) the stem , and as in these the explanation of the at from aj is phonetically admissible, we might be inclined to assume that the minority have followed the analogy of these. However this has its difficulties, for it admits of proof that several verbs of the second and third groups are much older than many of the first group. The predominant majority of the first group has only been formed by degrees. I have marked by an asterisk the verbs which occur in Homer, in the present stem expanded by t , in order to represent this to the sight. The case is therefore different here from what it is with verbs with -66w in the present, which have y as their characteristic. Hence the assumption of a false analogy is untenable ; and the only refuge possible would be in the explanation that all verbs of this kind had originally a r in the stem , and that their present forin took shape at a time, when this was still unweakened , while the tenuis , placed between two vowels , had been softened, sometimes into the aspirate, sometimes into the medial. We should then have here processes quite similar to those which we assumed above for σσ , and βλάπτω would be to βλαβή much as όσσομαι and οκταλλος to oπή , or 18 τάσσω tο ταγός. In the case of several of these verbs this may be made probable , especially with those, in which the labial has the character of a root - determinative , as in δρύπτω ( No. 267 ) , δύπτω (rt. δυ) , θρύπτω ( No. 239) , βλάπτω ( p . 526) , καλύπτω , κρύπτω ( p . 526) . We should also get a π for ράπτω , if we were to follow Bugge Ztschr. XX 32 in comparing Lat. sarc - io . On the other hand in other verbs, especially in pétro ( p . 437 ) , hintouai (No. 545 ) , vínto (No. 439 ) the comparison of the cognate languages gives no evidence at all in favour of the tenuis. For nunta ( p . 518) we might appeal to Lith . kumpa - s crooked. Now as it is impossible either to prove the origination of any -nto whatever from ajo , or to support the origination of -nto from -ojo or -Bjo by any analogy, and as on the other hand the expansion of roots by a t is a fact, while the employment of the root so expanded as a present -stem cannot be altogether denied , I am still unable to accept the explanation above, attractive as it is in itself ; and it seems to me that we gain more by bringing into prominence the difficulties, which are opposed to this explanation , than by slipping lightly over them . 334 BOOK III. Πολυδαμ-ια, απάλαμ- νο- ς from απαλαμιο -ς , νώνυμ-νο- ς from vo - vvu - 10 - s. In none of these words is this explanation probable. The words with v in the present stem are very simply connected with the nasal class: τέμ- ν - ω , κάμ - ν - ω like ai- v - w , Lat. sper - n - o like si- n-o. It is sufficient on this point to refer to my Tempora und Modi ' p. 77 ff. [ Das Verbum I. 240 ]. The v of Iloaúdquva perhaps finds its support in the present stem δαμνα (δάμναμαι), or it belongs to the termination , which then would have to be regarded like πότ - να by the side of πότ- νια. νώνυμν-0 - ς is explained from the stem όνομαν (όνομαίνω ): it is for νωνυμία) ν-0- ς. απάλαμνο-ς, perhaps for α παλαμινο-ς , I cannot explain after any clear analogies. But it is im possible to support upon such an isolated word the assertion of a phonetic change, for which it is hard to find firm support in other languages either. Hence even Grassmann, who had hit upon the same idea as Ahrens, on p . 46 667 comes to the conclusion that a change of this kind cannot be established . 11 ) Jas i transposed into the preceding syllable. We return finally to a phonetic process , which is universally recognized , and with which the only question can be as to its extent and its explanation. Good collections may be found in Christ p. 44, Leo Meyer I 270 f., Pott II ? . 741. For all the Greek dialects , with the exception of the Asiatic Aeolic, it is the rule that j - or 1 , for any sharp distinction is here impossible , after v and a is transferred to the preceding syllable , in the form of t : μελαν-jα , μέλαινα , κερ -jω, κείρω , Aeol. κέρρω . After other consonants this phonetic change is more rare indeed , but by no means unknown . In opeila indeed we can explain the diphthong only by compensatory lengthening, because in the old alphabet it was denoted by E, as is proved by Brugman Stud. IV 120. The desire to distinguish ogékhelv from ógeílelv has perhaps contributed to this irregularity. But in the case of explosives, the phenomenon appears in TRANSPOSED. 335 the clearest instances -- and Hugo Weber ought not to have denied it so positively in his Etym . Unters. I 66 as in neix - w (6 316) by the side of réu - w and réx -7-6 , where perhaps the wish to distinguish the word from récow , cook , prevented the usual treatment of the kj , and also in the stem yuvait which in Ztschr. IV 216 I have traced back to γυνα- κ- t Indog. ganakî. The suffix k, originally hypocoristic (cp. sen- e- c- s) , to which the feminine termina tion î is appended , finds a confirmation also in the Persian žan - a - k muliercula from the same stem , as is proved by Schwabe de deminut. p. 45. The apportionment of the two stems to the different cases was not so firmly estab lished as it might seem from the prevalent usage. The (631) comic writer Pherecrates ( fr. 95 ) used the acc . yuvń- v, and ai yuvai is also quoted from a comedian (Meineke Com . ed. min. I p . 1069 * ). - Further , after y in the comp. usi ζων uɛy- jov, Ion. uttav, in the stem aiy for dy- ı (No. 120 ) nom . ait goat , in aiy- an brightness ( No. 41 ) , so far as this may with probability be referred to åy-ian, as the 668 Skt. ay -ni-s Lat. ig-ni-s suggests. To be sure a form like αγ- ιλη has analogies only in masculines like στρόβ ιλο-ς , τρόχ- ιλο- ς , to which we may add αλκλοι (Ηesych. αι yoviai toð pélovs), discussed by Legerlotz Ztschr. VIII 397, if it comes from éxidou ( cp. aculeu -s) and is to be referred to the rt. åk ( No. 2) . I cannot see what makes M. Schmidt explain this gloss like so many others, some altered in the most arbitrary manner – as corrupt, and for άγκλοι ( αγκύλοι ). In the same way αιχ- μή spear point, with a x which , as in črxos, has come from x , inay was

• ) Apolē ( st. npolx) , which was formerly placed here , cannot be separated from the words προΐσσομαι , προ- κ- τη- ς , mentioned under

No. 24 c , and is therefore proved to be a compound. Cp. Pott W. II 2 , 314, Fick ? 22. Probably it is not the rt Fix , come, as suggested as possible on p . 137, but a root which belongs to Skt. ik kha -ti , he demands, seeks ( cp. Lith . jëszkóti. 0.-H.-G. eisc - ón Mod.-G. heischen , ( 0.-Eng. acsian , ask , cp . No. 617 ], which is pre sent here. 336 BOOK III. i > be explained as for én- tun . We must probably take the word , which is common in Homer, and which can hardly be connected with dirow , in the Homeric dialect always trisyllabic , as an adjective (used as a substantive ), after the analogy of άλκ- ιμο- ς , τρόφιμο- ς , πόρ-ιμο-ς. The stem word would be ex - i-s point , and åx -i-un would properly be “' the pointed ' . So also Pott W. I 516. Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 76 adds Lith . ëszma - s javelin. In two more words beginning with the same letters , we may conjecture that the origin of the diphthong was the same. The first is the Laconian aix- 20-v or air- vo- v supper, if any one chooses to be bold enough to connect it with the Skt. ac to eat, ac-a -nam eating , food. We may recall also the Homeric öx- olo- s bit ( o 222) . The case is much the same with αικάλλειν blandiri and αϊκαλο- ς κόλαξ ( Hesych.). The root of these words seems to occur in dueñotai heal, yxa gently, softly , exéov silent , öxaoxa [ gently , Bergk on Pind. Pyth. IV 276 ] exarxaños ( gentle , Aesch. Ag. 741 ]. It is not impossible that the rt. Ék i . e. Fek (No. 19) should be akin ( otherwise Fick Ztschr. XX 173) . aix- aho- s , from which ( 132) αικάλλω is derived , would be for άκ- ιαλο-ς, as κραιπάλη js conjecturally for upan - lain ( No. 41 ) . As -aho is a dimi mutival suffix ( Schwabe p. 78) , xpaitaan might be the di minutive of a lost Xpania ( cp. uavia) , and ex- talo- s the adjectival diminutive from & a -1o -s ( cp. @y- 10- s). The Lat. crúpula is evidently a borrowed word. A similar suftix apparently occurs in raicho- s fever. I do not wish to give ont this explanation of aixándev as by any means certain, but it will certainly bear comparison with Düntzer's derivation from an assumed strengthening ai and Lat. colere, from which xólag is also made to come (Ztschr. XV 60 ). After a á п we notice the same process in éğaiqvns with aspiration ( p. 493) for & žanívns, alqvidios etc. ( cp. äqvw , iqvidios Hesych . ), in xpainvó -s for xpan-ivo- s (No. 41), in detavo - v for den - LVO - V , dan - LVO- v (Lat. dapinare No. 261). - 6xoiy yooa (Hesych .) has already been compared by Lobeck Paralipp. 113 with scab- ic -s. It might easily be j TRANSPOSED INTO THE PRECEDING SYLLABLE. 337 σκοφ for 6x09-1-9. — In the case of poiß - do- s, poigo -s we learnt on p. 632 to see still more clearly that an i has made its way from the termination into the stem- syllable. Finally 669 it seems that even the dental consonants cannot be entirely excluded. For with regard to the diphthong in forms like φέρεις gépes for φερ pep--ε8-01σι = Skt. bhar -a - si , and gépet for peo- &-- ti = Skt. Whar- a- ti , the theory, according to which peQ- E- 61 first became peo- el - ot and pep- e - ti pep- el - ti , deserves the preference over others (Leo Meyer I 272) if only because El belongs to all the Greek dialects, including the Doric, while the change from tı into 61 , which has been assumed by some in order to get thereby to a simple 1 ( 8- ti , &-01, E -l ) is entirely unknown to the Dorians. No one can fail to see too that κρείσσων has come from κρετ-jων, from which the later Ionians and a portion of the Dorians ( Ahrens Dor. 188) formed xpécomv * ). The diphthong appears just as plainly in connexion with o in xpauou - é - w for χράσιμ-ε - ω (χρήσιμο- s) and in πλαίσ- ο - ν square for πλαθ 10-v from the stem alat , aldt-avo- v platter ( No. 367b). In some of these cases recourse has been had by some to the device of regarding ai as merely a ' strengthening' of But, this process , besides being quite inconceiveable in the case of a long a, has only been proved in the re duplicating syllables of δαι- δάλλω , παι- πάλλω etc. If this be , generally stated , the extent of this phonetic, phenomenon , we have now to consider the way in which we should regard it. The question is whether it should be viewed as epenthesis or metathesis. Epenthesis is aa phonetic process extremely widely prevalent in Zend , as is (633 ) shown by Bopp Vgl. Gr. 1² 70 , Justi p. 359. The i orj of the following syllable makes the a of the preceding into ai : Skt. bhav -a - ti he is , Zd. bhav-ai- ti (cp. qú -ɛ [ti ] ), Skt. stem madhja (medius), Zend maidhyu. In the same way a.

• ) At first sight the forms κρέσσων , μέζων might seen older than the Attic forms. But probably they owe their origin only to that disinclmation to the connexion of al with double consonants,

in consequence of which απόδειξις in New Ionic became απόδεξις. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 22 338 BOOK III . u and v change the a of the preceding syllable into au , Skt. sar - va whole, Zd. haur- va (cp. Hom. oulo- s ) . With the Zend epenthesis the German Umlaut agrees , except that in the latter the i - element of the termination is not added on to the vowel of the preceding syllable , but as similates it to itself : 0.-H.-G. vatar pl. vetir (Grimm Gr. 13 555 , Schleicher ‘ Die deutsche Sprache' p. 144 , Rumpelt $ 45). A ‘ much older epenthesis ' in the Teutonic sphere, e . g. in Goth . hail-s kalja -s is treated of by Scherer z. Gesch . d. deutschen Sprache p . 472. In Irish epenthesis is very extensive, and increases in the course of time ; it 670 is sufficient here to refer to Zeuss ' p. 4. In modern Greek, as Deffner Stud. IV 270 shows, new diphthongs are deve loped by an “ anticipated ' 1 : máixi = μάχη, όχι όχι , ovxi. This phonetic change may well be called 'anticipatory sound ' ( Vorklang ), inasmuch as the sound of the following syllable is naturally prepared for in the preceding syllable, by means of a corresponding arrangement of the organs of speech , ouring to the instinct of language, which always regards the whole of a word. It is in this sense that Justi uses the expression 'assimilation instead of epenthesis for the Zend language. If we bring the Greek phonetic changes in question under this point of view , we have a very simple explanation for forms like είνί ( by the side of ενί), κρείσσων, immediately from κρειτίων , and πλαίσιον. For here , as in Zend, we have the i in both syllables. We may also here mention aigéw , inasmuch as the e , as was conjectured on p. 547 ( cp. p. 595) may be regarded as a representative of j, and may thus warrant us in assuming an okler Falo ja . Particular forms too , in which v has a backward in fluence of the same kind , may be thus regarded : Ep. rovdú- s = noló- s. It is certainly still surprising that, in the great majority of the cases which belong here , the i has entirely disappeared from the second syllable. There is no trace of forms like κειρ- ι - ω, αμειν- ι- ων , μελαιν- ια , χραισιμ- ε-ω; nor of yovv- v- a , dovo-v- a , člav -vv - w ( cp. p. 555) . But it is nothing uncommon in the history of language for a j TRANSPOSED INTO THE PRECEDING SYLLABLE. 339 phonetic element to disappear entirely , after it has exereised its influence upon another. The history of the German ' Umlaut', which did not become really common, until after the cause of the whole process , the vowel i, had itself changed into the monotonous e , offers the clearest examples : 0.-H.-G. trâgi, M.-H.-G. traege, 0.-H.-G. mohti, M.-H.-G. möhte : ( so in English feet , 0.- Sax. fóti: but the intermediate féti is not found : cp. Morris Historical Outlines of English Accidence $ 47] . Hence it is by no means absurd to assume that the forms, mentioned above as never found, actually existed : and in fact we do find some traces of such , among which the rare sivi by the side of {ví and živ is perhaps the most remarkable. An entirely different attempt to explain the forms here in question has lately been made in several places by(634 ) Meunier, amongst others in the Revue Critique 1869 p. 246 . The French scholar takes objection to the transposition of the 1 , but thinks that he can avoid this by deriving forms like κτείνω , κείρω from the Aeolie κτέννω , κέρρω by a diphthongal compensatory lengthening. This explanation breaks down from the fact that the forms mentioned are not merely Attic and Ionic , but also Doric. If ytelow had come from preggo , in strict Doric it must have taken the form oongo , just as we find onpas by the side of the Aeol . déppa (Ahrens Dor. 159). But in reality the present 671 in this dialect also is ptelow or praíon. Besides, forms like rataioa , óvouaivo are not explicable , even according, to Ionic phonetic laws , from xatupom , óvouavvw ; for it is only in the case of ε that 1 is used in compensatory lengthening. Corresponding with the Aeolic xoávva we have κρήνη , Dor. κράνα , not κραινα. On the other hand, I do not see what objection can be made , if the trans position of the < into the preceding syllable be regarded as an anticipation of it , accompanied by its rejection from the following syllable: and this view I take more decidedly than I did formerly. ܕ 22 * 340 BOOK III. E) Interchange between the spiritus asper and lenis. Whether physiologically or historically considered , the spiritus asper cannot take rank with the other consonants. ( Cp. Giese über den aeol. Dialekt p. 224 ff .). We have seen above that physiologists regard it as an element in which the qualifications of consonants proper are wanting. When however we trace the history of the aspirate we find that in its Greek form it is always the residuum of an ante - Hellenic spirant whether s , v or j which still existed in the Graeco - Italic period. But the aspirate was itself on the wane from the earliest period of the Greek language of which we have any record. For even in the old alphabet, which employs the letter H to denote the aspirate , this sign is occasionally absent e. g. in the article () instead of HO (Franz Elementa epigraphices p. 42) . And if the Ionian alphabet, which , doubtless after it had been long in use in Ionic Asia Minor – was brought to Athens at the tinie of the Peloponnesian war, and there brought into public use in the year 403 B. C., had no sign at all for the aspirate , we may no doubt infer from this, that from this time onwards the spiritus (635 )asper was as a rule heard less distinctly , and for this reason deemed unworthy of a place among the consonants proper. No doubt to go a step further, and maintain that from this time onwards there was , as in modern Greek, no difference at all between the spiritus asper and lenis , is a course that is impossible in the face of the influence which , in spite of isolated exceptions and aberrations on inscriptions, the spiritus asper exercises on the whole with perfect consistency on preceding tenues ( αφού , εφίππιος ). Moreover in many districts of Greece , especially in Tarentum and Heraclea ( Kirchhoff Stud. über d. gr. Alphabet p. 218) , 672 the sigut was for a considerable time used for the spiritus asper. And how are we to believe that the grammarians, when they matured the doctrine of the avevuaro and introduced new signs for them into the cursive alphabet , INTERCHANGE BETWEEN THE SPIRITUS ASPER AND LENIS. 341 arrived at such a doctrine, if they had not the elements and data for it in the Greek of their time. But for all this the history of the representation of the aspirate, especially the early loss of the old letter for it , which was borrowed from the Phoenicians, and the grammatical distinction of tlie πνεύματα, as something falling under the head of προσω día , has an important bearing on the history of the sound itself. The Asiatic Aeolians, who were peculiarly Vilari zoi, and the Ionians, who allowed the aspirates no influence upon the preceding tenuis after an elision (dn’oû, xétodos) , evidently took the lead in the weakening of the aspirate. Indeed even in Homer we find forms like ndos by the side of ήδύς, ουλος by the side of όλος. The expulsion of the spiritus asper began in the earliest period of Greek and became more and more general, until it has in modern Greek become universal. The language cannot have been far from the latter state at the time when the grammar ians thought it necessary to have indices of words and introduced their artificial rules *) to teach the correct use of the spiritus, a movement in which Herodian notoriously look the lead. The destinies of the spiritus asper in Greek therefore, in spite of the completely different origin of the two elements, do not differ essentially from those of the h in Latin and the Romance languages. For here too the aspirate began early a career of decay. In the middle of a word between two vowels - from which position it was expelled in Greek too , with the exception of the La conian dialect and a few extraordinary cases --- it had so ( 636) little force that in the matter of quantity or elision it is left out of consideration ( tră -ho, de hoc) , and at the be ginning of a word it begins to lose ground early (Corssen Ausspr. l ° 103 ff.) especially in the language of the common people, so that perperam aspirare was even in the time of

• , This system of the old grammarians is discussed from the

stand - point of Lobeck's school, with little regard to modern linguistic research , by Aug. Lentz Pneumatologiae elementa , Philo- . logus erster Supplementband p . 641—776. 342 BOOK III . . Nigidius Figulus (Gell. XIII 6, 3) a common provincialism . We find here , however, a phenomenon , which is instructive for Greek as well. Not only does the aspirate become volatile and disappear pretty early from its original place : 673 eredes (C. I. L. No. 1034) cp. above No. 189 , but it makes its way to positions to which it has no right at all . Hence Catullus's ridicule of hinsidiae and the like [ Carm. LXXXIV : cp. Quinct. Inst. I 5) ; and such mistakes led gradually to such erroneous forms as the ill attested humerus for umerus ( No. 487), humor for umor (No. 158) . Cp. Fleckeisen “ 50 Artikel" p. 31. The same thing has happened in the Romance lang uages, where the rejection of the h, in actual speech at least, has become the rule, while the prefixing of an irrational h , whether it be in actual speech , or in a way of writing that points to an older pronunciation , is by no means rare ( Diez Grammatik I 370 , 452) : Span, hedrar = iterare , Fr. haut = altus. Attention may be directed in this respect to the numeral eight, which shows, not only in the Fr. huit , to which we shall return at p. 677 , but also in the modern Persian hest, and in the Heraclean óxto (Ahrens Dor. 36 ) an aspirate of late introduction. We meet with the same phenomenon in vulgar English and in some parts of Germany, where aspiration has become confused. It seems then to be a law of language that when aspiration begins to lose ground it makes its way occasionally to the wrong place. And this is important for the treatment of the Greek spiritus. If the asper began early to retire from the lang nage, and if this fact is completely established , we shall not need in each single instance to seek for some ety mological ground for the change, but must simply regard the phenomenon on the whole as a confusion . From such injuries as these no language can be quite secure . We must accordingly recognize them as such , and distinguish them from lawful phonetic formation . We will now consider the cases in which 1 ) the spiritus lenis takes the place of the asper. Comparisons of undoubted correctness establish the THE LENIS IN THE PLACE OF THE ASPER. 343 origin of the lenis from the asper in a not inconsiderable number of stems . We find now and then individual forms retaining the asper side by side with the lenis. Let us take first those cases in which the spiritus asper represents an original s, which here and there actually occurs in by forms by the side of the asper and the lenis, so as to bring all the three successive steps in the history of the(637) sound clearly before our eyes. To this class belong the copulative '- (No. 598) , by the side of which the form &- ( 8-9960- s , ä- nas) survives, along with the related ó- , both going back to the Skt. sa , sam , with ; åréa the sun's warmth ( Att. ådéa ), which has been discussed at p . 541 in its relation to eian , el -ávn, σέλ - ας and Σείρ ; αμός, αμόθεν by the side of the better preserved duós, duótev (No. 600 ); a- w satiate by the side of 6- dnu and äddnu ( cp. p. 631 ) from the rt. preserved in 674 the Lat. sa-tur , sa - tis , and the Goth. sath -s full, to which Pott II ? 853 adds also the Ch.-Sl. sy- tů , Lith . só-tu - s full . ëdagog bottom , soil cannot be separated from oùdas, which likewise has the lenis , but was assigned at No. 281 to the rt . ed = Skt. sau go (ód -ó-s ). Whether the lenis is due to the effect of the following aspirate, as seems to be the case in Ëd - - 920 - v seat by the side of idos ( No. 280 ) , is rendered doubtful by oύδας and by οδός, ουδός threshold .. Here , as in one or two other cases , unless we can trace the influence of some suffix in F ( vas, va) , must perforce admitov as a Homeric lengthening of o . There are no clear traces of a rt. vad ( Lat. vâdere ) , suggested by Hugo Weber ( Ztschr. f. Gymn. 1864 p. 518). - That in = sero comes from the rt. svar , the sibilant of which is preserved in beloé, and appears in the form of the spiritus asper in ouos, has been established at No. 518. --- 'Egivó -s in its relation to the Skt. Saranja -s was discussed at No. 495, éteó -s satja - s along with ëtvuo -s at No. 208. The loss of the sibilant clearly took place long before Homer's time, as is shown e. g. by ä -doxo -s, which no one doubts was derived from å, sa and the rt. nex we 344 BOOK III . ( No. 173) . The reduplicated {r -ýtvuo - s finds in cipapos (at No. 518) a complete analogy. ix -ud-s has been referred at No. 24b to a rt. sik , to which , as is shown by Clemm Studien II 15 , imao juice, the blood of gods, also belongs. óró- s has at p. 350 been compared with sucu - s ( No. 628 ), where we adduced by - forms with the 6 preserved, and some conjectural comparisons which showed the intermediate spiritus asper. - At p. 540 on No. 662 we discussed the Ionic oùlo- s by the side of õlo - s Skt. sarva - s , old Lat. sollu - s, and on No. 506 ópós by the side of the Lat. serum . - In the reduplicated forms too where the stem begins with o, the spiritus asper appears only in a few isolated traces ( ågéotalxa Giese Aeol. D. 405, Keil Schedae epigraphicae 10 ); elsewhere, e. g. in šotaixo , ČOnnorat, the lenis appears. We may here consider the cases in which the original so has left behind it only the lenis in the place of the asper which we should expect to find by the side of F. So the Hom. άσμενος , ήδος by the side of ήδομαι , ηδονή, åvdávo No. 252 , ësog, ndos, dos rt. če for ofen No. ( 638) 305 , where we may discern (Christ 135) in the aspirate in the second syllable the reason for the abandonment of the asper , just as we thought we could in ño- w sift ondo ( No. 571) , id - i - w No. 283 by the side of idpós, idoo - s from the rt. svid , idio -s No. 601 by the side of the stem é , ofe. ërns, relation, had the digamma in Homer (Hoffmann Quaest. Hom. II , p. 38) , and is written with the digamma in the Elic inscription C. I. No. 11 ; and consequently the probably related čt-200 - s, étaipo- s is connected with črns as iorwo is with the rt . Fid. Christ's 675 conjecture ( 251 ) that ërns is related to the Skt. vatsala - s friend , ratsa - s sprout is opposed by the simple t ; I know of no analogy for the origin of t from ts; and the meaning too in the post-Homeric time is against it ; it is then used as equivalent to dnuórns, dńuov evne. I believe the word, as is conjectured by Benfey II 202 , belongs to the pro nominal stem of € ( No. 601 ) . Fick ? 619 treats of the THE LENIS IN THE PLACE OF THE ASPER. 345 Ch.-Sl. svată affinis , to which svată- ba nuptiae belongs. This stem may be identical with Feta. Whether the Attic form of address o tãv ( also a tav) has anything to do with črn -s is very doubtful. Cp. Apollon. Dysk. in Bekk. Anecd. 569. Buttmann's view ( Ausf. Gr. 1 ° 218) that rav means ' thou ’ finds support in the Skt. tvam and tõvi óú 'Αττικώς Ηesych . A simple f passes, as Kuhn shows Ztschr. II 132 ( cp. Christ p . 185 f.), in the majority of the cases belonging here, into the spiritus lenis. There is however a certain amount of probability, that in all cases the asper formed a stage in the transition . It is not surprising therefore to find that this stage has often been preserved , and indeed that sometimes this is the only form found, as in the case of έσπερος = vesper (No. 566) , Ex- aóv ( No. 19), kotid ( No. 610) , while sometimes usage varies between the two breathings. So we find by the side of έννυμι , είμα ( Νο. 565) perhaps on account of the g in the following syllable — šotos, 86-1ń-(t )-s from the rt. Fec, and by the side of idɛiv and all the related words ( No. 282) , the remarkable isolated lotwo, as to the aspirate of which the ancients were very doubtful (Lentz ut supra p. 700), and the generally recognized (στορία , ιστορείν. We have seen on the other hand that the regular representatives of a j are & and the spiritus asper. But in dialectic forms we meet with the lenis too in the same position. This is the case with άγεα τεμένη , αγέεσσι TEŅéveol (Hesych. ed .M. Schmidt), words which undoubtedly belong to the rt . år = Indo -Germ . jag ( No. 118) , and also with the Aeol. vuues by the side of the ordinary Greek úužts (No. 607) , and in örtı in Sappho ( Ahr. 26) from the pronominal stem ó = Skt. ja (No. 606) , with which may be classed the old particle ögoa , whose correlative to pa leaves no doubt as to the origin of the ó from ó. Here, as in one or two cases discussed above, the aspirate seems to have been prejudicial to the asper. As regards the second component of the particle , perhaps Thiersch Gr. 346 BOOK III . (639) 8. 316, 14 was near the right explanation of it in taking ög- pa to be compounded with pa = coa. Anyhow pág, and ráo , which was regarded by the old grammarians as a single word , are without question compounded with äoc. Only we have no right to regard the g as a “ hardening" of the spiritus asper. Perhaps ő9- pa is for qi-pa like 676 the Homeric τί - πτε for τίποτε. όφι would be an old form with the suffix -01 , like fɛó- qıv, vóc- qı ; i-91, and the Lat. i - bi , u -bi * ). We shall return at p. 699 to 40- v in its relation to έψω. We now come to the opposite case that of 2) the spiritus asper where we should expect the lenis. The old grammarians describe the Attics as daouv tixoi. The frequent occurrence of the asper in this dialect in cases where all others have a lenis, has been dis cussed with much insight by Giese Aeol. D. 304 ff. and elucidated especially by Keil in his Schedae epigraphicae p . 6 ff. by an abundance of matter , drawn for the most part from inscriptions. Among the examples given are some whose spiritus asper has the support of old tradition, especially, taken alphabetically, éla - i -s, where the F is established ( No. 333 ), évn (6 No. 428) , égpácoucı (F No. 141 ) , έχω ( σ Νο. 170) , Ιλισσός (5 rt. Fελ , ίλιγξ No. 527, cp. όλ- μο-ς, είλλω , ελκύω ), ίσος and εφ ' ίσης και ομοίας, εφίση ( F No. 569 ) , οικείν (F No. 95 ) , Οίνηίς (from oινεύς,

• ) This explanation is opposed by Lange Ztschr. f. ö. G. 1863 P , 302 and Hugo Weber Ztschr. f . Gymn. 1864 p. 128. Both find an objection in the meaning. But the Lat. dum too tallies with

tum , although the latter denotes point of time, the former duration , and the apparently superfluous äoe becomes less surprising , if we consider that opoa and toqqa are almost peculiar to epic diction, in which coa is readily annexed to words, and has but little force. Lange conjectures that -poæ comes from ndoa, and thus we should get a very suitable meaning ano'ő. But where can we find another instance in Greek of a preposition placed after its case and coalescing with it so as to form one word ? THE ASPER IN THE PLACE OF THE LENIS. 347 this from oivos, f No. 594 ), avɛcofai (No. 448) , and of examples from other dialects , there is the above-mentioned έ - σταλκα and also the common έτος with καθ ' έτος (so too the mod. Gk . εφ' έτος in this year), δωδεχέτης , εννεακαι dexetis Inscr. Halicarn . in Wescher Revue Archéolog. 1864 p . 135 , nevtairnoida' (by the side of Féros cp . No. 210) tab. Heracl. I 57, idios , xas' idiav Keil Inscript. Thessalicae tres p. 10 (F No. 601 ) . On the other hand there can be no doubt in other cases that the spiritus asper has crept in irregularly , in @yelv, so too in the Elic HACEN ( No. 117), ακούσιος (άν priv. ) , αλώπηξ ( No. 525) , αναγράφω, ανάλωμα (No. 421 ) , άνδρα ( Νο. 422) , Αξιοπείθης ( No. 117 ), από ( No. 330) , αυτός evrós, éx = $ x ( Lat. ex) , év for (640 ) εν ( No. 425) , επί for επί ( No. 335) , ες for είς (No. 425), Eödıxos (No. 564 ), optanuós ( No. 627) , and likewise in the non - Attic expós tab. Heracl. I 65 , Wachsmuth Rhein . Mus. XVIII 539 ( No. 2) , évvéd tab. Heracl. I 36 etc. (No.677 427) , είδον = #-F1d- 0- v, óxtá tab. Heracl. I 48. If we now pass from these examples of the sporadic appearance of the spiritus asper to those of the occurrence of the asper in ordinary Greek where we should expect the lenis, the question arises, are we in each single case to seek for a special ground for it , or to content ourselves instead with the recognition of the existence in general of a certain confusion ? Our desire to find fixed laws in languages wherever we can , inclines us to the former course. But what do we gain , here or in other like cases , when from a large number of instances we undertake to explain here and there one , and that with difficulty , and find a number of cases left , for which our explanation will not hold good, and in which we have after all to recognize an aberration of the linguistic sense ? And such is necessarily the case here. The asper has above all regularly introduced itself before every initial v . But who can give any other reason e . g. in ödwo ( No. 300) , inó (No. 393) , Únéo (No. 392), Őotepo- s ( No. 251b ) for the aspirate, which the related languages prove to have been wanting to the original 348 BOOK III . initial, than the fact that the vowel v liked the asper ? Just this vowel and no other took it : the old ov of the Boeotians had the lenis: oődmo ( Ahrens Aeol. 169 ) *) . The case is the same with nyɛtotal, which no one thinks of separating from άγειν (Νο. 117) by the side of which we get the very rare @yelv especially as the derived verb now and then itself shows the lenis : 'Ayńoavdoos, ' Αγησίλαος, Αγησίπολος, 'Αγησιχόρα ( in a papyrus fragment of Alkman v. 19 , Bergk Philol. XXII in .), oyntoo ( Lentz p. 692 ). Of άπτω in its relation to απήνη , ήπήτρια we treated on p. 501. It is true that in a certain number of cases of this sort Kuhn ( Ztschr. II 260) and after him Christ ( 109), and similarly Savelsberg Ztschr. VII 380, have sought with considerable acuteness to prove that this spiritus asper at the beginning of the word springs from a spirant which has been displaced from the middle. So nueis ( aeol . äuues) Skt. asmat, h -uai from the rt . ás (No. 568 ), & Ű- w from evo- w ( No. 610 ), luepo- s from 16-uppo- s ( No. 617) , lepó- s from isara- s ( No. 614) . Kuhn holds that the ( 641 ) sibilant first changes to h and then goes from the middle of the word to the beginning. He accordingly assumes not only forms like εύω , ιέρος , which at all events find 678 counterparts in Laconian interaspirated forms, but even áhues , nhuai , to which there is nothing analogous any . where. It is extremely improbable that the Greek spiritus asper ever had a place before any consonant but p **) .

• ) The work of Süpfle “ De l'h initiale dans la langue d'oil"

( iotha 1867 contains an interesting collection of matter on the sub ject of aspiration before certain groups of sounds , the h of the Fr. huile , huit, of the Span. huebra ( opera ), huevo ( ovum ), discussed by Diez I 370 , forcibly reminds us of the Greek spiritus asper before v.

• • ) The extraordinary MHEIFIOE Mißios (gen. of the proper

name Miệls) on the Coreyraean inscription treated of by Bergmann Hermes II 136 is so entirely isolated , and this little inscription has so many forms that are quite peculiar, that for the present we cannot but be sceptical about it . Cp. Kirchhoff z. Gesch. d. griech. Alphabets ? 139 . THE ASPER IN THE PLACE OF THE LENIS. 349 Then there are other difficulties besides. In the Dor. áués, and in the Attic nužis the vowel owes its length to the dropping out of the 6. On their showing this loss has had effect twice over , once at the place where the letter stood at first, and again at the beginning of the word to which it has been transported. Further, what explanation is to be given of notai, noto , where the o occurs as well as the initial spiritus asper , which was supposed to owe its existence to the transformation and displacement of the o? Kuhn (275) takes refuge in the " analogy of the other forms”. But the third person is no doubt more frequent than the first, the singular and plural of which along with the third pl. alone come in for consideration. Besides εύω (No. 610) , a by- form of εύω , the form εύστρα also has the asper. There is no difference of initial between αυστηρός and αναλέος. And how is it that we do not find £ iui too , for the 6 was dropped just in the same way ? No one surely will appeal to the entirely isolated aiuí which does occur in a Theraic inscription ( Keil p. 10) . In no case then can there be said to be a law of the kind mentioned above : it is at most only a phonetic tendency confined to a small circle of words. – That the asper of the Boeot. ioy Šyớv (cp. Ital. io) a word which is moreover found with the lenis as well (Ahrens 206) has anything to do with the expulsion of the for even with the h in the Skt. aham , is the less credible from the fact that the comparison of the Goth. ik de cides in favour of g as the original letter , whence it results that no aspirated sound or h existed in the word from the beginning. I prefer in all these cases to admit for Greek the existence of an aberration which can be explained from the history of the language on the ana logy of that above shown to exist in Latin and the Romance languages. Disturbances of phonetic laws declare themselves mostly by dialectic deviation. This is the case with the phenomenon we are now discussing. We often find that some one dialect shows the lenis, especially e. g. 350 BOOK III . as the Aeolic of Asia , though it has not entirely lost the asper: άμμες, Homeric άμμε , Aeol. άγήσαιτο , άρμα ( Νο. 488), 'Αρμοξίδαμος (Ahr. Aeol. 29), ίππιος, Τarentine "Ικκος, (642 ) Sieelian ιπνή έφιππίς by the side of Γλαύκιππος , Δέρκιππος, AEÚxianOS ( cp . p. 455), Elic triaoos ( Ahr. Aeol. 226). Some 679 times it is only the Attic , a dialect readily inclined, we have seen , to the aspirate , that has it : e . g. in éas = Ep. nas, Dor. đás , Lesbian Aeol. ařos (No. 613). In hos (by the side of απηλιώτης, απήλιος cp . Lobeck ad Ajacen ed. II p. 356 ) Ep. ήέλιος, Cret . αβέλιος , Dor. άέλιος (No. 612) the Attic is supported by the agreement of the New - Ionic, but etymology establishes the priority of the lenis. In the two last - named words the dialectic forms prove that of the original stem - syllable ato ( cp. aur - or - a i. e. aus-os -a) first the o disappeared , and then the v which is the softened F. Hence there can be no question here of transposition of the 6. By the side of opfos , copos, Ion. ovoos (discussed on p.573 ) and the form őoog (ävtopos)which repeatedly occurs on the Heracl. tables , Attic has 700 - s ( boundary ) as the established form , perhaps to distinguish it from 09- os (mountain ). For if we are to look for grounds for the confusion between the breathings, it seems to me that in the case of a phenomenon of such comparatively early appearance in language, the grounds must be of a much more special character. I do not think it impossible that ñuεig should have owed its asper to the analogy of uueīs; and so ñuat might be influenced by Ego-uar ( No. 280), especially by means of the aor. είσα ; αμαρτείν (cp. άλιτεϊν) – Homeric ίμβροτον , αβροτάζω - whose meaning almost compels us to go for its origin to the privative åv and the rt . uep ( No. 467) , not, as Benary Ztschr. IV 49 takes it, to No. 466 ( cp. a -ti -w ), perhaps sounded like õua, ſormo by the side of ιδείν perhaps like ίστημι , ιστός. The Heraclean οκτώ , εννέα perhaps followed επτά. άγιος , άγος ( Νο. 118 ) drew after itself some forms belonging to ayos (No. 116). It is conceiveable that the particle éms is to blame for the aspirate in éas , just as many Germans say Augenbraunen GROUPS OF CONSONANTS . 351 for Augenbrauen ( eyebrows) , and as other relationships and parallels are discovered by “ popular ” Etymology *) . F) Groups of Consonants. In the course of these investigations attention has been repeatedly called to the fact that groups of sounds are subject to other laws than those which hold for in dividual sounds. This is seen nowhere more clearly than in the case of diphthongs. Their manifold transformations, e. g . in Latin , for which we need only refer to Corssen's thorough treatment of the question, are subject to laws quite different from those of the affections of the individual vowels. Consider only the history of the diphthongs ai , (643) oi which are so constantly weakened not only to ae, oe 680 but even to i , ú , though we see not the remotest trace of similar weakenings in the case of the individual vowels a and 0 . For instance, the old â , in the nom . sing. at most goes no farther than ă , while in the dat. and abl. plur. it disappeared in time altogether (ala , alis) . Groups of consonants , especially at the beginning of a word , which is etymologically the most important part , give the vocal organs most trouble. The inclination then to make these groups easier , to render their several elements mutually more accommodating, and even to drop one or more of them out , is one which needs little explanation , especially as a small loss or change here leaves the effect on the ear essentially the same , and consequently the change entails far less danger than in the case of simple sounds to the interests of distinctness, the preservation of which is a principle which must take an important rank by the side of the proneness to " weathering away " which has been noticed in the life of language. To the fact that the Greek aspirates are in a sense groups of sounds we

• ) ( See alove p. 430 , and cp. Sayce Principles of Comparative

Philology p. 376-8. ] 352 BOOK III. have already appealed as ground for the supposition of similar peculiarities. Pott II ° 297 has already made many comparisons of initial groups of consonants. This question has lately been more thoroughly , and on the whole satisfactorily discussed by Leo Meyer I 183 ff. Max Müller Lect. II 169 gives some remarkable instances of defaced groups of sounds from different languages. We here confine ourselves to such movements of sound as are distinctly to be seen , and shall be more than usually careful to exclude doubtful instances. To begin with , we will take the simplest case of defacement, that of the loss of a consonant. 2 > > 1 ) LOSS OF A CONSONANT. Since Greek shows no disinclination to the harsh combinations made by x , 1 , X , 9 , Y, B with a following dental of the same order , it is with the groups beginning with the sibilant that we shall here be specially concerned. On the whole these groups too are faithfully preserved , and in this respect all we need do is to point to words and roots like oxató- s ( No. 105) Lat. scaevu - s by the side of the Skt. savja -s, 6xňa- t- w (No. 108) , cuánta (No. 109) by the side of the Lith . kápa-s, oxić (No. 112) , rt. CtQ (No. 216) , cteuq (No. 219) , ctir (No. 226) by the side of the Skt. tiĝ, onińv (No. 390) by the side of the Skt. plihan. On the other hand we find sporadic instances of 681 a twofold lightening of such groups, either by the loss of the sibilant , or by the expulsion of a following sound. We will first discuss the former, by far the more frequent ( 644 ) of the two. a) Loss of a sibilant. This has become the rule in the case of op60 and ov,, which are combinations not allowed in Greek. Thus the Gk. rt. Pu ( No. 517) corresponds to the Skt. sru , Lith . srav- jù . The Latin representatives of this rt. discussed at p. 355 pro bably point to the fact that the loss of the initial s be longs to the Graeco - Italic period. In the middle of the LOSS OF A SIBILANT. 353 word , to judge from forms like šppɛɛv from # -69€ F - &- v ( Skt. a -srav -a - t), the sr seems to have been preserved longer intact. So too for váw and vé - w (No. 443) we gave the rt. snu , whose initial was left untouched in Skt. as well as in the northern languages and Umbrian in the forms there given , and we traced vvó- s (No. 444) to ovvoo- s. The Lat. nuru - s here shows the loss of the s to be Graeco Italic, and the same applies to the rt. vio (No. 440 ), víger by the side of the Lat. ning- it and the 0.-H.-G. sniuuit, Lith . snigti, and to the rt. veq , from which come vɛīgo- v and nervu - s ( No. 434) by the side of the 0.-H.-G. snar - a . A qu occurs tolerably often in Greek : quco ( Pott W. I 388) , σμήνος , σμερδαλέος. At all events in the latter of these words the ou is original , if with Benary (Ztschr. IV 48), Ebel ( VII 227), and Corssen (Beitr. 430) we refer this word and the related quepdvó -s to a rt. smard, a rt. which has certainly lost its s even in the Skt. mard = Lat. mord- ere ( No. 457 ) , though it has faithfully preserved it in the 0.-H.-G. smërz- an . It is true the meaning of the Gk. words is somewhat more remote. But a comparison of the English smart makes the transition from biting to hurting and alarming seem not impossible * ). – In certain dialects by - forms in & u seem to have arisen , if we may trust Eustathius p. 217 , p. 1421 , who calls the & in this connexion at one time Achaean, at another Attic , and certainly makes his whole account of the matter doubtful by discovering in the & e. g. of Suixoós the strengthening particle fé. Still we find on inscriptions a weakening of 6 to the sibilant sound given to ' ç by the later Greeks , at all events in the proper name Zuúovn and in the form xatadovaiệuộ (Wescher -Foucart No. 433 , 13 , p. 312) . From a weakening like this to the complete rejection of the letter was but a short step. In other cases then this step has 682 been taken. Thus we can establish for usidiów by the

• ) We have a remote connexion perhaps in Gụap- xó- v , inter

preted in Ηesych. by καθαρόν (?), βρωτικόν , δριμύ. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 23 354 BOOK III. side of φιλο- μμειδής ( No. 463) , for μέλδ - ω ( No. 287) , μέρ ( 645) pep- a , uko-l -uva ( No. 466) , and uúd- os (No. 479) the full initial sm . On the other hand the occurrence of the forms žuuatav , šįuates, confined to books Q and 6 of the Odyssey, cannot be held to warrant Leo Meyer ( I 197 ) in giving a rt. Oual, for which no support is to be found. The Homeric dialect (cp. Elucidations p. 46) is a dialect of bards, and it allows itself, as has been remarked above p. 568, to add to its large stock of really antique forms many irregularities arising from an imitation of antique forms that it did not understand. No one would think of assuming for uéras in the face of mag -nu - s etc. (No. 462) a double consonant, because we find the same lengthening of syllables before this word (Hoffmann Quaest. I p. 112) which in other instances is seen to be the trace of an older initial . The stem uat was discussed at No. 429. In other words , for which by - forms with ou have been preserved , e. g. Guvutje .by the side of μυκτήρ (No. 92), σμικρός by the side of uixoós (cp. Lat. mic- a , mic -ula little crumb , mic - idu - s tiny and Joh. Schmidt Vocal. I 108) , we can give no further evidence of the ou , though analogy is in favour of the antiquity of the 6 ; at the same time we must not ignore the possibility that the u was not original but has arisen from another sound. We have thus come to the definite result, that before Q and v o disappears regularly , before u often , and ac cordingly we can hardly be surprised that it disappears sometimes before explosive sounds as well. About the following words we can be certain , thanks especially to Lobeck Elem. I 125 , that a 6x has been lightened to a simple x. His dissertatio de prosthesi et aphaeresi discusses minutely and exhaustively , from a specifically Greek point of view , the other groups of consonants found at the beginning of words. – Just as, in the case of ou , Su served as a transition to the simple ll, so we can appeal to the license of Homeric prosody , which left a vowel short before Excuavdoos ( r 74 etc.) and oxéneovov ( 1 391, 6 LOSS OF A SIBILANT . 355 E 237) as showing an intermediate step between 6x and x. The necessities of the metre produced the same result here, at all events as far as the ear went, which was pro duced in the other case on both ear and eye alike by the inclination to ease in pronunciation.. Lobeck points out that the same relation exists in Homer and Hesiod be tween κίδνασθαι and σκίδνασθαι ( υπείρ άλα κίδναται 'Hώς FT 227 - but II 375 oxidvas' ÚRÒ vegéov) as between κεδασθέντες ( Β 398) and σκέδασεν ( P 649) . The σκ ( Νο. 294 , 295) is evidently primitive. So we get side by side σκάπετο- ς and κάπετο- ς ditch ( Hesych. ) while the verb σκάπτειν preserves the fuller initial, which , as has been shown under 683 No. 109 , must be regarded as the older. The Letto- Slavonic family shows the same aphaeresis. Since the words oxágos: oragis, which belong to this rt. , have arrived at the mean ing of vessel from that of something hollowed out, it will be best to place here the forms zán-n crib , and magá loving (bathing tub) as well : the same variation is also (646 ) seen in the name for the fox, also attributed to this rt. at No. 109, which is sometimes txagoon and sometimes καφώρη. Hesychius gives us καρθμοι κινήσεις , Cyrillus ( M. Schmidt on Hesych .) xao9uós ó nous , words which we agree with Lobeck in thinking related to oxaipeiv hop . oxápīgos ( p. 522) and the commoner xéogos twig, splinter are no doubt one and the same word ; we can be all the more certain of this, because we find a connecting link be tween then in the dim. σκαρφίον and the verb σκαρφά- ω splinter ( Lobeck Prolegg. 294) . κίμψαντες ερείσαντες (Hes. ) is to be referred to the rt. with the fuller initial which we get in σκίπων , σκίμπτειν , and is discussed at No. 108. - A kind of ant is called σκνίψ (st . σκνίπ and σκνίφ) and κνίψ, also orių Lob. Paralipp. 114. Cp. Pott W. I 678 , where the Ch.-Sl. skinipa culex is compared. On the relation of the rt . KoF to vo-6xóos and the forms of the related languages we need only refer to No. 64; with reference to σκύτος and κύτος to No. 113 , to which must be added the derived form 6xvtáhn, and the 23 * 356 BOOK III. by - form xovréln quoted by Lobeck 126 , and said to be Doric. – On the other hand the form oxoloxoós, used by Leo Meyer to establish a fuller initial for κόλος , κολού- ω, rests on a mere conjecture in Hesychius. Of course the failure of this proof does not exclude the possibility that the rt. kar, to which at No. 53 we attributed xóhos, was after all originally skar. A on has been weakened to t in the following in stances : Rt. tev ( No. 354) by the side of ona, σπάνις,, Ti-vo - s dirt ( No. 365) by the side of oni-ho- s spot and the 0.- Bohem. spi-na. There is no clear etymology which will account for the relation between σπέλεθος ( Ελληνικώς ) and πέλεθος ( Αττικώς) and σπύραθος , πύραθος connected with it by Lobeck on account of the meaning dung. Conjectures are given by Leo Meyer I 64, and Walter Ztschr. XII 383. The form onéos however for néos penis is not estab lished (cp. note to No. 355) . Less probable again is Leo Meyer's view that the rt. Tik (No. 100) has lost a sibilant, the only proof of which is to be found in spica, spiculum and spina ; and their relationship is by no means clear. Other combinations for these words are given by Corssen 1 ° 538. – Before 4 the o of the rt. Opal (No. 558) has fallen out in onló- s with its derivatives ( cp. 684 fallere). The Laconians dropped the o before the same consonant in the dat. pl. of the reflexive pronoun qiv oqiv (No. 601 , Ahr. Dor. 271 ). Before t the sibilant has certainly fallen away in the following words : ravpo- s (No. 232) by the side of the Ved . sthúra- s , Goth. stiur, where it is instructive to remark that the same thing has happened in all the remaining (647) languages ; τέγος, τέγη by the side of στέγος , στέγη ( Νο. 155) and the Skt. sthag -â -mi, where again the Lat. tego and the 0.-N. thak ( O.-H.-G. dek- ju ) correspond with the shorter form ; rt . Tud (No. 248 ), undoubtedly preserved in Tvo -eu - s , where the Lat. tund - e -re and the Skt. tud also show the curtailed initial, and only the Goth. stau - ta (O.-H.-G. stô2-1 ) · the fuller one. The same relation is to be seen 1 1 LOSS OF ANOTHER CONSONANT. 357 in the case of the rt. TUT ( No. 249) , 0.-H.-G. stumpf and Skt . pra - stump- a - ti along with otvTÓELV. It is probable that the same loss has been sustained by répas , which at No. 205 was placed with the stem otep in å- otne. tón- o- S has been connected with the Skt. stháp -ajá -mi place , to which it would bear the same relation as that borne by the German Stelle ( place) to the Gk. otékw. Leo Meyer compares temp- lu - m as well which would thus also mean . „ place ". Corssen, it is true, attacks both comparisons ( Beitr. 439 ). But his own views on tóno- s will not bear investigation. For the Skt. rt . tak, for which we find the meaning ferre, sustinere given, really occurs only in the meaning shoot, hurl. He is more likely to be right in his explanation of tem - p lu -m , which following earlier scholars he connects with Téll - evos , and explains to be for tem - tulu - m . There might perhaps be a nearer way to the word through a form tom -ulu - m , formed like spec-ulu -m ( cp. No. 237) . – We have aa Latin instance of the expulsion of s before t in toru - s by the side of stor - ea ( No. 227 ) . (Cp. Corssen 1 ? 278.) The Skt. tal -p- a-s bed, too , of similar meaning, is referred in the Pet. Dict. to the rt. star, of which tal- p would have to be regarded as an expansion. With túo- Bn ( No. 250) is connected στυρβάζειν = τυρβάζειν and perhaps the German Stur - m , ( storm ), and we may also mention the onomato poetic verbs toúčelv and otúčelv (Lob. El. I 131), and τρίζειν by the side of στριγμός.. But we have no right to compare the Latin strid - ê - re with the root shown by té- roiy- a, as the d cannot be reconciled with the y. The view that tóvo-s in the sense of tone ought to be separated from the rt. Tev and referred to the onomatopoetic rt . Otev, stan has, I believe, been refuted at No. 230. On the other hand we conjectured that the rt. Tar (No. 230b) arose from stag. b ) Loss of another consonant. That the sibilant should suppress a following con sonant is a priori only probable in the case of the spirants, which in so many instances besides have had to lose their place in the mouths of the Greeks. The digamma met 685 358 BOOK III. with this fate in : vélos sáh- n (No. 556) , bếa- as along with Eɛlo -lo-s from the rt. svar ( No. 663) , oy- ń ( No. 572) by the side of the Germ. schweigen (to be silent), oid -noo -s by the side of the Skt. svid - i-ta - s melted (No. 293), cóß - ( No. 574) by the side of the Germ. Schweif (tail ) , Gougó-s (No. 575) by the side of the Goth. svamm -s , probably too in 6aívelv wag the tail , Hom. neql-66cívelv, by the side of the M.-H.-G. swanz (tail ) ( Delbrück Ztschr. XVII 239 ). ( 618) But explosive sounds too are now and then undoubtedly expelled after the sibilant; this has happened to x in oviám (No. 113) by the side of oxūlo- v *), and to r in ovoßn, ovopa the ordinary Greek forms for the Attic τύρβη , τύρβα , both, as we saw, probably from the rt. Otup (No. 250) , although the objection is here admissible that 6 is weakened from I like the o in vú by the side of tú. There are many doubtful cases which we need not discuss, We have a clear instance of this phenomenon in the Skt. savja- s (No. 105) as compared with the Gk. Oxció - s and the Lat. scacru - s ( No. 680 ). Even before a sibilant an explosive was suppressed under certain circumstances. Here we must place the usual form oúv, in the place of the more original &úv, which is also replaced by cum and xvv (p. 533) , the Boeotian and Arcadian és for éğ, mentioned on No.583b , the Cypr. goáha = ξυήλη švýan (( M. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 367) ** ),> and the dialectic representation

• ) Perhaps we have an intermediate step between 6% and o in the σσ of Hesychius's gloss έσσύλλα" αφήρει , επονηρεύετο ( επανη ρείτο ?), έσκύλευεν , εγύμνου , ελάμβανεν ( cp. εσύλα " εγύμνου , άφη ρείτο , συλάν αφαιρείσθαι , γυμνούν , σκυλεύειν) . The double λ might have arisen by assimilation from he , and consequently the stem - noun

of συλλα- ω , σύλλο- ν , σκύλλο- ν would be a formation precisely si milar to the Lat. spol- iu - m , to which it would be related as qúllais to foliu - m . Here may be added Delbrück's conjecture ( Ztschr. XVII 238) , that oua ( for rxwua) corresponds to the 0.-S. hamo covering , 0.-H.-G. lih - hamo corpse. In that case the rt. would be that mentioned at No. 112.

• • ) H. W. Roscher has drawn me up a list of forms in which §

and o are interchanged. After removing those which are etymologically CHANGE OF ORGAN. 359 . of ψ by σ : σίττακος by the side of ψίττακος , though this is probably a foreign word , 26 €XTO -S άψεκτο-ς in Rhinton (Ahr . Dor. 99), Goyelv Ionic for voxelv. We must assume the same weakening as an intermediate step between wáu μος, ψάμαθος and άμμος , άμαθος. It is probable indeed 686 that the Lat. sabulu - m and the Teutonic sand are also re lated ; and they show the s that we should expect to find. The counterpart to these instances of lightening by means of loss is to be found in the changes brought about in groups of sounds by various affections, among which changes we will first consider that from one organ to another. 2) CHANGE FROM ONE ORGAN TO ANOTHER. (649) In words which are undoubtedly related there occurs not seldom after a sibilant a different explosive: sometimes the variation occurs within Greek itself, sometimes as between Greek and the other languages. Diez Gramm . I 266 notices the same phenomenon in the Romance languages : e . g. Ital. fischiare for fistulare, mischio for mistio. So we find on for σκ in σπάλαξ, ασπάλαξ by the side of the older form oxáloy, which is shown by its etymology ( No. 106) to be the older, so too orch- a - 990- v coal-shovel, by the side of σκάλευθρο- ν, σκάλεθρο- ν. Since σκαλεύω (ep. σκάλλω ) is also used especially of poking the coals , the etymon is un doubtedly No. 664. The Gk . oniving ( p. 495) is confronted by the Latin dim. scintilla, whose sc suggests the Goth. obscure, like that of the well - known Alóvvšos, Zóvvvšos (Ahr. Aeol. 46) , and also those in which an Attic o makes its way even in Doric into the place of the genuinely Doric É discussed on p . 599 ( tabb. Heracl . I 51 [ C. I. G. No. 5774] κατεσωίσαμες , Π 30 ( 5775] κατεσωί Fallies) , we are left with the following important instances: at the theginning of a word in Σενοφίλου Ξενοφίλου (in the Roman period C. I. 2585) , in the middle in 'Avaordéovs ( 1591 , 34, Boeotian) , Δεσίω Jegíov ( 2598, Cretan ), de iolv deičiv ( 2820, Rom . period ), αναδεσάμενον (3080, Rom. ) Παράδοσος = Παράδοξος ( Wieseler Jahn's Jahrb. 1868 p . 127 ) , at the end in néois RÉQIF ( 1625 , 14 , 58, Boeot.) For σ for ψ R. quotes σελλίζεσθαι ψελλίζεσθαι Ηesych. 360 BOOK III. skein - an shine. On the other hand we find for the Gk. 6xūlo- v (No. 113) the labialised spolia in Latin but no where else. Eustath . ad Il . 947, 13 mentions nooitw by the side of oxaoitw hop. Considering the related oncipa and oxlotáw the ox seems to be older than the on. But we have good reason for holding the order of the sounds in the Lat. spec -i -o to be older than that in the rt. CKETT ( No. 111 ) . 09 occurs in the rt. coal as the correlative of the Skt. sphal (No. 558) , but the latter language has also a form skhal. There is a connexion between the very common or and the harder σκ in the stem σκαρτ (nom. σκόρ) by the side of sterc-us and otepy- ávo- s ( No. 110 ), where the x has the Skt. and Slavonic on its side ; in otóloxpov. Tò περικεκομμένον τας κόμας και γεγονός ψιλόν i . e. cropped, and so of the same meaning as oxód-v po-s discussed at No. 114 ; in oxáqos (No. 109) with the by - form oregos preserved in Hesychius. It seems bolder to identify, as Leo Meyer does , the roots skambh (No. 108) and stambh ( No. 219 ), which are distinct in several languages. There are also cases where on is connected with ot. There seemed ( No. 354) to be good grounds compelling us to assign to tlie Dor. σπάδιο - ν priority over the ordinary Greek στάδιο -ν : we compared it, at all events as far as the root went, 687 with the Latin spatiu - ñ . So too the Skt. shtiv cannot be reckoned anything but a weakening of the rt. spiv , spre which appears elsewhere. It is more difficult to say what is the relation of the Aeol. cπελ (σπαλείς , σπολά) το στέλλω , oroań ( No. 218) , but I am very much inclined to couple the Lat. stud - e - o , stud-iu - m with the almost synonymous GNEÚD - a , onovd- ý (cp. Benf. 1 559) and to regard the labial as older than the dental. Kuhn Ztschr. III 324 compares with oneúd- w the 0.-H.-G. spuon , spioan , along with the derived 0.-H.-G. spuatôn , A.-S. spēdan. The 8 must in that (651) case be secondary , and the u have arisen from a. ( Cp. Corssen Nachtr. 117 ) . It is extremely probable that otpou 90- s (or otpov- dó- s) is identical in its rt. with the syno. OTHER AFFECTIONS. 361 nymous Goth. sparva , 0.-H.-G. sparo (Benf. II 365) , and the -to may perhaps be regarded as a diminutive suffix (p. 486) . 3) OTHER AFFECTIONS. We here assign the first place , not without reason , to the aspiration produced by a sibilant on a following ex plosive. This is one of the commonest affections , and it has been sufficiently discussed on p . 491. As the examples there adduced show , it is not confined to Greek but has analogies in the Skt. change of sk to skh , st to sth, and sp to sph, and has left some clear traces of its presence in Latin as well. We met with a few cases of the softening of an ini tial x to y when joined to other consonants on p . 522. Το γνάμπτω and the rt. γναφ by the side of κναφ there adduced we may perhaps add ydoữno- s noise, which is further defaced to doŬno- s , and can hardly be separated from κτύπο- ς. It is not so easy to explain how xt in a number of clear instances can correspond to kish , i . e. an older his in Sanskrit. Here belongs the Gk. rt. Ktav , ktev , kill Skt. kshan, Zd. khsan ( No. 77b), ktı build = Skt. kshi (No. 78) ; we find the same in the middle of the word in TÉXTOV (No. 235) = takshâ, čoxto - s ( No. 8) = rksha - s. It is important to notice the by-forms with a simple x : xaiveiv, äoxos. To these Leo Meyer I 193 adds xtel - s st. XTEV , comb , by the side of Eaíveiv comb , scratch , which seems to be related to Féxiv scrape and the kindred words. We might add xtedáv tear , cleft in wood ( Aristonicus on I 169) , if it were not that here the lengthened rt. cked (No. 294) is the base of the word. We may moreover compare the Boeot. öxtallo- s with the Skt. forms aksh -i, aksh -an (p. 457) Several different conjectures have been made as to the origin of 688 this group of sounds. Aufrecht ( Ztschr. VIII 72) , taking his stand on the fact that elsewhere the priority of the t to the s is firmly established, regards the Greek form as the 362 BOOK III . ( 651 ) NT arose. oldest, and conjectures that ks came from kt by the weakening of the explosive to the sibilant. Schleicher (Compend. ” 167, 204) , and Pott II2 508 follow him in this view. Leo Meyer, who takes the related group at into consideration as well, regards it as possible that ks , ps are the primary forms, out of which, after the loss of the s , by a “ kind of doubling” xt, But as such a doubling is unprecedented and hardly conceiveable, while we have one or two clear cases of progressive assimilation even in initial groups of sound, e. g. in Gróyyo- s ( No. 575) , 69€ = sva (No. 601 ) , it is simpler to suppose that the x has assimilated the following sibilant, i . e. raised it to the rank of the hard explosive. In that case is would be older than kt. On the other hand it is easier to explain the occasional interchange of position between the sibilant and the ex plosive, inasmuch as here it is the general impression presented by the combined sounds, in whatever order, with the preservation of which the linguistic instinct linked the meaning of the word or root. This change appears as a special dialectic peculiarity in the Aeol. σκίφος, σπέλιον, onchig, odvyóv ( Ahrens Aeol. 49) instead of the ordinary Greek ξίφος , ψέλιον (curb) , ψαλίς ( shears) , ζυγόν. It is probable that in the case of figos and the related čion the iron of a plane (Hesych. ) the Aeolic form has the original position of the sounds, as Fick 406 well compares the 0.-N. skafa f. scraping - iron, 0.-H.-G. scaba f. plane ( cp. Ch.-Sl. skob -li radula) , while Gvyó- v is without doubt older than odvyóv ( p. 610 ). There is evidence that some of these forms are Doric as well ( Ahr. Dor. 99) , and with them we may class the Syracusan form of the reflexive pronoun vé for the ordinary Greek opé (wéwv, vív, vé Ahr. Dor. 261 ) -, and tútta which at No. 382 we referred along with ( ẾNL) plúodw to the rt. spu. What is the relation of Hesychius's ασπίθιον to the synonymous αψίνθιον , or of his ψένδυλοι to σπόνδυλοι , Αtt . σφόνδυλοι it is hard to determine . Again we find the Gk. iğó- s , mistletoe, birdlime , con fronting the Lat. vis-cu - s, vis -cu - m , the Gk. ooně, Lat. vespa SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED. 363 confronting the 0.-H.-G. wefsa (No. 580) . Perhaps we have in vnv , gall - fly the same group preserved in a different order. póa, Ion. yun the reins , seems clearly related to ó -oqú-s hip , perhaps even to the Skt. sphik hip , discussed by Kuhn Ztschr. III 324. It is perhaps not so clear whether the Gk. čvoo-v is related to the synonymous Skt. khsura - s shearing- knife, and the unauthenticated rt . kshur, cut, scratch, 689 and the German scheeren ( shear, 0.-H.-G. skeran ). The initial ♡ still especially needs careful investigation. We have already met with this double consonant in the Syracusan yiv from the st. sva : here the g of the corresponding 69 € had first been hardened from F. We saw this hardening without a transposition in opóyyo- s, onóyyo- s No. 575. Perhaps this is the way to explain the Aeol. Panga = Σαπφώ.. It seems to me probable that this name is really equivalent ( 652 ) to copń, docta puella , and so belongs to No. 628. If we assume that the rt. sak, arrived at on p. 458, had originally the form svak , the 7 would prove to have sprung here too from , 69. ♡ would bear to gooń the same relation as that of the pronominal form vé to the Lat. sc. By the side of the form with ag we find the simple 9 as well, and conversely by the side of copós we have in Aristoph. Eccl. 571 qilóoogos with a long penultimate ( Roscher Stud. I 2, 123 f.). The same relation probably exists between wódo- s smoke, and the German schuelen smoulder, schwül sultry (A.-S. svelan urere , ustulare [ Eng. sweltering, sultry ] ). 4) SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED. Although etymologies, which assume an excessive num ber of changes of the originally existing sounds, readily awaken distrust, still the difficulty of pronouncing several groups of consonants is sufficient ground for accepting the supposition of the concurrence of several distinct deface ments. But it is slippery ground after all. We must exact all the more complete similarity of meaning before are convinced of the soundness of a comparison. For instance I have under No. 106 connected with we 364 BOOK III . 6x6204 , transformed , as we saw on p. 686 , to onálat, dondhač , the Lat. talpa, because both words are names for the same animal, and preference for st rather than sc , sp is established by other analogies besides (stud-eo , stercus), while the loss of s before t finds still clearer precedents. I may remind the reader of the cases discussed on p. 684 : tauru - s, teg - o, tund -o , turba , toru-s. The a of talp -a may be compared with that of formic -a by the side of uúoung (No. 482 ), and of upip - a by the side of froŲ ( No. 336) . Similarly I hold Leo Meyer to be right in connecting turg-e - o with σπαργά- ω (by - form σπαργέω ) , σφριγ-ά-ω. The meaning swell up , be puffed up, both in its literal and in its metaphorical sense, is common to both words. , Cp. Bugge Ztschr. XX 40. — But I cannot accept the connexion of otpoũ- to- s sparrow , discussed on p. 687 , with tur-du - s 690 thrush , because here we have not the firm support of identity of meaning. On tur -du- s and the A.-S. [ throstle or] thro - s -le see Corssen JI ? 165, Förstemann Ztschr. III 55. I also doubt the correctness of many of the similar con jectures made by Walter Ztschr. XII 409. Of the possibility of loss of the sibilant supervening upon another affection we have irrefragable proof in the forum φίν oqiv ( Ahrens Dor. 261 ) in which the Lacon ians show their usual love of conciseness. We claimed the ( 653) same change for the Homeric cń as, on p. 435. As here the sibilant disappeared after affecting the following spirant so in the case of the Lat. funda (No. 296) , and fallo ( No. 558) it disappeared after producing aspiration. The same relation exists between fid - es strings and ideas. ( No. 297 ), where we can get no clear indication of the ori ginal form of the labial, and again between fig-o and opiyy - a ( No. 157 ) , where Greek also appeared to furnish in quó-s, and the Boeot. Dit Σφίγξ examples of the suppression of the 6. Leo Meyer and Corssen 12 179 com pare aviy- w with the Lat. stingu-o , which can hardly be separated from the German er - sticken ( stifle No. 226 ) and is connected by Pott II ° 682 with otitely. In that SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED . 365 case it would be the exact opposite of the German an stecken (set fire to) . Leo Meyer's explanation is a pos sible one , supposing we regarded spig as the primary form , whence by aspiration cair , nasalized city, with loss of the sibilant fig , by change of organ stig , by loss of the s and metathesis of the nasal prig ( for ping ). But there are too many leaps here, and I still hold the con jecture given under the rt. TTVU (No. 370) , to be more probable (otherwise Corssen 12 179). The union of aspiration with the loss of the s shows itself with special clearness in Sanskrit, where an sk almost regularly changes to th , a phenomenon which is most thoroughly discussed in Kuhn's often -mentioned essay Ztschr. III 326 f. It is there pointed out that in a precisely si milar way the Gk. x is constantly to be regarded as the residuum of an original 6%. To Döderlein belongs the merit of being the first to express this view (Hom . Glossar I p. 33, 253) , though he associates with it more extensive combinations to which we cannot give a full assent. In two widely extended classes of words the supposition of a change from ou to x is highly probable , in the case of several verbs which are formed from shorter stems by the addition of a % , and in that of the Boeotian diminutives in -170-s with which are allied a number of forms in ordinary Greek. As regards the verbs , we have one at all events which shows us the assumed transitional 6% , i . e. the present- stem naO% , which we refer to nav- 6%. From the 691 same stem an expanding i produced tɛv- , na- (p. 66 and No. 354) , so that né- ox- w is the inchoative of rév -o μαι , and is to be referred to nav- 64-6. As we saw on p. 683, the rt. has lost an initial 6. The ordinary sup position , that the aspirate of rć- 0X- w is connected with the loss of a suppressed , cannot be proved. For we never find and 6x together; the former is frequent in aorists , the latter used exclusively in present stems *) . If(654)

• ) Grassmann Ztschr. XII 120 compares nat with the Skt. badh

strike , kill (Pet. Dict. vadh No. 324) , búdh press hard , torture. The 366 BOOK III. then the o disappears in other verbs, after aspiration has resulted from it , we have for this the strict analogy of the verb - forms in 69 : έρ - χ - ο - μαι : έρ -σχ-ο- μαι δεδάρ θαι sai :: δεδαρ dedag--oor σθαι.. We can discern three grounds for such a shortening. Firstly a preceding consonant, after which 0x was hardly pronounceable. Probably this serves to explain only foxoual, which has been already repeatedly mentioned as identical with the Skt. ?-kh- ê for ar- sk -a -mai ( pp. 66 and 546 ). Secondly the language has an objection to ox after a diphthong. Tigaúoxw ( No. 407) is the only word in which the two groups of sound come together. But the x of £ 0-2-0-uovi *) and av -x -é- w seems to have originated in the same way. The former has long since been compared with the synonymous Skt. váñkh from the rt. van and stands for εú- 62-0- uai , where the εú represents the syllable va (cp. No. 499) . The full group of consonants has been preserved in the 0.-H.-G. wunsc ( wish , cp. Dutch wensch ). The x which properly belongs only to the present stem makes its way into other parts of the verb like the 6 % in διδάσκαλος. Hence εύξομαι, ηύξάμην, ευχή. The same ex planation may probably be given of the x of the denominative aúxéw boast myself, which Benfey I 17 refers to the same 692 source as eöx-o-uai (cp. & ő- w by the side of aï- w No.610), and > same view is supported by Joh. Schmidt ( Vocal. I 94 ff .) with a wealth of original arguments. Still he convinces me all the less because his view leads distinctly to the denial of any connexion between ad- oxw and pa -ti- o - 1.

• ) The connexion of xüx -o -uai with the Skt. ûh ( óh - e ), which

Kuhn Ztschr. X 240 gives as an addition to a remark of Pott's ( W. III 778) , and which Pietet II 700 approves of, is not convincing be cause the Skt. word approaches only in a single application the Homeric use of εűxe tai žival, while in its primary meaning of con sider, mark , comprehend ( cp. ûha - s consideration) it is too far re moved from söxeodal pray , vo , boast onself ( ep. εvxí , suyos, ɛvzwiń). The B of Bevyoiotpatos on the vase of Ergotimus C. I. G. No. 8185 b seems to be not certain enough to be of any nse ety mologically. -- EÚ = va as in ev- vi - s bereft by the side of the Goth . van - s , Skt . ûna - s in want of . Cp. Fickº 25. Bugge Stud . IV 328. SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED . 367 . also that of av- X- uó- s drought, which was given under aï- w No. 600b. Lastly there is to be found in initial groups of consonants a third ground for the weakening down of 6x to % , since , as will be discussed more in detail below , Greek does not like to let two consecutive syllables begin with two consonants : hence Ban- x- á- o- uci ( No. 395) by bal - a -re, γλί- χ - ο - μαι by γλίσ- α -ρο- ς (No. 544) , πτω- σκ- άζ- ω by πτωχός beggar, σμή-χω wipe by the side of σμάτω, un- xw stroke , graze by the side of wá- w , waú- w , ú-x- w breathe, cool , which clearly , along with yű-X- os , Yv -x-pó -s, Uv -x - ń, belongs to the rt. spu , sphu discussed on p. 499. wv-x- ń then , like anima and spiritus is properly “ breath ” . (655 ) vn-x- w , though not in the form preserved to us , probably once had an initial group of consonants, as has been shown at No. 443. In otevézw (No. 220) it is possible that the 6t extended its influence even into the next syllable but one. That the diminutive suffix -1xo fem . -Xa , mostly in Boeotian, corresponds to the common -16xo is denied, it is true , by Schwabe de deminutivis p. 49 , but when viewed in this connexion it seems very probable , especially as the Boeotians show elsewhere a disinclination to groups with a sibilant in them : ίττω == ίστω, οπισθο- = οπισθο- . The forms which occur have been sufficiently discussed by Boeckh C. I. I p. 725, Ahrens Aeol. 216 , Schwabe ut. sup. , and Budenz “ on the suffix -xós " p. 76. The opinion of the latter, that this suffix and the commoner -40- s alike arose out of 8 , needs no refutation. The same reasoning that concludes from the like use of the suffixes -id and -ιχο in oρταλί- ς pullus (ep. ανορταλίζειν" άλλεσθαι Ηes. ), Boeot. óptédexo -s, that they are of like origin, would serve to identify homuncio , with homunculu -s, Múp6ixo- s with the Lesb . Mvorilo - s. Among the diminutives must be placed also several substantives and adjectives in ordinary Greek , e. g. avopirn torch - dance, Bóotovxo -s curl, which we may follow the E. M. 205, 32 in connecting with Bótou- s bunch of grapes , and all the more certainly be 368 BOOK III. cause Bótovxo -s grape - stalk , the undoubted diminutive of Bórov- s , occurs with the very same meaning as Bóotovyo- s, e. g. in Pherecrates Fr. 67 Mein ., in Euripides Phoen. 1485 (Borovzádeos ( cp. Hermann in 1. c. ] ) , and in Apollon . Rhod. II 679. No one of course will conceive the 6 to have been inserted : Bóo- tov- Xo- s must be regarded as the more perfect form and hence we must assume a primary Bootov - s, whose origin is however lost in obscurity . In both words a reason might be found for the change of 6x to x in the group of consonants in the preceding syllable. The case of otóua-70- s stomach ( No. 226b), no doubt a diminutive of oróua, is pro 693 bably the same as that of otevézw mentioned above. Though there is no phonetic reason to account for it, we may regard oco- ay0- s and oủpi -ayo-s end, last piece , as diminutives of öqp0-s (No. 505) , and the same relation is borne by the adjectives νηπί-αχο- ς , μείλιχο- ς tο νήπιο- ς, μείλια ( Νο. 464) . novxo- s also (No. 568) comes under this head. The adverbial formations πολλαχού , ενιαχού etc. are no doubt of an entirely different kind. Loss of the sibilant appears combined with softening in a few - unmistakeable cases : yoó-tn rubbish = Lat. scrú - ta (neut. pl. ) *) , whence scrútâri, scrûtâtor , scrûtiniu - m , yoia - o - s scirp - u -s (No. 516 and p. 501 ) . Since the Lat. grad-i ( 656 ) seems to be related to the German schreit- en stride, (Corssen 1² 209) , it is at all events very probable that yoáq- w along with yooup- ó- s ( No. 138) comes from a rt. skrabh dig, which is preserved more intact in the Lat. scrob - i- s trench and scrof-a = yoougás, but also no doubt in the Bohem. škráb - a -ti scratch , scrawl, and the 0.-H.-G. scrêrón incidere. Greek shows a dislike to an initial oxo ( Leo Meyer I 189 ). It appeared more doubtful at No. 134b whether yługa is to placed by the side of sculpo, since there is the word glubo as well. Corssen , it is true , derives yavg from skulp and yag ( No. 134) from skalp ( Nachtr. 178). γνίφωνες και σκνιποί οι μικρά προϊέμενοι και διδόντες says Aristotle

• ) Cp. however Clemm Stud. III 296.

SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED . 369 Eth. Nic. IV f. 51 a. We shall probably be right in holding both names of niggards to be originally identical , and in holding the guttural in the former to be softened, especially as there occur also the forms Xvinó- s , xvigó- s (cp. Ch.-Si. skapå- sordidus, avarus). At the same time we may add this instance of aspiration in the middle of a word to those given on p. 500 ff. Since again xiuß -ığ is another name for a niggard, xiuß must be a fresh variation of the same rt . Cp. Pott W : 1 679. We find change of organ combined with trans position in woo by the side of the German star (starling) , Lat. (s)tur-nu-s (No. 521 ) , Wi- á by the side of orí - a ( No. 225) , where however the second group of sounds finds the more decided support in the related languages. Lastly we may even have more than two affections com bined, or from one and the same primary form with a complete group of consonants various forms may proceed each with a different affection. We met with such a case in the rt. CTTU with the by -forms itu , yut , pou ( No. 382) . As here, 99 and y meet also in the (Hesych. ) forms divápa dig tépa , ψείρει φθείρει , ψίσις φθίσις (Lobeck Rhemat . 32) , and again in ψα-τα- σθαι (προκαταλαμβάνειν), ψα-τη-σαι (προειπείν) 694 which we cannot but connect with prá- v- elv anticipate, especially when we consider the gloss φθα-τη- ση φθάση ( cp. Bugge Ztschr. XX 39 ). Now as are led from pou, yu to the rt. spu , so are we led from φθα goa,, ψαya to spa and it looks as if we had this form preserved in the Ch.-Sl. words spe- ti jacěre , proficere, spě-chủ studium , cele ritas, and also in the 0.-H.-G. spio- an , M.-H.-G. spion pro ficere, spuo-t result. The common primary idea is that of hastening and overtaking. Perhaps too the Lat. spé-s be longs to the same rt., especially as pro -sper shows a still closer approach to the Slavonic words , and as the 0.-Lat. spêres (acc. plur. in Enn . Ann. 132) and spér - a -re lead us to a stem expanded by s , which also occurs in the Ch.-Si. spé-chi ( cp. p. 687 ) . For the Ch.-Sl. ch has come quite regularly from s. ( Cp. Pott W. I 387 , otherwise Corssen CURTIUS , Etymology. II. we 24 370 BOOK III. 1 2 480 ). There is further a widely ramifying family of words which shows this phenomenon , which we must examine more closely. The connexion of the phonetically (657 ) very dissimilar forms ζόφ -0- ς, δνόφ- ο- ς, γνόφ- ο - ς, κνέφ -ας was recognized by Buttmann Lexil. II 266, where however the completely distinct végos ( No. 402) is associated with them . Buttmann starts from the dental form , but it is not possible to arrive at the others from this point. As is so often the case , Sanskrit has shown us here the right starting - point. The primary meaning of all these forms is obscurity , darkness. Now the Skt. kshap f. and kshap -â , Zd. khshap, khshap -an (f. ) have the same meaning ; a third form kshap -as ( n .), under which Bopp Gloss. treats most of the matter belonging here, is rejected by the Pet. Dict. The root we must probably ( cp. Benfey I 617 , Leo Meyer I 367 ) take to be skap with the meaning cover ( Aufrecht Ztschr. VIII 71 , Pott II ² 609 ). This root appears clearly in the Gk. 6xén - w cover, veil , whence 6xén - N , 6xét -as cover, protection and the derived verbs σκεπάω , σκεπάζω , the adj. 6xenavó - s covered , shaded. The first affection we have to assume is metathesis, by which skap becomes ksap, Skt. kshap, Zd. khshap. The second affection we take to be labialism , which however appears in conjunction with a third , i . e. the aspiration of the second consonant : [ spap ), psap, ψάφα, ψέφ- ας , ψέφ- ος darkness (Hesych. ) , ψαφαρό- ς, YEQ- Ó- s oxoteivós ( Hesych. ) Veg -nvó- s obscurus in Pindar. The transformation of the guttural group to the labial has an analogy in the mod. Gk. εψές = εχθές. Between εχθές and švés we may probably assume an intermediate form εφθες. Possibly the rts . poep and poi with the by -forms yep and yi just quoted have arrived at their labial in the same way, for the former comes in meaning just as near to the Skt. kshar melt , vanish , kshara - s perishable (Zd. 695 khshar flow ), as the rt. poi does to the Skt. kshi (kshi nâ-mi) destroy , corrupt, kishi- ti - s 9f1-01-s, kshaja ( m .) qisón consumption, Zd. khshi as a verb , destroy , as a subst. ( f.) disappearance (Benf. I 178 , 202). A third SEVERAL AFFECTIONS COMBINED . 371 group of forms is most simply explained by the assumption of a nasalized rt. skamp, related to skap as tump is to tup ( No. 249). Greek shows a disposition to transpose a nasal, e . g. in tun-oi-s from the rt. Teu , ovň- 64- w by the side of Jav -εiv, and likewise the Skt. dhmâ from dham ( p. 534). In this way we arrive at sknap, with aspiration 6xVEY, a form which, when the o is knocked off, appears in Homer as xvág -as, and without loss of the o, but with a weakening of the ε to ι , in σκνύφος σκότος , σκνιφή άκρα ημέρας και értépas (Hesych.). So too Walter Ztschr. XII 383. With xvégas we may put the Lat. crepus-culu -m and the Sabine Crepus-ci and the adj. creper - u - s dubius (Varro L. L. VI 5 , Paul. Epit. p. 52 M.). Since cn is inadmissible at the beginning of a Latin word the n appears here as r. For this change we have at all events the analogy of the borrowed groma yvauov, though I do not know where ( 658) to find one for the origin of cr or Gk. xo from ks, which is as sumed by Bopp. Nor is Corssen's explanation of the Latin word from the rt. of xotata (Beitr. 407) satisfactory, as the vowels do not agree. Again, we have had several instances of the softening of an initial group after the loss of a sibilant, and so in this Gk. word softening was added to the affections just mentioned. From xvégas we arrived (p. 524) at yvógo- s, as previously from σκνιφό- ς we derived at γνίφων. The form yvogo- s darkness , gloom was in use at all events later from the time of Aristotle than δνόφο- ς, a form called sometimes Aeolic, sometimes Doric , occurring from Aeschylus's time onward , but also supported by the Homeric adjective Svoq - epó- s (cp. io- dvegés) . The change of 7 to 8 is to be ascribed to the influence of the v. The same change is to be seen in the Cret. &d vó- v αγνόν * ) Ahrens Dor. 109 and Welcker Götterl. II 596 distrust this gloss , and prefer to derive the evidently related name of the Cretan 'Apiádvn from ád- siv. But since the change of dv to yv is unheard of, while 'Apiáyvn occurs on a vase as a by - form of ’Apiádvn ( 0. Jahn Description of the Munich collection of vases p. CCV) , phonetically there is more evidence in favour of Preller's translation of the name “ die hochheilige" (the very holy one) (Gr. Myth. I $ 558). 24 * 372 BOOK III. ( p. 524) and in xúdvo- s xúxvo- s (Hes. ). In the latter case the x is likewise primitive (No. 32) , and the intermediate form hwith te y is found in the Lat. cygnu - s. The form that presents most difficulty is Sopo - s with the related Zégvpo- s , the name of the wind which blows from the quarter called by Homer zoòs Cógov. Perhaps many will think the trans 696 formations here assumed extravagant. And indeed ogos has been supposed to be of Semitic origin (Müllenhoff deutsche Alterthumskunde I 119) . But the complete identity of meaning weighs heavily, while the astonishing multiplicity of phonetic changes is explained partially at least by the fact that we are dealing with forms belonging to various dialects , no single one of which forms found a home in Attic Greek. - The initial group of the rt. cßec (oßévvvul), which occupied us at p. 560 , has experienced extraordinary changes, not only into &: [ εivvul, but even into & : dło ξίννυται, αποσβέννυται (Hesych. ) , a new illustration of the undoubted fact that groups of sound are subject to far more numerous shiftings than simple consonants. In two stems at corresponds to a Latin st : arco-vv otal = ster -nu -ere and atúo -elv = sternare in con - sternare, ex - sternare, disconcert, startle ( cp. Corssen Nachtr. 115 f., I ? 178 , Bugge Ztschr. XX 37). Whether we ought really to assume a rt. spar here ( cp. No. 389), which shifted in Italian to ster , in Greek to psar , ptar, I leave an open question. (659) G) Dissimilation with a view to avoid ä like sound in consecutive syllables. Lobeck's dissertatio de praeceptis euphonicis (Paralipp. 18) contains the following acute remark : " Graeci haud facile committunt, ut easdem duas consonas in duabus con tinuis syllabis iterent. Etenim nullum est illis vocabulum simplex et primitivum , quod cum latinis scisco, proprius DISSIMILATION. 373 comparari possit, non ita multa quae cum vernaculis Still stand , dreidrüthig, unausbleiblich ”. A few exceptions like προ -πρηνής, τετρά-τρυφο- ς , βοσκέ -σκοντο , μισθούσθαι, αισθέ ofai are mentioned , and their special character discussed. This disinclination to an excess of similarity rests on a disposition , which the language shows in a great variety of ways , to set bounds to the influence of the physical element of the sounds. Excessive similarity produces the impression of stammering and mere empty sound. For this reason , not only Greek , but the other related languages as well , content themselves often in a reduplication with one of the two elements that are to be repeated. This was the explanation given at No. 524 of the form álla ñdov- s. The substitution of the corresponding unaspirated consonant for the aspirate : Skt. ba -bhû - v - a, Gk, ré- qu-xa has the same origin (cp. Grassmann Ztschr. XII 111). The 697 aspirate is treated here exactly like a group of consonants, of which in like manner only a part is repeated. ba- bhû -va Té-qu -xa are precisely parallel to Skt. da -drâm - a δέ doou-a. Still the related languages seem not to have arrived at definite special laws for reduplication before the separation , as is seen especially by the different treatment of groups containing a sibilant even by so nearly related languages as Latin and Greek. In this matter we distinguish three different methods. Latin leaves the group in the first syllable intact , while it loses the sibilant in the second : ste- t- i , spo-pond-i , sci -cid - i. Conversely Sanskrit retains the sibilant only in the second syllable : ti- shtá -mi ( for ti-stân-mi) , pa-sparç-a (rt. sparg touch ). Even Greek and Latin are not destitute of examples of this kind , like κο- σκυλ-μάτ-ια (Νο. 114) , κα- σκαλ- ίζειν tickle, which Lobeck El. I 175 connects with ouáhaelv dig, bore. The third course , i . e . that of putting the sibilant alone in the first syllable and the full initial in the second, is adopted in the Latin si-st-o, and it can also be deduced as the regular course in Greek , inasmuch as i -orn -ut, E -otn -xo decidedly point to 61-6tn- ui , -orn-xa. – It is clear how-( 660) - can 374 BOOK III . ever that , in the course of the history of language, softness, or if we like, effeminacy was constantly on the increase . Of two initial consonants not only one but both are sup pressed. Language contents itself with the simple vowel by way of a rudimentary reduplication. This is the ex planation of the apparent coincidence of the reduplication with the augment in the perfect : E -OTIX -tal, 8-606 -ual, έκτον- α, έ-γνω-κα by the side of πέ -πληγ- α , κέ-κτη-μαι. These examples are enough to show that the language was not consistent throughout. But more remains to be said about the transformation in question. Lobeck justly classes forms like λυπρόκρεως with forms like μακρόκρανος. It is not only identical but similar diconsonantal initials that are avoided in two consecutive syllables. But all these disinclinations have not reached the stage of fixed laws. They belong of right to the province of sporadic sound change, where it seems to us we can allow them some play , not to be neglected in the determination of ety mologies, though at the same time we shall not distinguish aceurately the various kinds. The tendency to dissimilation in the sense discussed above can make itself felt in two directions. Either the first syllable is lightened or the second. The first syllable has experienced a change of this kind in the following 698 words. — iria ý xixha ( thrush ) in Hesychius is most simply explained in this way as a softening of the more usual form. Perhaps the form l-oxha which is preserved at the same place , contains the original sound in a still more complete form . ixia is on this point precisely parallel to forms like ε- χλεύασται. With this ixha Lobeck (El. I 107 , where however another view is taken of the word) associates öyxvn pear , by the side of which Hesych. gives xóyxvn. We have at any rate the possible alternative of supposing that xóy-xvn was the full form , and that it lost its x through dissimilation. I can find no etymon for it. — Perhaps in the case of öx- vo- s we can find one. · Benfey II 22 assumes an initial F, relying on the form a- oxvo- s DISSIMILATION. 375 to prove it. But this by no means establishes the di gamma, as is shown by ä -oduo -s (rt. od No. 288) , and ä -opv -o-s ( No. 503). No other indication of a labial initial is to be found, the augment is regularly temporal, and there is no trace of a hiatus in Homer. There is thus no room left for the assumption of the form Fox , and its comparison with the Skt. vak, Lat. vac-illare, which besides finds no support in the use of oxvo- s and its derivatives. For from Homer downwards the only meaning of the word is that of lingering, delaying , hesitation. óxvɛív is the reverse of τολμάν, οκνηρός οf τολμηρός , and it occasionally acquires(661) the notion of anxiety , fear. In meaning then óxvɛiv coin cides completely with cunctari. cunctari is evidently a frequentative, which we can refer to a rt. cunc , and this finds its analogon in the Skt. çanik (sark-é ) suspicari , du bitare , metuere, çarik - â dubitatio , çark - u -s timor (cp. Pott W. III 147) . We must accordingly assume an Indo -Ger manic rt. kak , nasalized kank , and refer öx-vo- s to xox- vo- s. This comparison is specially interesting inasmuch as we have here to do with an intellectual idea, which is shown to be common to many languages by the community of the rt. *) The post - Attic form i-ata-ual fly is related to the poetical aorist &-ate-uny (No. 214) as tí- te-uai to &-fé-unv. No doubt i with the characteristic spiritus asper does duty here for a reduplication. If weight is to be attached to this aspiration, it can be regarded as a residuum 699 of the consonantal initial . We meet with the same spiritus in - w cook , by the side of o -v. relish , which Pott 11 233 , II ° 780, Benf. II 89 place under the rt. ttet (No. 630) .

• ) Lange ( Ztschr. f. d . österr. Gymn. 1863 p. 303) abides by the

old derivation (Voss Etymolog .) from cunctus in the sense of “ omnia circumspicere ”. But such an origin for the clearly common verb from the compound word ( no doubt for co - junctu - s) seems to me incredible : percunctari, which has imitated cunctari, probably owing to its plausible derivation mentioned in Fest. p. 214 from cunctus, is only a mistaken way of writing percontari and this comes undoubtedly from contu - s ( conto pertentare). Cp. Corssen Beitr. 4 . 376 BOOK III. The alteration of the initial left unexplained above at p. 459 finds its explanation here. & x - w stands for ney and is expånded by a determinative o as aŭr is to aŭz (cp. p. 67). There are two more noun - forms which un doubtedly belong to the same rt., first ór-tó- s roast with its derivatives ontá- w , óttahéo- s in spite of their difference of meaning, - ottó- s, óttahéo- s being used for roast as opposed to éggó-s, étaléo- s boiled. In réotelv , which, like ontāv , is used of the baking of bread , the two uses meet. There can be nothing surprising in the fact that the difference in form was utilised for a further different iation of meaning. And secondly lavó-s stove, which we refer to min- vo- s for ren- VO- s , with 1 instead of ε as in a number of forms which we shall have to examine below. From the same rt. comes the Ch.-Sl. name for stove peš- li. Aufrecht Ztschr. V 136 assigns quite another origin to the Goth. auh - n - s 0.-H.-G. of-an stove, which has often been compared with in - vó- s, and Schleicher 400 agrees with him . The relationship there maintained with the Skt. acna - s stone would be completely convincing if it were not that it leaves the interchange between Goth. h and 0.-H.-G. f ( 662) unexplained.* ) Lastly the form patpia belongs here : although it is not so well attested as poarpía (No. 414 ) and is now generally replaced by it in good editions , it cannot be altogether accounted for by supposing it a mistake (cp. ποτί by the side of προτί). It seems not improbable that the second syllable was lightened in ate- pó- v wing. The common instrumental suffix

• ) This interchange is established by Joh. Schmidt Rt. AK p. 70 by several analogies . His connexion of in - vo - s itself with the rt . ak has this against it , that this rt. does not change its guttural to

a labial without some reason . In intro - s this transformation is to be set down to the influence of the v that originally succeded it (p. 449) . The rts. Ók on , although, as we saw at p. 457 , possibly phases of the same rt. , form a group which is clearly marked off from it by its meaning. On the other hand the change from a to i is not radical, but is an occasional affection, which occurs sporadically in particular forms. DISSIMILATION . 377 an -τρο (cp. άρο- τρο- ν, λου-τρό- ν) joined to the rt. πετ (Νο. 214) , transposed to ate, would give Ate πτε--τρο T00-- v.. We assume that the language dropped the r in the second syllable to avoid the harsh sound. A similar curtailment must be allowed for the 0.-H.-G. föd -ara and the Skt. patra- m by the side of pat-a -tra-m . Bergk's ingenuity has recognized in the newly discovered fragment of Alcman (Philol. XXII 5) a by -form of ate- pó- v , namely netp0- v , which confirms 700 this view. In this fragment únoretpidios occurs as epithet of ovelpos instead of the ordinary únóntepos winged. From the primary ate - 100- v then there came on one side TE- T00-v by a lightening of the first syllable , on the other ate- pó- v by a weakening of the second. κοχ- ώνη ( Νο. 70) " the part from the thighs to the anus ” we connected with cox -a , cox-endix and some Sanskrit words, the primary notion of which was that of a hollow , applied to different parts of the body. In any case xóxxvě, with the gram marians ' interpretation του ιερού οστέου το προς τους ioxious (Lobeck El. I 171 ) , also belongs here. For xoxovai itself is interpreted by lepòv óotoūv ( coccyx , os sacrum ). Clearly then κοχ- ώνη arose out of κοξωνη and bears to coτα the same relation as that of xop-aívn to cor-vu - s, x60- aĚ. The § of the second syllable has here passed into X, as in vúx- 10- s from VUXT - 10 - S , where we may surely venture to assume an intermediate form vvč- co- s , and as in éq - 16 -s the x of fyw appears as q*) . We saw at p. 692 how the same letters in a different order ( sk ) were replaced by the same aspirate in γλί- χο - μαι , νή- χ- ω, (for σνη-χ- ω) , πτω- χ-ό-ς , σμή- (663 ) x-w, - x- w , xú- x- w. The same theory will serve to ex plain tpv- x- w , which we discussed under No. 239 in its relation to tpú- w. In this case the full form tpúox -et has been preserved in Hesych. and is explained by tpúxel. In all cases the vowel before this x which has come from on

• ) This meets the objection raised by Bühler ( Or. u . Occ. II 332) ,

whose own attempt to identify xogovn with the synonymous Skt. gaghana - s, while in itself very plausible , fails because it suits neither róxxvě nor the Latin words inseparable from it . 378 BOOK III. is long. It should be noticed that the language does occasionally admit groups of sound like those we see avoided here : ti-tpá-6x- w, pa -6x -w . Here too then we have to deal with no 'universally applicable linguistic law.; H) Sporadic vowel- change. When reviewing at p. 88 the sounds of Greek as compared with those of Latin, we regarded it as specially characteristic of Greek that it preserved the sphere of the a sounds (a, a , 0) from all admixture of the vowels i and U. At p. 432 we again dealt with the same relations , and 701 recognized in the preservation of e and o , as opposed to the further weakened Italian i and u , a very old trait of the Greek language. Now is the time for giving the ex ceptions, and they will be followed by another vowel change which occurs in isolated instances. We shall be able to be brief here , as the individual cases are mostly self-evident , and have moreover nearly all of them been already discussed from other points of view. See also the comparisons of Pott I ' 3 ff., Christ 25 ff., Leo Meyer I 115 ff. 1 ) 1 AS THE REPRESENTATIVE OF AN ORIGINAL C. It is extremely probable that in the Italian languages, whenever an original a became i it was through an inter mediate e ( p. 431 ) . The same course may be conjectured for the limited number of forms which show the same change in Greek. By far the greater number of them have forms with the e - sound as well. The tendency to this softening appears strongest before groups of consonants, the weight of which seems to have robbed the preceding vowel of some of its fulness , in the same way in which we now and then see, e. g. in the lon . åród& žus από delžus, the influence of a double consonant reduce diph thongs to simple vowels. SPORADIC VOWEL - CHANGE. 379 > > Accordingly we find i as the representative of a be- ( 664) fore double consonants in the following words. First in eight verbal forms, seven of which are distinguished from other nearly related formations by the addition of a syllable beginning with ν: ίλλω by the side of είλλω , έλύω (Νο. 527) , κίρ-νη -μι by the side of κερά- ω, κερά- ννυ- μι ( Νο. 52) , κτίν - νυ- μι by the side of κτείν- ω , κτά- μεναι (Νο. 77b), οριγ- νά-ο-μαι by the side of ορέγ- ω (No. 153), πίλ -να - μαι approach and rid- vá- w make to approach by the side of πέλ-ας, πελά- ζ- ω, which were discussed at No. 367 , πίτ νη - μι by the side of πετά- ννυ- μι ( Νο. 215) , πίτ - ν - ω , πιτ νέ- ω by the side of πεσ - είν ( No. 214) , σκίδ- να- μαι by the side of oxed -évvv -ui (No. 294 , 295) , words in which the variation of the vowel is not confined to Greek alone. A similar relation exists between 6xíun - t - w and oxya- t- w ( No. 108) , χρίμ - π - τ - ω and the rt. χρα-ν (χραίνω) , στίλβω and 6T800-0 (cp. above p. 528). These forms bear to those with the e - sound the same relation as that of the Lat. quinque to the Gk. névte, réune, and that of ting-o to téry- w. We may also add the word in -vó -s by the side of ex - w just discussed at p . 699. We find groups of con sonants containing sibilants in 16-91 , be, from the rt . ec ( No. 564) by the side of εστί , έσται etc., νίσσ- ο - μαι from the rt. vec (No. 432) by the side of Néo - two, vóc -to- s, i't- w by the side of id -os rt. éd ( No. 280) , x018- ó- s ( p. 603) 702 by the side of xoés , groups containing o in id -pu - w by the side of id -pa , rt. éd ( No. 280 ), 21x -Q1- Qis, lix- poi by the side of λεκ- ροί, λέχ- ριο- ς (No. 540) , οικτιρ- μό-ς , οικτίρ μων by the side of οικτείρ- ω ( Aeol. οικτίρρω). Perhaps Aio-xn belongs to the rt. depk ( No. 13) , as conjectured by Bu. in the Litt. Centralblatt 1866 p. 371. The length of the 1 in iuét- lo- v, the stem- word of which is preserved by Hesych. ſuara îuária , is no doubt to be explained by the supposition of an older is -ua for Fɛo- ua ( No. 565 ). Here too then we have two consonants. The length of the would be accounted for by the principle of compensation, like that of the Ion. εiua and the Dor. rnua. – Similarly 380 BOOK III. after v. xelidov (No. 187) for xedevdov. Many cases that belong here have been discussed by Walter Ztschr. XII 386. In the case of the few words too where the i that has come from a has no ε corresponding to it , there are for the most part double consonants , ίππο- ς by the side of i'XXO - s, where the Italian languages show the e sound ( p. 455) , just as we have xoi -vw by the side of the Lat. cer -no (No. 76) , bisa ( No. 515) Lat. rad - ix , oxio -ré - w hop (p. 649) , which is related to oxaio- w as the Lat. sal- t- o is to sal- i- o. The case of the long i of ' Epīvú -s ( No. 495) is the same as that of iuctiov. Here a j has fallen out ón - in - ev- w along with -on- in- a- s. (p. 457) with the peculiar weakened reduplication in the second syllable has for its i the analogy of di-dw -ul, Bl-Boa- 62- w , in which the reduplication syllable uses the same vowel, ( 665) -οπίπας that of πί - φαύσκω for the length of the vowel . On ονίνημι see p. 677. The remaining cases are but few in number : Tít -vio -s the plash of an oar or of drops of water, probably belonging to the rt. Tret (No. 214) , whence comes frit - vé - w . Possibly the v has here had something to do with the thinning of the vowel , as in idpów , ’EQLvú- s and in the Aeolic and Homeric πίσυρες.. We might perhaps ascribe the same influence to the 1 in 601-61 by the side of opé and in idio -s discussed at p . 617 (cp. po$ , lixolpis ). The variation between οψέ and όψι- in όψι- τέλεστο- ς , όψι-μαθ- ής, οψί voo- s reminds us of Latin forms like beni-gnu -s by the side of bene. Still the origin of the vowel is by no means evident. The old grammarians regarded ©¥l used separately as Aeolic ( Ahr. Aeol. 80). Conversely we find ε for the 1 of äyx ( No. 166) in the Homeric compound dyré-uayo-s. Perhaps both vowels arose by weakening from el ( cp. đuazei). -- In the case of it -ałó - s by the side of vit- ulu- s ( No. 211) and the Skt. vat- sa - s I do not know how we are to account for the weakening. Whether the multiplicative termination -19 e. g. in nolla-xış really corresponds to the - as of the Skt. , e. g. in bahu - ças many times, is very questionable SPORADIC VOWEL - CHANGE. 381 (cp. p . 633) . We are compelled anyhow to acknowledge 703 the change of a to i without special reason in 6xl- é , oxi 00- v, oxi-po - s ( No. 112) , roi- w from the rt. ghar by the side of the Lat. fri- a- re (No. 201 ) , in ri- vw by the side of the Aeolic na- va (No. 371) , in ul-vú- w (No. 475) where several related languages share this weakening, in 6Al- 9 -auń span from the rt. crta (No. 354) the primary meaning of which is here prominent, and in the related glossematic words σπιδής , σπίδιος extended *). For a discussion of the long 1 , which we find , in connexion with metathesis e. g. in κρίθ - ή ( Νο. 76) , βρί- θω (p. 468) , δίπ -τω ( No. 513) , in the place of an original a , see Delbrück Studien 1, 2, 131 ff. A long · has perhaps replaced an a -sound also in xix - v - s strength , if Fick ? 28 be right in connecting the word with the Skt. çak ( çak-no -mi) to have power , be able. Cp. however the note to No. 79. In non - Attic dialects the phenomenon is far commoner . We often find in Aeolic , as in Doric, an & replaced by before vowels , e. g. Boeot. láva = { áv (rt. ¿ c ) , Lacon . oló sać, though in this case both sounds have not seldom arisen from an older el , as in χρύσ- ιο - ς , Ep. χρύσ- ειο- ς. (666) The į is alike Doric and Ionic in io - tía , Ion. io -tin Ér - ria ( No. 610 ), again , that is , before a double consonant, as also in the Cyprian aid- vó- v qalóv (Hesych .), which is undoubtedly related to πελό- ς, πελιό - ς , πολιό- ς (No. 352). The remarkable Cyprian dialect which M. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 290 ff. has discussed somewhat minutely, shows the softening to a still greater extent. Occasionally in the Arcadian dialect of Tegea (Michaelis Jahn's Jahrb. 1861 p. 591 ) the pre position ļv occurs as iv and, as in Latin , stands for sis >

• ) It results from the comparison of these words , that Ebel Ztschr. XIII 268 assigns somewhat too narrow a field to the operation

of this weakening ( ep . above p . 664 ), and this made us recognize it in τικ - τ- ω. Bréal “ La mythe d'Oedipe " p . 10 assumes a change of a to i in order to refer ’ ršíwv to an assumed Akshivan , supposed to mean “ Car- man , Wheel- man " , i . e . the sun -god ( No. 582) . Cp. however No. 24b . 382 BOOK III. as well ( No. 425) . To the forms in which has taken the place of ε the Paphian iynia εis (Hesych .) no doubt belongs. We might assume a form oiy- pia, which would then stand for tey -yla . The stem is that discussed at No. 599, preserved in the Latin sem - el, sim -plex, and the di minutive sin -g -uli. The y of iyyua might stand for % . Per haps -la is the same suffix as occurs in un - c - ia (cp. on No. 445) , though if so we should certainly have expected ιγγία in Greek. 704 2) v THE REPRESENTATIVE OF AN ORIGINAL a. The softening of an original a - sound to the duller v might be shown to have extended over about the same range as that into « just discussed. As there & was the intermediate step between a and i , so here o comes be tween a and u . And in fact the v here to be discussed almost always has a corresponding o either in the dialects of Greek itself or in Latin. But since the Gk, v is a proportionally late sound , it seems probable that it was always immediately preceded by the fuller u - sound , and that consequently the series in this case was the following: a, o, u, ü. It is only when so comprehended that this shifting of the vowel is seen in its true character, i . e. as a dulling of the sound. In complete accordance with this is the fact that the Aeolic dialect, which like the Italian languages , and most unlike Ionic , shows in all its various branches a very old dulling of its vowels , is specially prone to this particular change. I have discussed this point at greater length in my essay " zur gr. Dialektologie ” Nachr. d. Gött. Ges. d. Wissensch . Nov. 1862. Compare also Leo Meyer I 121. Schleicher Compend.3 59 justly condemns (667) the attempt at explaining every v by the supposition of forms with fa. It is only where, as in the case of yový, Boeot. Bavá, Goth . quinô (p. 472) , there are other clear in dications of this group , that we can venture to assume Fa as preliminary to v. SPORADIC VOWEL - CHANGE. 383 In this change too we ought certainly to regard the adjoining consonants as instrumental. The nasals and the sounds p and 2 , in the case of which we find the greatest variation in the neighbouring vowels , come in for the greatest share of consideration here , and among the explosives , as Sonne Ztschr. X 130 remarks, specially the gutturals. There are but a very few word - stems which have v in the place of a consistently throughout all their ramifications. Perhaps the only cases are lúxo - s by the side of the Indo-Germanic varka-s (No. 89) , but Lat. lupu -s, uop-uúo- w (No. 477) by the side of the Skt. mar -mar - a - s , uúán, uva-o -s by the side of molo (No. 481) , vúť by the side of the Skt. nak- ti- s and the Lat. nox (No. 94) , žúv, búv , discussed in its relation to con- cum on p. 533 , övvš by the side of the Skt. nakha- s ( No. 447) , auf , aux- ivó- s (No. 384) cp. Lat. pug -nu - s by the side of the rt. Tak, tar ( No. 343) , where the difference of vowel is attended by a modification of the meaning, goúy -w (aor. p. &-qpúy -nu) by the side of the Indo-Germ .)Wharg ( No. 162) , which is discussed along with χρυσό- ς ( Νο. 202) , βρυχάομαι roar (= Skt. barh roar , of elephants), tpūnów (No. 239) by Delbrück Stud. I, 2, 136. — Elsewhere the variation occurs only in isolated words. By the side of dyeiqw , dyopá we 705 have the Aeolizing πανήγυρις and αγύρ-τη- ς. We may learn how widely the dialects diverged in this stem from Hesychius's glosses άγαρρί-ς· άθροισις (i . e. άγερ-σι- ς), άγυρι-ς σύνοδος, αγωρεϊν συναθροίζειν , to say nothing of words which we have good grounds for suspecting. pū9- c -g was discussed under No. 130 along with the words coming from the stem gar. xúxlo - s and xloxo -s (No. 81 ) both correspond to the Skt. kakra -s, as too we find an older by - form καλινδέω as well as κυλινδέω. - By the side of ovoua (No. 446) there has crept into ordinary Greek év -aóvvuo-s ( Ep. vovvuv- o-s) , 6vv- ovvuo - s which resemble the Aeol. and Dor. övvua. Perhaps dissimilation was the object of the change, though in öroßo- s , and úvópogo- s dissimilation failed to produce any effect. 384 BOOK III. - By the side of the widely - spread suffix -top , nom . -T00 we find ućo- tvo (No. 466) , the suffix of which reminds us of the similar dulling in the case of the Lat. datî-ru-s by the side of da-tor and the Skt. gen. abl. mâtur for mátars. To these we may also add the v of Ainátvpo- s discussed on p. 601. Perhaps 6xúgos vessel , goblet is only a by form of σκάφος ( Νο. 109) . GAVO - í - s basket (p. 494) is probably related not only to the Lat. spor -ta , sport -ula but also to oneioa ball of thread and onco- to - v string, Lith . sparta -s band (under No. 389) , so that the common idea is that of winding. Perhaps rúan door, is the fem . of ( 668) róło- s pivot , pole from the rt. nel turn, discussed on p. 463. There is no doubt that the old word apú-tavi- s is con nected with apó (No. 380), even though we should choose to follow Ahrens Aeol. 84 in rejecting the reading apótavis in a Lesbian inscription. The suffix is related to that of n - ne tavó- s (No. 585) and the Lat. diu - tinu - s as the Lat. humili-s is to the Gk. χθαμαλό-ς. It is very questionable on the other hand on the score of formation and meaning whether, in spite of what Misteli says (Ztschr. XVII 173) , apúuva puppis , πρυμνό- ς extremus are to be referred to πρό , while there can be no doubt that they are connected with apéuvo-v root or foundation , and perhaps with néo-as (No. 357). The same relation is borne by the Homeric προ- θέλ- υ-μνο- ς ( No. 316) from the very ground, and the plural substantive θέλουμνα in Empedocles to Ηesychius's θέλεμνο- ν. We may perhaps regard these and other Homeric words as real Aeolisms , of which there are by no means few in the Iliad and Odyssey, and so explain υπό-βρυχ- 0- ς , υπο- βρύχ- 10 -ς, NEQL- Bpúx- 10 - s ( Soph. Ant. 336) , deluging , by the side of Boéz - Elv wet (No. 166b) , dia- apúolo- s penetrating , by the side of διαμπερές, certainly πίσυρες , Lesb. πέσσυρ-ες ( p. 480 ), čuv- di- s (No. 449) , äravdis , which we have other means of proving to be Aeolic, the very old duvuav (No. 478) , due perhaps to the traditional dialect of the Aeolic 706 bards , by the side of uñuo- s , a word which we shall not follow Hugo Weber ( Philol. XVI 712) in connecting with > SPORADIC VOWEL - CHANGE. 385 đuúva. I also class aiov-uvó-ons ($ 258) and the proper name Aiovuvo - s ( 1 303) in the same list. The former must stand for aido- uvn-in - s and mean originally the man who is mindful of the vioa ( No. 569), the equal share, who is careful μή τις οι ατεμβόμενος κίη ίσης. Compare μνήσασθε δε θούριδος αλκής, μνήμονα φόρτου. This ety mology, given among others even in the E. M., is certainly simpler than Döderlein's from úuveiv (Glossar. 170) in its original meaning of weaving. Perhaps we may reckon among these Aeolisms the Homeric rú -ua -ro -s the last, which is related to the Osc. pos -mo- s the last, recognized by Ludw. Lange ( Die osk. Inschr. der tabula Bantina p. 63), as έβδό- μα- το - ς is to έβδο -μο - ς . πύ-μα- το- ς then stands for ποσ-μα- το- ς like έ- μεναι for εσ-μεναι and is to be referred to the same stem pas, which we find preserved in the Skt. pac-ka -s behind, later, pag-ki-ma-s the last , in the Zd. pac- ca (adv. ) behind, paç- nê ( prep. c. acc. ) behind , in the Lat. pos, post, post-eru-s , postré-mu - s, pô- ne , in the Umb. pus, pust, pus- tru , and in the Lith. pas-kùi ( adv. ) later, pús-k -ui (prep .) behind, after, and hence is an isolated remnant of a family of words which has spread widely elsewhere. Cp. Walter Quaestiones etymologicae p. 8. βυθ- ό- ς, βυσσός by the side of Bat- v- s , Bévit -os are completely isolated. Cp. above p . 467. The conditions under which v takes the place of an a - sound in Lesbian Aeolic are discussed by Ahrens 78 ,(669) 81 ff. Even Boeotian , though elsewhere averse from this change, takes the same course at all events in the treat ment of the diphthongs ou and @Ⓡ,, e. g. in Füxo- s = Foixo - s, δάμυ dńum. For the change of these sounds to v rests no doubt on the dulling of the 0 - sound to u : ui however became v, so that the series was : oi , ui, ü. Latin adopts the course of this series occasionally, as in the case of the Old - Lat. oitier from which úti arose, doubtless through the intermediate uitier. (Cp. Corssen 1 ° 710) . The only difference is that in Lat. the full sound of the u was kept, while in Gk . the ui when dissolved left the thinner v. It Curtius, Etymology. II. 25 386 BOOK III. is a remarkable fact that this same Boeotian dialect shares with Latin the other transformation of the diphthong ou into oε : Διονύσου Alovúom , and shows the same in consistency as Italian in the process. The same phenomenon moreover connects the Arcadian dialect, which Ahrens still maintains to be pseudo - Aeolic , with the universally re cognized branches of Aeolic. Not only does the change from ao to av *) , which though recognized some time since has only lately been established by new and important 707 evidence, rest on the same principle, but the lately discovered forms énú , öllv, xatú (Michaelis Jahn's Jahrb. 1861 p. 591) completely agree with Lesbian Aeolic. We might arrive ( 670) at more exact views on the relation of the different dialects -

• ) Usener's objections ( Jahn's Jahrb. 1865 p. 223) to my explanation of the Arcadian genitives in -av ( Saulav) as from -ão , -ãos - Skt.

âjâs) seem to me by no means convincing. There is no reason why ão should not become av just as well as ão. A Greek av is of two distinct kinds according as it corresponds to ău ( Skt. 6) or âu ( Skt. âu ). ão could as easily become av as ão could become čv. For avlavgós. avlopós (Hesych .) there is no other explanation that is equally simple . In the case too of the ordinary contraction of ao to w no distinction is made between å and ã. The assertion that Greek grammar demands here the loss of a f is unfounded. It is not enough to quote a single form from an inscription. These are questions in which it is impossible to separate special from com parative grammar. It is only what is in harmony with the latter that will hold in the former , and Usener himself feels this . For he himself tries soon afterwards to establish the F by a comparison of other languages, though I think he does not succeed (cp. p . 442). We can no more conclude from such old ways of writing a Greek name as Archelauus that F was heard in it than we can conclude from Achiui that such was the case with 'Ayaloi. Inscriptions of the Roman period can afford no proof of a digamma in the middle of a word. Just as little can I follow Usener in his views as to the developement of the dative from the locative (p. 250 ff.). Lengthening of ou to ~ in a termination would be a process without analogy, and contrary to the whole course of phonetic developement. Dative and locative were as markedly distinct in the singular in the oldest Greek as they were in Italian . It was not till the final i of con sonant stems was shortened that the two cases become confounded . SPORADIC VOWEL - CHANGE. 387 to each other from a study of proper names , for some show this very change of vowel , e. g. 'Eqúpa (cp. čpopos) from the rt. Fop , the "Watch' (No. 501) , the Corinthian Elovgos (p. 458) , whose very name stamps him as Alohidns, Στενύ-κλαρο- ς i . e. στενό- κληρο- ς (cp. στενο-χωρία ) in Mes senia , Záxvvto- s (p. 602) , words which may be quoted as prominent examples of this change of vowel. 3) 1 AND V INTERCHANGED. These two vowels are phonetically not far apart. The older grammarians were very ready on this account to hold them as nearly equivalent etymologically , a mistake against which the comparative study of languages has uttered warnings from the beginning. For all this we must not absolutely deny all connexion between the two. The peculiar sound of the vowel v is clearly the ground of the objection which , though , as pavxú -s shows, it was not absolute , the Greeks nevertheless felt to the repetition of v in two consecutive syllables. In such cases 708 v is often replaced by o : X0-xú nolú, añoɛs (Hesych. ) from the rt . χυ χέω (No. 203), μορ- μύρ- ω (No. 477) , πορ qúo-w (No. 415) , xóx-xvě (No. 66) . This course the older one. It probably dates from the time when in stead of the thinner v the fuller u was still heard. In view of this explanation we may compare the substitution in the Cyprian dialect of o for v. There is abundant evidence of this change, which is discussed by M. Schmidt Ztschr. IX 306 , and it is no doubt to be regarded as a change not so much from vas from the older u to the related 0 - sound. The Paphian foodvas čxw , for which M. Schmidt is probably right in reading θοράνδις (= θύραζε), is thus exactly parallel to the Lat. foras (No. 319) , and iynagóteve yxataqúteve to the Lat. fo -re (No. 417 ) . The other course is to represent v by 1 , which was done most clearly in φί -τυ- ς , φι-τύ- ω = fu-tu-o from the rt. qu seems 25 * 388 BOOK III. (No. 417). It is due no doubt to this objection to the repetition of v that in Greek , where -vio is a common diminutive suffix, the Lat. mu - tilu - s is represented by ui Tvão- s, while the form uútiko- s is also to be found in Hesych. with a kindred meaning , and the name of the town has both forms , Μυτιλήνη and Μιτυλήνη. It is not quite clear what the origin of the word is , though it seems natural to connect it with ulotúklw and the rt. ui uivý- w (No. 475) , in which the i as we saw comes from an older a. yitvpo -s in its relation to vút- os was discussed on p. 518. The converse change, that of i to v, appeared to us probable in xi-xú- w (taxúvw) under No. 57. (671) Besides these there are but few instances of the interchange of 1 and v. Four forms, which evidently come from stems in v , have this in common, that their vowel becomes i when followed by another vowel : doi-a ( pl.) bushes, belonging to doũ- s ( No. 275) , si-a60 - s rout, which cannot be separated from the suides and con sequently belongs to the rt. Ou ( No. 320) , with the suffix which meets us in aét -260- s hat (No. 215) , and is established by Indic analogies as well by Aufrecht on Uggvaladatta 271 , 6i-cho - s hog , a kind of diminutive from GŨ- s (No. 579), and jnep-91-ało-s overbearing, which, along with Aeschylus's υπέρφευ and the commoner υπερ- φυλής , we follow Buttmann Lexil. II 213 in deriving from the rt. qu (No. 417) in the sense of over - grown, luxuriant. There is a different relation of sounds in the evidently reduplicated nếu -q1g ( st. aɛu- gi- y) breath (by the side of πεμφί-ς πεμφίδ-ος), which probably belongs to No. 652 (p. 499) . We find besides in a few noun - formations like órißpó- s by the side of lubricu - s (No. 544) , uóhipo- s, μόλιβδο- ς by the side of μόλυβο-ς , μόλυβδο- ς (No. 552) and in a few roots like húy- o- s by the side of liga-re (No. 709 149) , 110 by the side of the Lat. lub -et, lib -et ( No. 545) and the Skt. mid by the side of uud (No. 479) a variation between i and u extending beyond the region of Greek, though we cannot, as in the cases discussed on p. 60, me VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 389 names . explain the variation to be a double series of forms with a differentiation of meaning. The variation between u and i in the derivative termination -vxo- s (-180-s) is discussed by Ahrens Rhein . Mus. XVII 362 , where he treats specially of Moúvixo-s by the side of Moúvvxo- s, Movvizia, Movvi χίων, Μόριχο- ς by the side of Mόρυχο- ς and similar proper But I cannot agree with the same scholar in the free use he makes of this change of sound ( Philol. XVIII 210) in order to explain mythological names. – With reference to the dialectic change of v to i which we meet with in Lesbian Aeolic e. g. in integ, and among the Cyprians e. g. in ιμιτραόν – υπομίτρασον, we may probably decide that it is a tendency to that Itacism , which finally led the Greeks universally to identify 1 and v completely. The converse of this change we meet with in the one isolated instance of the Cretan Yππάγρα, Υππασιά ( C. Ι . 2554, 106 ), which clearly belong to inno -s ( Voretzsch p . 27 ), though, to be sure, this was a word in which there was origin ally an a. 1 ) Vowels prefixed and inserted (672) . The extreme readiness of the old grammarians to assume that the various vowels had been prefixed or in serted, in order to arrive at desired etymologies, has been replaced by a proportionate disinclination on the part of the linguistic science of the present day to admit the existence of elements which are foreign to the significant body of the word , and owe their existence to convenience of articulation or the preference for certain conjunctions of sounds * ). In view of the fact that words , when once 710

• ) Pott II ? 391 says: “ it needs no great sharpness to explain such vowels as meaningless prefixes" . But to show “ sharpness "

is not the object of the student of language, and in view of the proverb απλούς ο μύθος της αληθείας έφυ we shall none the less be compelled by facts of language which no one can confute , to 390 BOOK III. fixed in form at an early period in the life of language, show no further growth in their significant parts, but rather decay, we shall find good reason to be very careful in making such assumptions. The prothesis of consonants, e . g. of an s before consonants of the most different kinds, a process which several meritorious scholars still think is to be allowed (cp. p. 59), is probably not to be established for a single Greek word . Wherever we find a word with two forms of consonantal initial , one full and the other meagre, we have good grounds for assigning the priority to the former. At the most the only letters that we can call prefixed are the parasitic g and d , which, as was shown at length above, are produced naturally before v and j even when initial. This prothesis however, if carefully examined, is really an affection of single consonants. In the middle of a word too auxiliary consonants like the d in év-d -pós, and the ß in uxo -nu - ß -ola are confined to a small circle. It will be readily seen that here too these sounds do not make their way into the body of sound as a foreign ele ment, but are developed as natural neighbours from the preceding sounds, in the effort to connect these with those which follow follow .. On the other hand the vowels hold in general a more subservient position in language. It is generally recognized that they occasionally introduce them selves at the beginning and in the middle of a word , or to speak more exactly , result from the semivocalic sound attendant on certain consonants. It only remains to disting (673) uish more exactly the conditions and the range of this phenomenon in Greek , and in so doing to insist that this process is to be regarded as nothing more or less than a purely physical one, and is hence to be explained, like any other of its kind , physiologically. prefer this simple assumption to the explanations referred to on p. 32 ff., which though “ sharp " enough are artificial in the extreme. Besides even Pott , though describing the vowel in many cases as “ obscure " , now and then acknowledges the “ possibility ” of prothesis. % VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 391 1 ) VOWELS PREFIXED. The old grammarians called the prefixing of a sound npóstois. Lobeck uses the word in the sense they attached to it in the discussion in the first chapter of his Elementa pathologiae ' de prosthesi et aphaeresi ' . Pott, who discusses this question at length II 125 ff. and returns to it II? 384 f., uses the word prothesis , which is more apt , and for this reason we have followed him in so doing , and have often assumed " prothetic vowels " . The frequency of the phenomenon , especially before double consonants, but also before simple liquids and nasals and before the digamma (p. 568 ff.), is characteristic of Greek and disting uishes it in many cases from Latin . But analogies from related and non - related languages are to be found in abundance. The most familiar instance is the prefixing of a vowel of this kind in the Romance languages, for 711 which see Diez Gr. 1² 224 ff. Forms like the Spanish estar = stare, Provenç. estable and istable = stabulum have precedents in late Latin , according to Corssen (14 289, II ? 286, Ztschr. XI 341 ) since the fourth century : istatuam , ispirito, Isticho Sticho * ). Diez adduces similar forms with e and i from Basque and Hungarian, with y from Cymric, Pott from Arabic, Persian and Ossetic. On prothetic vowels in Slavonic cp. Miklosich Lex. p. 1 and 459. Lithuan 1 ian too shows forms like iszkadà = Germ. Schade ( injury ), iszkalà Germ. Schule (school) , and even Vedic Sanskrit : i-raj-ja -mi rego ( rt . rag No. 153) , i-radh seek to win, by the side of râdh. In Ossetic a, the heaviest of all the vowels , is employed for this purpose. Bopp Vgl. Gr. I ?

• ) Lachmann on Lucret. 231 shows how this parasitic i, corrupted by copyists even into in , hi , hy , and occasionally replaced by e , be

came the source of numerous errors in our manuscripts. Bekker Hom. Bl. 134 calls attention to this prothesis with reference to Greek words. Max Müller II 194 presents us with many similar phenomena from various sources, specially from " Celtic. Cp. Zeuss Gr. Celt.2 p. 120 and Terrien - Poncel Du language ( Paris 1867) p. 64. 392 BOOK III. -- 121 quotes several instances in which metathesis has occurred in addition : artha three, cp. Skt. trajas , arfug eyebrow, i. e. Skt. bhrú - s and the Gk. ógou- s (No. 405) which arose in the same way , to which according to Grimm Gesch. 434 the Ir. abhra corresponds. In the Sicilian dialect too , as Wentrup ( Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Sic. M. p. 154) shows, an a is constantly prefixed , which , e. g. in aruta Gk. övrń is not the remains of a preposition , but must be a ( 674 ) purely phonetic element. The two analogies last mentioned have a special interest for the student of Greek, inasmuch as here it is just the fuller vowels a , o which are used by the side of ε as prothetic vowels in preference to others. The Greek forms that belong here have been several times discussed lately , especially by Savelsberg and Crecelius in Hoefer's Ztschr. IV, by Christ p. 19, 33, by Leo Meyer I 220, so that no more than a short review of the subject will be necessary here. Since this kind of vowel arises naturally from the " voice " inherent in all sonant con sonants, the particular shade of the sound, so to speak, is very changeable. Accordingly we have instances of a variation between different vowels , even in one and the same root , e. g. å -uéøy- w and o -uóøy- vv -ul (No. 151 ), óό--σταφ-ίí- ςs ((Athen..III105 ) = ά--σταφ--ίó--ςs ( No. 219),, ά-τρύ--ν--ων šyklowv (Hesych. ) by the side of ó -tov- v- w, with which Lobeck El. I 81 connects also the proper names ' A-tpɛú-s and ’O -rpev -s, which would accordingly mean inciter. Pott 712 II2 426 suggests “ interritus” (rt. Tpec) as the meaning of ’ A -toeb-s, which would thus = ä -Tooro-s. Similarly C. I. No. 6280 1. 18 étones évayxai. Related words will be found at No. 244. There are good grounds for Christ's view ( 19) that the shade of the prefixed vowel is generally decided by the following one , hence we have å in ä -oraj-v-s (No. 219) , å- onáh-cĚ (No. 106) , á -oraip- w ( No. 389), ) in ő- vo- ua (No. 446), ó- toúv- w , & in & -x és (No. 193) , &-veyx živ , i in l -xtí- s (a kind of weasel) by the side of Hesychius's xtis. Accordingly in Zend we find occasionally the vowel of the root prefixed to an initial r : i-rith for rith , u -rud VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED . 393 for rud ( Schleicher, Comp. 50, Justi 359 , 18) . It must be admitted though that there is no consistency in Greek , as is shown by the Aeolic ä- oqi σφι, ό-λισ- θ -εϊν , έ-λαχ- ύ -ς ( No. 168). A prothetic vowel precedes several consonants in the following cases, from which we have excluded all of doubt ful etymology. The vowel appears most frequently before groups containing a sibilant, as in e -oxop- 1-60 * ) hop, by the side of the synonymous σκαίρω , σκαρίζω and σκιρτάω ( p. 702 ), d -oraq - í-s raisin, by the side of otaq - - s, which was discussed under No. 219 along with d -6teug -ńs in its relation to the rt. OteuQ , in a- otayu- ş ear of corn ( B 148) , more commonly otáxv- s , which must be connected some how or other with the rt. στα.. - On α--στήρ ,, αé-στράπ--τt--ω ,, d- otpan- ń by the side of oteponń cp . No. 205. – Lobeck El . I 16 is probably right in regarding dotonvés dústerov, σκαιόν, οξύ ( Hesych.) as identical with στρηνές for which also , among other meanings, that of ošú is given. If we take hard , rough to be the primary meaning , it becomes probable that strénuu - s and the words discussed under No. 222 , Otep- só--s etc., are also related . - The Thessalian name of the starling, a- otpa- dó- s was mentioned at No. 521 . The Homeric d -ondio- w quiver bears to the later(675) Gralo- w ( No. 389 ), and e- oráh- ać mole ( Plut.) to orého (No. 106) the same relation, that å -6x09-1-60 does to σκαρ-ί -ζω. Less evident is the relation of d- opdooyo- s gullet , wind-pipe to opápayo- s noise (No. 156) , while the Lesbian Aeolic pronominal forms a- oqi , - ope ( Ahrens 125) = 691, ogé are among the most transparent instances of prothesis. Of entirely the same nature is the a of tivá , which comes from an older å -rja ( cp. p. 482). Ahrens (Formenl. p. 41 ) has tried to explain the a to be the result of a mistake, supposing e. g. ónoi dood to have ά- σσα

• ) doxaigo seems to have come into vogue only from a false reading in Quint. Smyrn. V 495 , where Köchly writes uéya orai

povol . 394 BOOK III . arisen through a mistaken division of the words from ónoiá 66a σσα ((660 σσα = tiτι - eα)). But this is opposed by the fact that 713 in Attic Greek ötta occurs after other vowels as well, e. g. Plato Phaedon p . 60e on ärra , and Theaet. p. 145c γεωμετρίας άττα , and who will believe that a word existing in the Attic period owed its existence to a pure blunder? Even the ancients were so far puzzled by the i that some grammarians felt compelled to write cosa, that is they distinguished the indefinite here from the indirect interrogative only by its special use (Lobeck El. I 142) . To suppose prothesis is the simplest solution of the difficulty. ö-ghaoto- v is no doubt correctly connected by Fickº 137 with the Skt. Ohrshti- s corner , edge, Lat. fast-ig -iu -m and 0.-H.-G. brort fore -part of a ship. Cp. Bugge Stud. IV 343. The relation of ó -oqú -s hip to the synonymous Skt. sphik was treated of on p. 688 along with the by- forms óa , xún region of the loins. There are at any rate two certain instances of the prothesis of a vowel before the double consonants & and u. Oné, it is true, is a borrowed word. Lobeck El. I 144 says “ εξατράπης et εκσατραπεύειν , quae in Inserr, et libris leguntur, excusationem peregrinitatis habent ”. Since Hesych . has preserved the form Satoánns as well , it appears that we have here different attempts to reproduce the foreign initial. According to Benfey ( Altpers. Keilschriften p. 18) the Persian form was kshatra - på - van kingdom's lord; but it is perhaps the shorter form kshatra -pa which underlies the Gk, word ( Pott W. I 228). The same sound appears before in évía or łyíc game , along with the Homerie iyićaosai play, as we shall find on comparing the phonetic ally equivalent wiátelv (Hesych.) préddelv ( Aristoph. Lysistr. 1304). The etymon is hard to find. It is but seldom that a vowel is employed to support a double mute. The only certain instances are i-xti -s and &-xcés. The former denotes a kind of weasel , which is called xti - s in Hesych ., and in the derived adjective urid - 80 - s of weasel's skin (K 458) , appears with a con . VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 395 sonantal initial. On &-x és by the side of roés we need only refer to p. 662. Though a mute and a liquid are a favourite beginning for a word in Greek , there are a few cases in which prothesis has taken place. As to å- xpo- 6-0- uai (No. 62) ( 676 ) and ó- xov- ó- el- s (No. 77) doubt may still be felt. But ο -τρη-ρό-ς , ό-τρα-λέο-ς , ό-τρύ- ν- ω have , as we have shown under No. 244 , such unmistakeable by- forms without any vowel that we cannot doubt how their vowel arose. On the other hand we saw on p. 461 that a different origin was more probable for the ở of aroantos. By the side of Tovyn -gáyo -s fruit - eater are found the by - forms d -tovyn φάγο- ς and o -τρυγη- φάγο- ς in Ηesych. ö-Boquo- s in its 714 relation to the rt. Bpı we discussed on p. 521. The same Vowel initial is shown by the proper names Όβριμώ Βριμώ, η Περσεφόνη , Οβριάρεως Boicoems (Lob. El. I 80 ). The poetical words ő- tho- s sorrow , óráé-w suffer, ő- tan- uo and probably " A -tha - s too are connected with the rt. teh, tal (No. 236) , and there is no evidence of any origin for the vowel but the phonetic. The singular word αφλοι σμός Ο 607 αφλοισμός δε περί στόμα γίγνετο was explained , it is true, in Apollonius's Lexicon, which relied on a reading "pivet' ódóvrov” to be a sort of noise , but we shall be the more inclined to take a photo -uó-s to mean foam be cause głowo -Bo-s, mentioned at No. 412 e has also this meaning. While in the words just discussed the two, consonants supported by the prothesis of a vowel have both been retained , we can produce a second list in which , though the vowel served the same purpose , it was not able to prevent the loss of one of the two consonants. Here belong rt. ó- duc ( No. 290) for 6-8Fis , ő-vo- ua (Ion. oớvoua) for ó- yvo-ua ( No. 446) , ó- 116-9- áv- w from the rt. riit , and consequently to be traced to ó - ykio - 4 - av - w ( No. 544), å- uchd-úv- w ( under No. 457 ) . In naavia lack , there is probably a trace of the double consonant preserved in the length of the vowel (cp. Fr. épée); which double consonant 396 BOOK III. we probably have in ordvi- s (No. 351 ) . The forms &-ow- n, X- pw - é - w too , which were mentioned on p. 355, may probably be explained in the same manner , only that here the o of the rt. sru has left no lengthening behind. In a corre sponding way we referred å - ɛlo- a ( No. 518) to a rt. svar. As regards the simple consonants, a prefixed vowel is least to be wondered at in the case of liquids and nasals, since these sounds are in general attended by many changes in the vowels near them . It is sometimes even hard to tell which of the two vowels , that at the beginning of the word , or that following the nasal , is the older. The analogy of the related languages however points to prothesis in the following cases : the 3 of č - onu - o - s by -péu - a and α- ρά-μεναι ( No. 454) , έ- ρεύγ- ω (No. 143) , ερείκ- ω , έ ρέχ- θω with which Fick ? 168 and the Pet. Dict. aptly compare the Ved. rikh tear up , å - ovit -pó -s (No. 306) and perhaps ( 677) that of ž -peß - os ( p. 472) , the ó of ó - ovy-uó-s by d-evy- ń ( No. 508 ), the 6 of 6- pu- w (No. 523) by ó-pv-a -tai . Before a there appears a prothetic å in e -heig - w (No. 340), as also in d -ni- v -alv ( ådɛiqelv Hesych. ) , which is akin to the Lat. li- n-e- re and belongs to the forms discussed under No. 541 , and in a -lanš (No. 525) , perhaps & in &-hauv- a 715 if we may trace it back to &-la- vv- w ( cp. p. 670) , and com pare the rt . to the la of the Lat. lámina ( Pott II " 167, cp. however the note on No. 529) . The application of člaúverv to the working of metals is as early as Homer. The same use is made of x in &-lay- - s ( No. 168) with the perhaps related ( p. 475) &-209- pó- s , and of ò in ó -diy-o-s (No.553) ; ó- don-t- w (Hesych .) by the side of hér -w shell, per haps in " O -Avun -o -s with an Aeolic v , if laut (No. 339) is the root. Before v i introduces itself in the same way in å- vño ( No. 422) , in ť - vɛyx -εiv (No. 424) , Šv - véa ( No. 427) , in the latter attended by a peculiar doubling of the nasal; before y we assume a prothetic à in å-ua hó- s as in the related e- bana- pó- s ( No. 457) and e- uß2-u -s for e- un-v- s , in d- uaq- úor- Elv flicker, from the same rt. μαρ, which occurs reduplicated in μαρ- μαίρ- ω , μάρ-μαρ-0-ς, VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 397 -- a uaquap-vy- ń (p . 553) , in d- uá- w (No. 449b) , in & -ueiß - w and e- ust- w (No. 450) , in d -uéiy- w (No. 150) , d -jégy - w (No. 151 ) , &-uv- v- w (No. 451), perhaps in e-uú66- w discussed on p. 535 ; & in the pronominal stem &-ué by the side of ué (No. 460) , with which may be compared the Mod. Gk. doú oú ( Mullach Gr. Vulgarspr. p . 182) ; there is how ever the possibility here that & is a shortened reduplication syllable ; ó in ó -Lex -é-w , ó-uíx-an ( No. 175) , though , as å -uiža ( Hesych .) shows, it is sometimes replaced by é. Fickº 112 connects ő- vo- uai revile with the Zd. nad despise, ó- vi -vn-ul benefit with the Skt. nand rejoice ( causal nandajâ mi make glad) . We should have to suppose loss of d for both verbs. The middle use , e. g. in óvýceat , óvnuevos and that of övnois suit the derivation from this root, which is represented in Lith. by naud - à gain , produce, goods, in Goth . by niut-an enjoy, benefit, also with a u - sound . In the German geniessen (enjoy) and nutzen (benefit) we find the two main meanings of this root again represented by words of similar sound. výd- v-uo- s the much discussed epithet of sleep in Homer has often been connected with the rt . nand; this is probable , and the word would thus mean cheering. There are difficulties however presented by övelvo , the i of which has not been explained (cp. on No. 279). In a very few only of these examples could there be any conceiveable probability in the explanation of the vowel from a defaced preposition , advanced by Pott Π ? 389 , e. g. in the case of αμύνω, αμέργω, αμείβω , the å of which he derives from åró. If however the phenomenon is viewed as a whole the probability disappears even in these cases. On the subject of prothetic vowels be- (678) fore a digamma we need only refer to p. 568. It cannot be denied however that prothesis occurred before explosives as well. We regarded it as certain in å -xıváy-uara ( p. 482) the intermediate form between the rt. Ki and tivárow , possible in &xova ( No. 64) . In the case of o -xélda , mentioned under No. 48 and almost syno- 716 nymous with xéll- w , it is conceiveable that the vowel arose 398 BOOK III. > > 3 from the prep. évá transformed in Aeolic fashion to óv. Before y prothesis of an å seemed to us probable in å-yav-ó- s and the related words ( No. 122) , while we er plained the ε of é - rep ( No. 139) to be a mutilated re duplication. Whether oxeó , özeń hollow , which occurs in the Alexandrine writers , is really , as old etymologists supposed , the same word as xelá ( No. 179) , may be left uncertain . - But before 8 prothesis can hardly be denied in d- day- uó- s itching along with the verb d -dag- é - w by the side of ó- dáε- w , ó -dag-é- w , the relationship of which to the rt. dak (No. 9) is confirmed by the glosses in Hesychius οδάξει τους οδούσι δάκνει, όδαξησμός τρισμός οδόντων (ep. p. 67). In ó- dáš mordicus also the primary meaning of the root is evident. – The same assumption is made by Schleicher (Compend . 77 ) for ódoús (Aeol. plur. Edovt - es No. 289 . We may probably place in the same list ό - δύρ- ομαι by the side of δύρομαι , πάνδυρτος (trag. ) . The grammarians quote ädopo-s in the sense of leathern bottle ( dopó-s) from Antimachus. Pott II ° 394 is wrong in saying that Suidas takes the word to mean “ untanned ”. On the contrary Suidas himself mentions the meaning κώρυκος , and the added άδορον το ανέκδαρτον does not mean untanned (ád éyntos) but not taken off. In such an isolated word I regard the origin of the vowel in the preposition dró, which well suits the meaning, as not im possible. Compare the Cyprian forms with i = ünÒ given on p. 709. — It is not yet clear what is the relation be tween -fé - a - w and déa - w , since we do not know what the root of the word is . The most probable of the con jectures about it is that of Pott II ? 401 , W. II 1 339 ( cp. Fulda Untersuch. üb. homer. Sprache I 237) , that toel , as the root always appears in Homer, corresponds to the Skt. dhar, hold in the sense of sustinere, hold to , attach onself to something. The Skt. dhar,, acc. to the Pet. Dict. means, with a dat. or acc. of the thing or with the inf ., undertake, begin , the part. dhr-ta -s ready. And εθέλειν as opposed to βούλεσθαι does denote a fixed VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 399 determination ( cpcr. 0 177). Accordingly here too the }, unless it is the remnant of a reduplication , may be simply prothetic. On 6 -pɛzó-s a conjecture was advanced on p. 476. We see from this review of the subject that t , a, and q are not numbered among the consonants before which ( 679 ) this phenomenon appears, and at the same time these letters are very common and favourite initials. But pro thesis is in general extremely rare before explosives. To take refuge in the view that such vowels are the remains of 717 mutilated prepositions seems to me allowable only when this is rendered probable in some individual instance both by sound and meaning. In general apocope of dissyllabic prepositions is confined to Aeolic and Epic Greek. We see too from the care with which the nasal of the prep. Xv is preserved how averse the language was as a rule to neglect the principle of significance in formations of this nature. un 2) INSERTION . That vowels have been inserted is also an assumption which the comparative study of languages makes us slow to accept. But it is impossible to deny the fact altogether. Pott II 223 has discussed a number of the more doubted cases from various languages, Heyse (System der Sprachwissenschaft p. 320 ), Leo Meyer I 221 and again 274 give shorter collections. The subject is discussed at greater length by Walter Ztschr. XI 428 , XII 375 , 401 . Lobeck in his treatise de parectasi (Elementa I 403) has investigated much that belongs here from a purely Greek point of view. Mention has already been made of the insertion of auxiliary vowels and the not unsuitable name ανάπτυξης (by the side of επένθεσις ) applied to this process. In the case of insertion there is less relaxation than in that of prothesis of the rule that the phenomenon occurs only in the neighbourhood of r, l , ,n , m , to which we must add vv . Properly speaking insertion is a further un 400 BOOK III. folding of the “ voice” which is heard in the so -called sonant sounds , and which also generated prothetic vowels before the same letters. To the same source is due the frequency of metathesis in the case of the same sounds, and the fact that in some languages it is possible for r and 1 themselves to be regarded as vowels. Hence too the insertion of a short e after a which has to a large extent become a rule in Zend : hvare sun Skt. svar , dadareça Skt. dadarça , Gk. dédopxa (Bopp Vgl. Gr. 12 55) , and it is a fact connected with this that a Skt. ? representing a primitive ar is represented as a rule in Zend by ere, which latter group of sounds Justi p . 357 actually gives as a vowel, lengthened into are and further into áre. Still closer analogies for Greek are to be met with in its nearest relatives the Italian languages. The most consistent is (680) Oscan, as Kirchhoff Ztschr. I 36 ff. shows in his excellent essay “ Vocaleinfügung im Oskischen " . We need here only refer to forms like Al-a - faternont Alfaternorum , ar-a 718 getud = argento. Kirchhoff shows that Oscan , in these cases of real insertion, assimilates the inserted vowel to the preceding one , while in another class of forms, in which the moveable vowel assumes a privileged position, e. g. in pu - terei by the side of pi-turu -s πότερο- ς, the influence of the following syllable is to be traced , and that with a consistency greater than that which we dis covered on p . 711 in the case of prothetic vowels in Greek. He also gives a copious selection of analogous processes from Old- High -German , like al- aa-h = Goth. alh - s, pur-ua -cC = Goth . barirg-s , far-a-h = Lat. porc- u - s ( No. 104). From the corresponding later forms we perceive that such vowels come to the surface and disappear periodically in the history of language. On the tendency of Old - Latin to assist the pronunciation of unusual groups of consonants by means of inserted vowels , we need only refer to forms like Aesc -u -lapiu -s ' Ασκληπιός, Proc-i- na = Πρόκνη and to the full discussions of Ritschl Opuscula II 469 ff. and Corssen 1 ' 253 , 258 , II2 77 f. - VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 401 The vowels most frequently used for this purpose in Greek were a and ε , next o and 1 , and most rarely of all v . The following are certain instances of insertion. In drawing up the list no distinction has been made between cases in which the insertion can be established by the comparison of other Greek forms and those which only betray it when compared with words taken from other languages. It is moreover not always possible to decide which was the original position of the vowel. Either be fore or after Q there appears an inserted vowel in do-a βύλας (Hesych.) by the side of αρβύλαι γένος υποδημάτων probably from the same stem as & pa -id -es, used in a like meaning by Callim. ( E. M. 148 , 39) , and accordingly be longing to åp- ( No. 488) , ảo- é- x- vn compared with äox- v-s (No. 489 and p. 493) , άρηνο-βοσκό- ς (also αρενοβοσκός and XoonvoBooxós) where in accordance with the views expressed under No. 496 we must hold either the first or the second vowel to be accessory , ' Αρ-ε-πυΐαι by the side of " Αρπυιαι ( E. M.) cp. No. 331 , čo- é-mnoav ñquosav , with which too should be compared ép - - tń and other forms mentioned under No. 488 , đ0--- 4- uó- s and vño- 1 -to- s belonging to the same root, and do --- udget = áo60-uótel (Hesych.), B -é - payxo -s given in the E. M. from Hipponax and Bapayzıāv mentioned common Attic by- form of Boarxıāv to be hoarse (Lobeck El. I 404) , to which too belongs Bapáyxia rà βράγχια των ιχθύων , βαρραχεϊν ηχεϊν σκιρτάν ( Hesych.) (681 ) with doubled & ( cp. évvéc ), in its first meaning not to be separated from βραχείν , δ- α- ρυλλο- ς Macedonian for δρύ- 719 and given along with it under No. 275 , xo- é- B -1vto- s and 00-0-00- s (No. 494) by the side of er-ru -m and the 0.-H.-G. ar-a-weiz also with an added vowel. Perhaps too the Cretan ' Papivělo -s, the name of a month , belongs to the same root (Ahrens Rhein . Mus. XVII 351). { 9 - E- T -uó -s we referred under No. 492 to a rt . èp ; 4- ó- pv- po- s was con nected under No. 317 with tpū- 20- s ; x -d -opačov IIágioi (Hesych. ) bears exactly the same relation to upăčov, which is given as its explanation, that Baqpozɛiv does to Boaxkiv CURTIUS, Etymology. II. as a 26 402 BOOK III. and on this account M. Schmidt is certainly wrong in suspecting the word. 60-6-7 -w stands by the side of the Skt. arý , .p- ó-y- via by the side of ógy- vić (No. 153) ; ορώρ- ε--tat τι occurs only at t 377 , 524 with an auxiliary vowel , which is quite unusual in a perfect, but is never theless found lengthened in the subj. 0-60- n-tal (N 271) and is instructive as showing how such late -born .elements can hold their ground through different inflexions. To the same root (No. 500) belongs óp-o- 4-úv- w ; and if we compare op -i -v -w with ő0- vv-u, it seems natural to explain the i to be such another vowel, the lengthening of which is compensatory. op-i-vw comes either from 09- l - via (cp. Paiva ) or from ορ- ι -νυω ( cp. τί-νω by the side of τινύω). σκάρ-i- φο-ς by the side of σκαρφ-ίον and κάρφ-ιον and κάρφ- 0- ς were mentioned on p. 683, 6TÉR -4-90 -s at No. 222 ; the relation is precisely the same between the common form táo---20- s salt meat, whence tap-1 - X-€ú- w, and taox-ú- w ( Lobeck El. I 463) , which belong no doubt to the rt. Tepe ( No. 241 ) to dry, and have lost the o assimilated from 6. In tapdoow too ( p. 473) the vowel has passed into general use , though it is wanting in the rarer present spárow , the perf. téronx- a and the adj. tpax- u-s. The Tarentine Top- ó-vo-s = tóovo- s circle ( Hesych . ) belongs to a class of similar formations which were mentioned with tép -E- T00 - V under No. 239. Completely analogous is the Aeol. pep- é -va, or as Lehrs on Herod. 1. uov. deĚ. 33, 30 writes : Pép - E - VA for geo- vý dowry (No. 411). Before or after a we find an inserted vowel almost as often. Here belong da-a- yelvó- s by äly- os pain , a word of obscure origin , since it is very doubtful whether it is related to eléy - w , discussed under No. 538 , and not more than possible that it is related to the Lat. alg - or alg-us ( ep. το δέ τοι και ρίγιον έσται and Fulda Untersuch . I 221), and also rt. ål-E - Z ( No. 7) by the side of ålk and the Skt. raksh along with the related do- n- y- w, referred to also on p. 522. Perhaps too da- 1 -xívo -s dvvatós in Hesych. belongs here; it seems to be a mistake for ån - 1-xıuo -s i . e. älx - 1-uo -s. VOWELS PREFIXED AND INSERTED. 403 com > άλ-ω- φό - ς λευκός acc. to Hesych. and its compound ådwróxpovs are rightly explained by Savelsberg Rhein. Mus. XXIII 384 to be from & a -gó-s (No. 399), and he ( 682) points out a similar insertion in the Osc. Al- a -faterna. The long vowel is as in donyo,, σκάριφο orápico-- ςs.. Further with 720 Lobeck El. I 31 we may add αστέλ- ε - φος το περί την κιθάραν δέρμα by the side of στέρφ- ος skin , and here we should also have to suppose the initial vowel to be of later date and and a to have been interchanged. įv δελεχής and δολιχ- ό - ς have been discussed under No. 167, dáyx -o-do- v on p. 606. We treated of the relation of na-a z- árn to the rt. ápk under No. 489 , that of na-v- 4-0- v to the rt. è èp on p. 546 , that of ña- 1-1-0- v , ña- 1-9-10 -s to the rt. ål on p. 547 , that of t- á- laosa to the rt. tpax on p. 655, xal-ú- -1- w by the side of the rt. kal ( cel-a -re) on p . 527. xκ -- έ-é- λαδ had - o - ςS noise and xeladeiv κελαδεϊν are pared , perhaps rightly , by Fick ? 48 with the Skt. krad, krand roar , neigh , bellow. 20.-€-x- ávo- s , x02-0- x- ávo- s, 402-0-666-s come, as was shown under No. 67, from a stem kark , ual- a- xó- s is , as we saw under No. 457, the softer form for Hesychius's uocdxó -ss. The o of u- ó-kvßo- s and the related forms was seen under No. 552 to be inserted. παλάσσω sprinkle comes from a primary form παλ- α- κ richer by a vowel than the related tepk (No. 359 b). The same origin was conjectured under No. 367 for the ε of néhayo -s. It is clear that insertion has taken place in the forms aél- -x - v - s (No. 98) , Hom. å -1-6-28-900 -s. immeasur able and 1-6-2 € - $ po - v by the side of thé- 4p0- v ( No. 366 ), and in σκάλοψ, σπάλαξ , ασπάλαξ ( No. 106) . Aristoph. Fr. 521 said Τελ - ε - μησσης instead of Τελμησσείς, τολ- ύ- π- η clue we regarded as an expansion of the rt. Tal ( No. 236 ) by means of a determinative π, χ -ά -λαζα was discussed under No. 181 , end- a - 9 - é - w feel is connected, probably rightly , with the rt . yar vállalv by Walter Ztschr. XII 406 , who also compares the Lat. pal - p -are; perhaps the original form of the rt . was spal , and we might even imagine a connexion with the 0.-H.-G. spil- - n. 26 * 404 · BOOK III. In this way we should be brought to a connexion with No. 389. Far smaller is the number of words of this class that have a nasal in their stem. In the case of one or two of them , as in that of av- - uo-s ( No. 419) for which the com parison of the Indian verbal form an -i-mi is important, and of ãq-£-vos by the side of &qvalós (p. 500) the vowel belongs to the class of mediatory vowels , which is so im portant for the comprehension of word - formation. The e of äv- &-uo- s is essentially hardly different from the a of πλόκ- α-μο- ς , ποτ- α-μό- ς, nor is that of άφ-ενος from the 1 of the Lat. fac-inus. In dv- ývo- te, &v- ývo-dɛ ( No. 304) the vowel takes its place between the primitive root and the root determinative , as too in nav- a- x- ń , xóv-a-Bo- s (rt. kav No. 32) . The vowel has however made its way into the root itself in x - 0 -ví- s nits (No. 285) from the rt. knid, in óv- v- x from the rt. angh ( No. 447) , in A- i - vv- tó- s from 721 the rt. Tevu ( No. 370) , a long vowel ( cp. orćo -i-90-s) in σκ-η -νίπ-τειν , διασκηνίπτειν to hug the wind , which Lobeck Path. 432 is no doubt right in connecting with 6xvinÓS whose initial is discussed on p. 693. Téu -&- vos, which we connected with the rt. Teu (No. 237) offers the clearest parallel to @q- -vos, réu - a - x -os, with which Walter aptly compares uíayos (uídoua Hesych ., No. 237) , comes , along with tun-y -w , softened from tun-x- w , from a rt. Tud- K expanded by a , and so the a stands here too as a mediatory vowel. We may finally class here Tudoo -s and Tuõło-s, names of mountains in Thesprotia and Lydia, which have the by-forms T-ó -ucpo -s and T - ú- uolo - s ( Lobeck 477). With reference to vowels inserted before a of the reader is referred to p. 568. ( 683) Final Considerations. ( 684 ) 722 Throughout the whole of our extensive investigations we have made a point of bringing into prominence the guiding tendency which, in spite of the multiplicity and variety of phonetic change, consistently pervades the history of language, and puts it within our power to establish definite relations between the sounds of Greek and those of the related languages. Not only in the regular sub stitution of sounds , which we dealt with in the second book as the main and fundamental law of the Greek lang uage , but also in the isolated exceptions to this law which we had to notice in the third book, we recognized at p. 411 one and the same fundamental tendency, that of " weathering away ", which on closer inspection was found to consist in a decrease of energy in the attempt to pronounce certain sounds. But alongside of those phonetic transformatiòns which, like softening, dulling, and com plete loss of sounds, were the simplest result of the above mentioned fundamental tendency , and on this account admitted of being regarded as normal, we found others besides , which at first looked abnormal , and inconsistent with this tendency. First among these comes the reciprocal influence of sounds on each other, owing to which , in asmuch as the stronger sound occasionally assimilated the weaker more or less to itself, there certainly arose the possibility of a strengthening as well. But a strengthening of this kind , if closely examined, is only apparent, since 406 BOOK III . it is due to the inability to produce completely the particular sound originally intended, owing to the difficulties caused by the neighbouring sounds. To the same class belongs further the birth of subsidiary or parasitic sounds. Since a really strong articulation excludes these subsidiary sounds , this process too depends on a certain relaxation of the vocal organs. As we have arranged the matter of our investigation according to the separate sounds, I will take the opportunity of giving here , at the conclusion , a comprehensive resumé of the whole, from the points of view just discussed . Ludwig (685)Lange, in his review of the first edition of this work 723 ( Ztschr. f. d. österr. Gymn. 1863 p. 295) justly pointed out the want of a general survey , and drew up one of his own which I here adopt in many of its items. The regular sound - changes (Bk. II ) will be found in spaced, the sporadic (Bk. III) in ordinary type. 1. NORMAL CHANGE OF SOUND. A) Relaxation of articulation . 1 ) Weakening of the tenuis to the medial p. 522. 2) Dulling of harsh groups of consonants p. 679. 3) Weakening of bh to f p. 530. 4 ) Change of m into n and the reverse p. 532. 5) Change of the harder liquid to the softer p. 537. 6) Change of s into ti before vowels pp. 378. 394. 414. 442. 7) Change of j into h pp. 398. 414. 8) Change of vinto h p. 414. 9) Interchange of the strong and weak breathings p . 671. 10) Change of v into v , o , w p . 550 ff. 11 ) Change of j into i or ε p. 591 ff. 12) Dulling of a into & and o p. 88. 13) Weakening of a into i p. 700. 14) Weakening of a into v p . 704. 15 ) Weakening of u into 1 p. 707. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS. 407 B. Complete loss of sounds. 1 ) Loss of a consonant pp. 547, 680. 2) Dropping of the breathing p. 512. 3) Loss of s , v, j pp. 91 , 414 , 547. 4) Disappearance of a nasal pp. 56, 520. 5) Loss of a vowel pp. 47, 558. II. ABNORMAL CHANGE OF SOUND . A) Through the influence of neighbouring sounds. 1 ) Hardening of the soft explosives through the following spiritus asper p. 425. 2) Hardening of the v into B p. 571 . 3) Hardening of the v into o p. 587. 4) Change of the v into u p. 577. 5) Change of v into e p. 447. 6) Hardening of the j into y p. 597. 7) Assimilation of dj to 8d, of aj, aj, vj to an , oo, vv pp . 605 , 652. 8) Change of rj, 9j, nj, xj into 66 (tt) p. 653 f. 9) Change of dj, vj into Ŝ pp. 600 , 657. 10 ) Change of aj into at pp. 489, 663. 11 ) Change of xj into x# pp. 490, 662. 12) Change of 1 into v p. 443. 13) Change of o into o p. 445. 14) Metathesis pp. 637 , 667. 15) Dissimilation of various kinds pp. 533 , 571 , 696 . B ) Through the generation of parasitic sounds. 1 ) Change of k g gh into kv gv ghy and further into a B (Labialism ) p. 448. 2) Change of k and g into kj gj and further into t 8 ( Dentalism ) p. 478. 3) Change of v into go and further into y pp. 435, 584. 4) Change of j into dj and further into dz ( ) and 724 (686 ) P. 607. 408 BOOK III. 5) Production of a j after other consonants pp. 489, 643. 6) Aspiration of an unaspirated explosive p. 491 . 7 ) Production of auxiliary vowels pp. 568, 710. 8) Production of auxiliary consonants p. 709. The following may be taken as a summary of the leading principles which should guide the etymologist. 1 ) Etymology seeks to arrive at the primary idea of a word , and proceds by a continual abstraction of formal elements which express relation, until it finds the ultimate agglomeration of sounds. 2) These ultimate significant agglomerations of sounds, the formless matter of speech as it were , we call roots. We assign a real existence to roots , assuming that before the developement of the formal element in language roots were the real words of language, and that even in a later stage the root presented itself more or less clearly as the common kernel of many connected words , to the con sciousness of those who used them. 3) Inasmuch as we can distinguish sounds of various kinds, added to these roots, which though by no means firmly attached still do not belong to the formal elements of lang uage, we make a distinction for the family of languages with which we have to deal , between primary roots, i . e. such as have no such added sounds, e. g. ju , and secondary ones expanded by these same elements,, e. g. judh. These amplificatory sounds , which limit the meaning of the root and thus define it more sharply , we call root-determinatives, e. g. the dh in judh. The expansion of primary roots by determinatives falls for the most part into an early period of language. 4) The highest and last task for the etymologist, the tracing of the whole of the words of a language to their roots, can only approximately be fulfilled, and necessitates 725 ( 687 ) FINAL CONSIDERATIONS. 409 various preliminary labours . There is no mistake which entails a heavier penalty upon the etymologist than too great haste in referring a word to its root. 5) One of the most indispensable preliminaries for the discovery of roots is the comparison of the words of a language with those , whose relationship to them can be established by sound and meaning. This process is as it were the marshalling of our troops. 6) In marshalling thus our array we must not limit ourselves in the case of the Indo - Germanic languages to a single language. As it has been proved that these languages possessed before their separation a multitude of words , stamped with definite individuality of sound and meaning , the family history of the several languages extends back to the time when no separation had as yet taken place. In marshalling Greek words then each word must must be classed with those words , both in Greek itself and in the cognate languages, which a careful balancing of probability shows to be related to it. 7) As the result of this comparison we naturally attain to the Indo- Germanic primary form of a word, and in many cases to the root, which is common to the different lang uages, and to which each of them has given a special form . This comparison however possesses a value of its own apart from the attainment of this last result (cp. p. 84) . 8) Relationship is established between words in a lang uage or in kindred languages when their sounds and their meaning can be shown by direct evidence or demonstrable analogies to be equivalent. 9) The sounds of a language stand to those of the related languages in a relation which can be accurately de termined. Greek sounds especially are subject to phonetic laws and tendencies, and attention to these is the first and inviolable rule in all attempts at etymology. 10) It is in many cases more difficult to determine the course of the change of meaning. Still we have found some guiding analogies and certain proclivities of language 410 BOOK III. even here. First of all it is clear that language always started from definite perceptions, not from vague generalities, and that the mental power which forged man's speech comes nearer to the poet's fancy than to the logician's abstractions. For the rest , the science of etymology, is still in the ex perimental stage as regards the transition of meaning. For 726 the present at any rate what we have to rely on mainly (688 ) here, as in the greatly similar case of textual criticism, is a judgment formed by the devoted study of richly developed languages, and in the case of Greek etymology on intimate acquaintance with Greek and its nearest kin Latin. This is a part of linguistic investigation which Classical Philology can least of all afford to hand over to the general or comparative science of language. – The only course open to the special investigator, in respect to such languages as he has not mastered in the same degree, is to rely on the most trustworthy statements of others. The German however has a specially fruitful field open to him in the usages of his own rich language , with which he is personally and directly familiar. 11 ) It is of great importance that , in dealing with the meaning of words , what is actual should be disting uished from what is merely conjectural. That lúxo -s and lupu -s both mean wolf is a fact, which , considering the near relationship of the two languages , proved for us in other ways , is an argument of much weight for the original identity of the two words. As to the primary idea to be attached to the word we have only conjectures. The etymologist must be very careful not to set down an idea , which at most might be the fundamental meaning of the word , for that which actually was its fundamental meaning. 12) A conjectural primary idea or meaning in the example above given “ shining one" - must not be received if it is derived from the one language alone, but only if it suits all the words , whether in that, or in related languages, which a sound method of investigation shows FINAL CONSIDERATIONS. 411 to be connected and in the example given this is not the case. 13) Actual substantial agreement in meaning, that is in the object denoted by the words , warrants us , in case a strict examination shows the sounds to agree , in pronounc ing words of related languages or dialects to be related, in this instance lúxo- s to be related to the Skt. vrka-s, Ch.-Sl. vlúků. Whether or not we arrive at once, or arrive at all , at an etymon as the result of this comparison is a question by which the comparison itself is not affected in the least. 14) For this very reason words of a clear stamp, which denote external objects, in so far as the one point - the actual meaning - is clearly determined , are better adapted to be the foundation for difficult phonetic in vestigation, than roots and words of a more metaphysical character, which on this account are harder to grasp and can be suspected of coming from a different source. 15) In these questions we must meanwhile never lose sight of the fact, that language may have arrived by very 727 different ways at the name for an object, and for this ( 689) reason , in cases where the sounds admit of combination with more than one other family of words , the connexion of two words is very often the result of much consideration, and the choice lies between various rival possibilities. 16) We can here always find in what is evident some help to the decision of what is doubtful. Hence it be comes possible , particularly according to the verdict of Analogy, to get the vocabulary of a language gradually into order, and to put each word side by side with its kin in the related languages. related languages. For the explanation of proper names, whose meaning does not at once strike the reader , we have more than ordinary need of the analogy of definite, unmistakeable and soundly analysed words. 17) All Etymology must start from the recognition of the fact that language was rich and developed in mani fold ways at a very early period. Hence it is as foolish 412 BOOK III . to assume a scanty provision of primitive sounds as to suppose that there were only a limited number of primitive ideas or but a small circle of primitive suffixes. We should therefore do far more wisely in doubtful cases to leave asunder provisionally what possibly has no connexion, than to be in too great a hurry to connect words on account of a slight resemblance. We conclude with the saying of Epicharmus, which every etymologist would do well to lay to heart : ναφε και μέμνασ ’ απιστεϊν , άρθρα ταύτα ταν φρενών. I. Index of Subjects. The figures refer to the marginal numbers not enclosed in brackets. Numbers 1 405 are in Vol. 1 ; numbers 409 — 727 in Vol. II . A, splitting of 53, 88, 413 , 431 f., 438; relative weight of, 432 ff. Aberrations of the linguistic in stinct 567, 677 f . Abstracts from concretes 93 , 101 : personified 120 ; denoted by the feminine 624 , 627 . Accent 53 , 560 , 569, 623; signi ficant 347 ; an original cause of weakening 432; in etymology 508. Accident 579. Addition of sonnd, see Zulaut'. Adjectives 508, 625, 627, 629. Adjunct, phonetic 197 . Adverbs 630 ff.; petrified cases of adjectives 631; adverbs of direc tion 40 ; cp . Suffixes. Affection 5, 23, 437, 687 ff ., 699 , 710. Affinity , elective 643. Affricated sonnds 419 ff. After - sound 56 f. ‘ Age' from rubbing away 113. Age of languages 12 . Agriculture 171. Albanian 208, 253, 441 . Alexandrines 6 , 17 , 115 , 388, 564, 633, 665, 716. Alliteration 46. Allotting 314. Alphabet 671 f. Analogy 6, 10, 36, 94, 110 ff., 569, 634, 643, 646, 650, 664 f ., 679, 682, 689, 691 , false 599, 666, apparent 662 . Anaptyxis 570, 572, 717 . Anomalies 88. Ante -Greek 656, 671 . Anticipation of sound ( Vorklang) 520 , 671. Antiphrasis 6 . Anusvára 56, 125. Aorist 103, 691 : aorists with & 612 . Aphaeresis 34, 37 f., 208 f. , 371, 397, 533 : in Sanskrit common 307. Apocope 385, 552. Appellative 116 f ., 120. Aryans 74. Aristarchus 109, 116, 365, 564, 645, 659. Art of scratching older than that of painting 164. Articulation, strength of, 433 f., 438, 444, 451. 522. ' As' from ' not' 317. Aspirates 85 ff., 415 ff ., 655 ; dis like of two contiguous syllables in Greek beginning with simple aspirates 218 ; Greek aspirates represented in Latin loan -words by tenues 417 ; original hard aspirate not the source of the corresponding soft sound 422 ff.; change of the aspirates into spirants 434 f .: relation of the Greek aspirate to the correspond ing tenuis 437 ff ., 492, 522 ff ., to the medial 514 ff.; labial aspirate 477 ff.; the Greek aspi rate mostly originating in soft do. 492. Aspiration 27 , 179, 223, 266, 352, 491 ff., 657, 690, 693, 694, trans position of, 253 ; of later origin 414 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 673, internal aspiration 414, 506, . 510, 677 ; poetical asp. 486 ; com mon in the proximity of o 386 . Ass 404. Assibilation 442, 478, 586, 600, 606, 653, 656. Assimilation 139, 158, 240, 286, 340, 425, 429, 440, 449, 460 f., 525 f ., 555, 575, 580, 587 , 594, 596, 605, 607, 619, 646 , 652, 654, 656, 662, 670, 685, 688 ; of a rare kind 443 ; Boeotian 316, 486 ; Aeolic 637 ; of an initial to a medial letter 281, 458, of a medial to an initial 311 , 534. Astonishment 41 f . Attain 184. Attic popular dialect 653. Angment 38, 40, 567. Auxiliary consonants 71 ; dental, 308, 511 . Anxiliary (subsidiary) vowels : a 197 , 522 ; 325, 522, 546, 626 ; 0 348, 373, 562 ; v 546 ; a in Sanskrit 325 ; ¿ in Latin 325, in Teutonic 354. Compounds 38 ff ., 385 ; involving cases 505. Conceptions 94 ff., spheres of, 97, affinity of, 121 . Conference 36. Conjectures 121 . Conjugation in Latin 220, 596. Consonants 85 ; order of their frequency 410 ; priority of, 438 , 440 . Consonants, groups of, 46 f., 419, 474, 637, 638, 648, 657 , 662, 663 f ., 679 ff., 692 f . Consonantal system of Greek nearer to that of the primitive language than that of Sanskrit 423; in Latin more primitive than in Greek 432. Construction of verbs 105 . Crowding, stuffing, protecting 114 . Baking among the Graeco - Italians 459. Beasts , and their young 95, 629. Beasts of prey 101. Begetting 60. Blood , flesh 155. Breath , existence 378. Breathing, calling 390 . Breathing, loss of the, 512 ff. cp. Spiritus asper and Spiritus lenis. Burning and breathing 106. ' Dark ' from covering 694. Dative and Locative 669. Degeneration 23. Degradation of Sound 52, 89. Dental Consonants 438 ff . Dentalism 471 , 478 ff., 489, 600, 655. Derivation 105. Desiderative forms 67. Determinatives (root- determina tives) 61 ff., 297, 518, 585, 639, 640, 641 , 648, 665 f ., 724. Diaeresis 509. Dialects 8, 87 , 414, 432, 435, 443, 445, 447 , 456, 457 , 458, 472, 476 , 477 , 486, 488, 504, 526 , 529, 537 , 544, 548, 552, 555, 556, 565, 587, 602, 620, 635, 652, 655 ff., 607 , 669, 675 ff ., 681, 703, 704. Differentiation, tendency to, 618, 637 , 667 . Digamma, see Greek Index. Dilettantism 120. Diminutives 31, 105, 193, 395, 486, 516, 523, 534, 583, 624, 639, 690, 692. Diphthongs 679 f.; passing into short vowels 594, 669, 701 : av , Ev pronounced like af, ef 557 ; EV ( EO) 554 ff.; ov 549 ff .; 01 564 , 633, 642 ; 1 + preceding vowel 592. Dirt from wetting 113. Dissimilation 149, 299, 305, 340, 359, 360, 374, 435, 519, 533 , 572 , Cardinal ideas 95 f . Causatives 529, 639. Chronology of the history of lang uage 39, 41 , 423, 498, 608, 614 , 619, 640, 643, 648, 650, 656, 658, 662, 670, 673, 697, 707 , 718. Class - names 120. Collectives 594. Colour from covering 113. Common characteristics of the Greeks and the Italians, and of the Indians and the Eranians 548. Compensatory lengthening 245, 350, 562, 667, 670 f ., 702 , 719. Composition, fundamental law of Greek 629 . INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 415 in -610 592 f.; of verbs in - VW in Modern Greek 599. 697, 705, to avoid the recurrence of a similar sound in a syllable immediately following 696 f. Direction, adverbs of 40. Divination, etymological 121 , 649. Domestic animals 101 . Dual 92. Dulling of sound 704 ff. E, the letter 54. Elision 286, 590 , 672. Ellipse 7 , 624, 627, 631 . Enantiosemia 6 . Epenthesis 250, 568, 666 ff., 709 ff., 717 ff ., of a 289 : of 1 157 , 159, 171 , 300 , 493, 541 , 632, 641 , 669 ; v 322, 541 ; 6 355 ; in Zend 669; in Gothic 140, 155, 469 ; in Sla vonic 286. Eranic 542 f., 654. Etruscan 264. Etymology : name of 5 ; concep tion of 3 , 109 : of the ancients 5 ff .; of the moderns 8 ff., 83 ; system 94, factors 114, points of view 724 ff. Euphemism 6, 110, 535. European languages 87, 89, 321 , 339, 344, 345, 348, 543, 590. Existence 378. Expansion 234, 386 ( ter) . Explosives: momentary sounds 85 ff .; relation to the fricatives 433 ff.; groups 439 : sporadic changes 448 ff. ; transposition 637 ; preference 656. G b 448. Gall 203. Genera verbi 104. Genitive : in -olo 592; Arcadian 707 : gen . plur. of i- stems in German 592. Gentilia 624 f. Gerund, gerundive : Latin, 199, 633, 648 f.; Sanskrit 630, 631, 633, 650. Gliding sound 543. Glosses 110, 115 f., 268, 612, 647 , 660, 668, 705, 716 . Gloss- writers 659. God 81 . Graeco - Italic 21 , 39, 58, 78, 89 f ., 99, 178, 184 , 188 , 199, 217 , 219, 222 , 262, 264, 282, 290, 295, 315, 321 , 385, 387 f ., 392 ff ., 396 , 400 , 402, 413, 435, 419, 464, 466, 530, 533, 540, 545, 554, 558, 570, 588 f., 597, 612, 627 f ., 671, 681 . Grammar, comparative 100, 121 : Indian 438. Grammatical gender 111 . Grammatical tradition 115 . Great, from grown 538. Groaning , see Pressing. Growing and nourishing 359. Guna 52. Gutturals changing into palatals in Sanskrit, into labials in Greek 26, 439 f .; their tendency to unite with j 478 ; 9 to gv , v 474 , 644 . Gypsies , language of the 425, ( 544) . F, a hard spirant 422 : Keltic from Indo -Germ . v 422. Fastening, grasping, fitting 268. Feeling 97 . Finger ( fangen ) 114, 133. Fitting 342. Flickering 304. Flowing 93. Folding, plaiting 165. Foreign words, see Loan -words. Free 488. Fricative sounds 85, 441, 443. Fulness 82, 112. Fundamental meaning 32, 106 f ., 109. idea, 58, 94 ; form 31 , 109; substance 37, 45 ; conception 102 ff. Futures : in § 599, 612 ; Doric H hardly a consonant 415 ; its pronunciation 425. Half - vowels see Spirants. 'Halmwurf' 214. Hard 144. Hardening of sourd 396, 664, 675. Healing art 392. Hearing 97 . Heroes, their names 117 f. Heteroclisy 626. Hexameter 629 . Hiatus 356, in Homer 137 , 241 , 568, 591 . Hindustani 425. 416 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Holsatians 238. Homeric language and poems : 109 f. , 115 f. , 548, 564, 567, 600, 612, 630, 634 f., 659, 672, 674, 682, 705. Homonymia 50, 117, 475, 580. Hyperboreans 474, Hyper- Doric 357. Hyperthesis 7 . J retained 589 ff.; its influence 664 : changing into the spiritus asper 398, 442, 675 ; into di 615 ff., into de 618 ; j occurring in 21 , ee, vv 652, 00 ( TT) 478, 652 ff ., χθ 662, πτ 663 f ., μν 666 ; 3 developed from i 616, 622, 632, 639; j as iota transposed into the preceding syllable 667 ff. Identity, partial and complete 73. Idyll, Indo-Germanic 230. Inchoatives 64, 104 , 665. Indian languages 103. Indian literature etc. 26. Indo -Eranic 480. Indo -Germanic primitive lang uage : its stock of sounds 83 #f., 123 ; 20, 22, 32 f ., 43 f ., • 47, 76, 79, 81 , 91, 95 f., 101 f., 197 , 295, 303, 316, 320, 322, 334, 351, 356, 369, 385, 393 f. , 396 , 411–414, 424-426, 434, 439, 445, 447, 450, 452 , 455, 462 f., 473 f., 479 f. , 485, 507, 536 f., 543—546, 549, 559, 576, 589, 603, 611 , 617, 621 , 638, 651 , 662, 664, 667, 675, 698, 704, 725. Infinitive of the middle oice 66 ; with to 649. Initial letter of roots 59 : initial vowel preserved in Greek 244. Inscriptions, from Corcyra 573, 678, Tegea 558, Teos 560, 608, Thasos 642, Thera 678 , Dreros 605. Insertion of a p ( ?) 447; (appa rent) of a t 489 ; of a $ 490 , of a $ 640 : of vowels, see Epen thesis. Instrumental 285, 323, 620, 630 . Intensives 646. Interaspiration 506 . Intermediate conception 231 , 366, sound 653. Interrogative and indefinite 460. Iron known to the Indo - Germans 246. Irrational vowels, see Vowels. Itacism 414, 719. Italian 22, 88 ff., 250, 252, 254, 294, 421 , ( preference for the hard explosive) 431 f ., 445, (s = r) 460, 503, 548, 589, 601 , 649, 701 , 702, 704, 717. Italization 356. K, an original , becoming p 448, P, qu, hv 452 ff.; the most dif ficult of all consonants to pro nounce 451 . Keltic 21 , 29, 90, 415, 425, 571 . Kinship, names of 173, 308, 316, 320, 536, 618, 627, 629. Knowing and parting 99, 109. Labials, interchange of 583, passing into gutturals ( ? ) 658. Labialism 99, 118, 448, 473, 476, 479, 694 : double 458. Labial zetacism ( ?) 658. Language , form and substance of 102 . Language, instinct of 98, 100, 670 , 688 ; weakening of this in stinct 54, 58. Language, history of, see Chro nology : life of 41, 47, 100, 625, 643. Language , organization of 62, philosophy of 93, material of 37. Language, science of 41, 436 : see Philology. Languages, kinship of 21 : sepa ration of 42 , 78, 86 , 421, 427 , 514 , 543, 617, 650, 697. Laziness of language 412, 439. Lengthening 589. License 590 , 682. Linguals of Sanskrit 26. Liquids 85 f., 441 f., their spo radic interchange 537 ff.; their influence on vocalization 704 : their relation to n 443. Living languages, advantage of 32. Loan- words 277 , 301 , 315, 343, 361 , 377, 430, 443, 462, 526, 530 , 566, 575, 668. Locative 613 : see Dative. Loss of a consonant 33, 366, 401 , 684. Lying and whispering 518 . > 417 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Nunnation 55. Numerals 79, 526 . Numeration, system of, 92. Onomatologia 117. Onomatopoetic 289. Opening 115. Organ, change of, 167, 654, 693. Over and under 291 . M as a rule older than n 441 : m changed to v in Keltic 577. Macedonian 194, 250, 264, 308, 346, 655. Meal from division 113. Meaning 91 ff., developement of, 25, 281 , 650 ; doctrine of, 92, 104, 509 ; change of, 112, 725. Medial for aspirate or tenuis, see Aspiration . Medials 85, 436 . Messapian 441. Metals 197 . Metaphor 111, 611 . Metathesis 7 , 68, 112, 131 , 143, 160, 167, 175, 176, 196, 198, 228, 238, 266, 285, 286, 311 , 316, 331 , 345, 348, 354, 356, 364, 386, 451, 457, 535, 538, 574, 575, 607, 634, 637, 646, 669, 690, 694 f., 703. Metre 111, 645, 682 ; its influence in Epic poetry 629. Misunderstanding 712. Mixed verbs 103. Modern Greek 104, 110, 394, 405, 418, 486, 527, 547, 587, 591 , 597, 629, 657, 661, 663 f., 670 f. Moon as the measurer of time 334. Mother -tongue 32 . Motion 192 . Multiplicatives 633. Mutes, gradations of the 119. Mutilation 487 . Mythological etymology 117 ff., 639. P changed to v in Romance lang uages 434 ; not a favourite letter in Keltic 439 ; changed to k in Irish 440. Palatals of Sanskrit 26, 27, 450, 478, 537 ; in modern Indian and Romance languages 478 . Palatal sibilant 28. Palatalism 452 , 480, 656. Pali 423 . Paraschematism 597. Parasitic sounds 412 , 428 , 443, 447 , 451 ff., 472, 485, 609 ff ., 618, 643, 710, 711 , 722. Participial theory 17 f ., 627. Participium necessitatis in Sans krit 633 . Passive , Italian 294, 656. Patronymics 616, 618, 623 ff. Perception 97. Perfect 40 , 64, 379, 496, 501 , 520, 528, 634, 697. Perfect, present 610. Persian 22, 425, 435, 543. Persons, names of 116, 625. Pessimism 110. Petersburg Dictionary 31 , 41 . Philology and the science of language 100 . Phonetic changes 585 ; see Sounds. Phonetic system of a language, its mutual connexion 425. Physiognomy of languages 94. Physiology of the sounds of lang uage 85 , 413, 427 ff. , 436. Physiological value of sounds 93. Places, names of 117 , 657 .

• Playing 97 .

Pleonasm 7 , 567, 577 . Pluperfect 634. Pneumatology 672. Polyonymy 100. Popular etymology 132, 317, 340, 430, 679. Position 632, 645. Post-Homeric time 567 . 27 N changed to 1, r 443 f . Nephelkystikon 55. Naïveté 42 . Nasals 55 ff., 85 ff .; guttural 441 , their sporadic changes 532 ff.; their influence on vocalism 704 f. Nasalization 37 , 55 ff. , 218 , 226, 242, 500, 527, 584, 587, 690 . Natural law 428. Neighbourhood, from striking 114 . Neighbouring sounds 412, 492. Nomen 41 ; derivation 105 : N. agentis 596, 623, 630, 636 : N. actionis 636 ; N. qualitatis 636 . Nominum impositor 12 , 17. Northern languages 89 f., 545. Noun- formation 71 . Noun - stem 49, 69, 71 . Noun - suffix 78. Curtius , Etymology. II. 9 418 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Prakrit 432, 653. Prefixes 34 ff .; copulative 173, 208, 636. Prefix -theory 35, 42. Prefixed vowels, see Prothesis ; consonants 710 ff. Prefixes incorporated 43. Prepositions 37 ff , 80, 104, 439 , 676, 716. Present, expansion of the 64, 181 , 563 , 651 . Present- stem 57 , 98, 102 f ., 336, 378, 595, 597 , 599, 603 f., 611 f ., 625, 629, 634 f., 648, 651 , 663 ff., 691. Pressing , groaning 213. Preterite 40. Primitive codex 21 . Primitive forms, 96 ; syllables 11 ; vowels 61 ; words 48. Primitive Greek 589, 652 ; Italian 434. Primitives 75 . Privative meaning of derived verbs 296. Pronominal stems 71 , 79, 532, 620; possessive 570, 617. Proper names 116 f., 707, 727. Protecting, see Crowding. Prothesis 565 ff ., 709 ff.; common in Greek 206 , 362 , not in Latin 322; of a 136 , 165 , 206, 212, 229 , 247, 249, 266 , 296 , 307, 323 , 324, 325, 327, 347, 356, 360, 382, 386, 482, of ε 181 , 191, 252 , 311 , 326 , 355, 473, of o 194, 244, 296 , 321, 373 , 521; prothesis in Sans krit 184 , in Slav. 296 , in Irish 352. Psilosis 513. Psychology 94. Rhotacism 294,. 402 . Rigveda 26, 108. Romance languages 33, 434, 437, 440 ff., 568, 600, 608, 657 (bis), 658, 673, 677, 686, 711. Roots 37 , 45 ff., 96 f., 451 : num ber and nature of, 50 f ., 97 ; secondary 45, 297 ; defective, 103 ; affection of, 58 ; pairs of, 42 ; expansion of, 23, 666; generations of, 71 ; formation of, 72, triplets of, 42 ; variation of 45, 58 ff.; idea of, 102 . Roots in Greek 50 f ., 724 : with two aspirates 52 ; primary and secondary 52, 61 : false 107 . Roots, lists of roots drawn up by the Indians 26, 30, 107 . Root- words 628. Rough' Greek 17. Rusticity 672. S 415 : s prefixed ( ?) 59, 98 ; s attached to particles 80, 263, 291, 310, 387 : relation of s to 1444 f . Sâmavêda 108. Sanskrit, importance of S. for the science of language 26 ff.; position in relation to the kind red languages 22, 32 ff.; Epic 40, Vedic 26, 31, 40, 427 , 549. Saying, showing 100, 114. Scandinavian 548. Scythians 417 . Secondary languages 423. Seeing, spying 95 ff., 112. Semasiology see Meaning. Semitic 404, 430, 443. Showing, see Saying. Sighing 112 Slave, slavery 489. Slavo - Lithuanian languages 90, 226, 228, 447, 600, 621 , 683, 711 . Slowness and weakness 113 . Softening 33, 522 ff., x to y 522 ff ., 660 ; 1 to 8 524 f ., 616 ; a to B 218, 526 ff.; bh to F 530 f .; r to 1 289. Sound 103, Sound -monads 72. Sounds, affections of 88, similar ity of 121 , stock of 85 ff ., changes of 411 ff ., 557, 666 ; normal and abnormal 723 f . Sounds, history of 603, 655 f., Quantity, transposition of 253, 349 ; variation of 632. Quiver from carrying 114 . Recognize 114. Recta ratio 11 . Reduplication 40, 103 , 175, 532, 540, 563, 610 (bis); with a diph thong 231 , 669 ; even before spir. lenis 390 ; not common in sub stantives 560 ; broken 299, 301, 361, 470 ; suggested 523 [ cp. Studien VIII 449 ff.l. Rhinismus see Nasalization , 419 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 658 ; laws of 84 ; tendencies of 656 ; splitting of 87 ff ., 412 ; transitions of 87 f ., to be re garded as weakening 412, 429, 659, repeated 112 ; loss of 87 , 112. Sounds, shifting of 17, 27, 84, 86425fff., 354, 368, 383, 418, 423, ., 440, 466, 491; irregular 152, 265 ; neglected 167, 523. Sounds, regular representation of 87, 410, sporadic 87, 428. Spirants 85, 117, 684 ; changed into aspirates 414 ; disinclination to these in Greek 414, 547 ; in the form of 1 , v 427, of ε, o 428 ; their historical position 442 ; their sporadic change 547 ff. Spiritus asper 24 f., 671 ff., cp. J and Digamma; signsrepresenting 8. a. 398 ; arising from Indo - G . j, s, v 442, 671 ; from o 25, 356, 376, 394, 414 f.; from of 136 ; for the spir. lenis 25, 118, 381 , 455, 676 ff.; sp. asper never = Ital. h 118. Spiritus lenis 46, 87 ; arising from 66, 137, 382, 458 ; from of 674 ; from F 675 ; instead of spir. asper 350, 636, 673 ff. Spout, sprout 251 , 302, 512 , 574. Standing 93 ; and strength 494 . Stem 24, 47: the strengthened for the unstrengthened 596. Stem- words 92. Stoics as etymologists 6. Stomphasmus 55. Stone, thunderbolt etc. 131 . Stuffing, see crowding. Suffixes : 72 ff .; their false identi fication 73 ff.; meaning 75 ; va riety 76 : amplifying 287 , 321, 335, 388, 394, 397 , 628; dimi nutive 668, 687, 706 ; hypocoristic 282, 360, 367,472, 523, 623, 667 ; individualizing 289, 301 , 538, 629 . Greek : αβο 459. ad 612 ff ., 625 . ακ 523. ακις 334. αλιμο 143. αλο 668 , 708. avo 650. αρτ 239, 454. ασο 708. ατ, οτ 179, 405, 538. βα, βο 140, 226, 572, 613 . Greek : da 618, 627, 630. dɛ 614, 633. δεο 618. δευ 618, 629. δην 630. διην 630 f . dlo 388, 615, 631 . δις 630. dov (nomin . suff.) 636. dov (adverb) 630, 648. εα, εο ( εια, ειο) 594. ει 633. ελα 276. ελο, ηλo 644. ες 73, 574, 645. Ev 596, 624, 629. Fo 495, 554, 572. ŠE 614. 65 f . Al 516. sho, ipo 493, 512 cp . 100. 1622. la ( masc. ) 628. la (fem. ) 10 317, 427, 484, 576, 592, 605, 628, 703 . lá ( collect.) 216, 594. ιγ , εγγ 254. id 174, 613 , 622, 625, 692. ιδεο 629. 19 174. to 668. qua , luo 668. ινδα, ινδην 633, 650. Lvo 143, 193, 668. 10 ( dimin .) 534. ιστο 330. ιχνα, ιχνιο, υχνιο 493. 'X0 486, 690, 692 , 709. Lov 159. % 79, 311 , 351 , 360, 386, • 524, 623, 639, 661 , 667 . καλο 385. no 301 , 524 , 692. μενο μνο 331 , 433 , 468. Nepo 381 , 582. uo 513. νια 637. vo 172, 349, 578, 636 . 046, 613. OV 176 . ovt 627, 649. οτ See ατ. pi 529. 610 616. 60 210. gos 338, 359. 27 * 420 INDEX OF SUBJECTS. Greek:: συνο, συνα 636. ovpo 538. T 321 , 397. την 626. TL ( 61 ) 46, 622, 626. tl (adverb ) 613, 631 . tjo 285, 291 . το 320, 613 . τρι 574. Tpo 492, 493, 610, 699, cp. slo, Opo. v 284. vya, uyy 524. vo 552. υχνιο see ιχνα. golv 40, 530, 676. . po 362. Sanskrit: ûka 524 . êja 594, 616, 628. kara 385. tana 388. tama 437. tavja 650. tâti 626. ti 622. tja 285, 291 , 616, 630. trí 623. tva 630. tvana 636. bha 362. mara 381 . mâna 433. ja 592, 618, 650. jâ 594, 637 . ju 597. va 140, 552. vat 483. vara 211, 495. vi 496. Zend : i 627. énya 649. tya 650. Lithuanian : je 615. ju 596. Church - Slavonic : či 203 . OV 597. tỲ 203. Suffixes, accumulation of 389. Synizesis 593. Syncope 7, 13, 279, 569. Synonymes 83 ; differences of, 97 . Syntax and Etymology 105. ων 388, 628. ωνο 394 . Latin : bundo, cundo 650. c 351 , 377, 623. ca 339. culo 385, 395. do 650. don 637, 648 f. ējo 616, 628. endo, undo 648. ent 649. eo 650. es 73 . ino 650 . io 427 , 576, 650. môn, ôn 637 . ior 427, 592. issimo 339. mino, mno 433. S 173. tat 626. ti 320. tino 388. tión 78. tumo 437. ulo 240. uo vo 211 , 356, 552, 572. vi 362. Sanskrit : an 75 . anēja 650. ant 649. anja 649. apa 450. ara 227 . as 73 , 77 . î 622 f . îja 618, 629. îjans 592, 649. îva 536 . Tearing, piercing, scratching 535. Tenderness 113. Tenses, formation of 64. Tenuis 85, aspirated 148, stronger than , the medial 420, 436 f.; changed to a medial 524 : aspi rated t . arising from the medial in Sanskrit 424. Termination 24 ; hypocoristic 360 ; paragogic 601 . Theme 49, 86, 444. Theocritus, Aeolic poem of 580 . Thinning of sound 176 , 386, 702. Time before the separation of languages 60. Tmesis 142. Time, nature and grade of, 102. Topic 120. Tralignamento 87. Transposition, hypothesis of 507. INDEX OF SUBJECTS . 421 Trees, names of 594. Trembling 180. Typus syngenicus 618, Ionicus 628. see Zulaut; shortening of, 626 : splitting of , 53, 88 ff ., 343, 614. Vulgar language 526, 672, 673. U, the letter 413 , 556 : for a 704 ff .; see denoted by o 556 ff. Ulphilas 417. Umbrian 387, 421 . ' Umlaut' 274, 311, 641 , 669 f.; cp. Epenthesis. V, pronunciation of 549 : v passing Weakening of sound 30 ; Sound, changes of. Weakness and slowness 113. Wearing out, 327. Weaving 211 , 276. Weathering away 23, 25, 56, 411 ff., into go, g 644. Vedic language, see Sanskrit. Verb, advantage for etymology 102 ; meaning and construction 102 ff.; primitive 40 f., 46, 102 , 661 ; derivative 612, 661 . Verbal compounds 40. Verbal forms, 2 and 3 sing. pres. in ELS, EL 669 ; with inserted vowels 719 ; cp. Aorist, Perfect . Verbal roots 41 . Via regia 11 . Visarga 28. Vocalization 136, 615. Vocalism 48, 432, 714 . *Vorklang' 520, 671 . Vowels 85, 430, 710 : irrational 525, 557 ; change of, 54 ; sporadic change of, 700 ff ., expansion of, 428, 435, 664, 680, 722. Wetting 113. Whirring 519. Winding, rolling, and grinding 361 . Window and eye 115. Words, stock of, 94 ;. formation of, 71 , 616 ; secondary formation of, 662 ; explanation of 19 : form of, 47 ; lists of 672 ; comparison of, 84 . Young of animals, their 629. names Zetacism 92, 318, 429, 440, 450, 452, 479, 653. " Zulaut' 37, 46, 52, 53, 54, 150, 216, 241 , 290, 304, 338, 371 , 500, 534, 601, 640, 641, 646 ; unknown in the weak aorist 559. II. Greek Index. ( Modern Greek in brackets.) The large figures denote the main reference for a word. αγη 172. αγής 169. alm , an 520. αγανός 172, 573 , 716. αγορανόμος 314 . α- ( negat. ) 307 , 432 , αγαυρός 172 . αγος 169, 170, 433 . 553, 676. αγγέλλω 612 . α- (copul.) 346, 394, αγε 301 . αγός 169. 395, 673 . αγος 170, 679. αγεα 675. α- 346, 594, 673 . αγουρον 598. αγείρω 180, 705 . ααγής 530. άγρα 169, 170. αγή 530. ααζω 390. αγράθεν 65. αάταισιν 586. άγρει 170. αγήνωρ 170, 307. Αβαιον 576. αγρεμών 170. αβέλιος 401 , 402, 504, 'Aγήσανδρος 677. αγρεύω 170. 679, 715 . αγρέω 170. Αγησίλαος 677 . (αβέρας) 390. άγριος 171. 'Αγησίπολις 677. αβηδών 247 . αγρός 170, 171. ' Αγησιχόρα 677. αβήρ 390. αγρωστής 613. αγήτωρ 677. αβλαβής 526. αγυιά 169. αγίζω 170 . αβληρον 554. αγινέω 169. αγυρις 705. αβληχρός 325, 327, 492. άγιος 169. αγύρτης 705. αβλόπες 526. αγχέμαχος 702 . [ 715. άγιος 170, 604 , 617, αγχι 190, 510, 516, 702 . άβολος 461 . 668 , 679 . (άβουτάνα 405. ) αγχόνη 190. αγκάλη 130 . αβρός 527, 529 . άγχου 190. αγκαλίς 606. αβροτάζω 679. αγχω 190. αγκάς 130. αβρούτες 296. αγω 71 , 89, 169, 170, αγκοίνη 130 . άβυσσος 466. 676, 677. αγκος 130 , 388. αβώ 402 . αγών 169, 170. αγκύλη 130. αβώρ 401 . αγωνίδαται 634, 636. αγκύλος 130, 606, 668. αγωρέω 705. αγαίομαι 172 . αγκύρα 606 . αγάλλω 172 . αδαγμός 716. αγκών 130 , 388 . άδαής 229. άγαμαι 172 . αγλευκής 360. 'Αγαμέμνων 312. άδαξέω 716. αγμός 531 , 560. αδδεές 645. αγαν 170, 603 . αγνισμα 170. αγάννιφος 318. άδδην 632, 673. αγνοέω 178. αγανός 172 . αδελφειός 395, 471,563. άγνοια 178, 564. αγαπάζω 612. αδελφίδεος 618. αγαπάω 109 , 612. αγνός 170, 524. αδελφός 144, 471 . άγνυμι 60, 530, 553, 662. αδευκής 484 . αγαρρίς 705 . αγορά 705 . αδευτόν 556. αγάτημαι 586. αγοραίος 625. αδή 250. GREEK INDEX . 423 αδηκότες 632 . αθάριοι 250. αινίζω 635 . άδην 631, 673. άθειρής 257. αξ 171, 667 . αθήρ 250. άθειρές 257 . Αίολης 624. αδίας 250 . αθερίζω 257. Αιολίς 624, 625 . άδις 250 . Αθήναζε 614. αιπόλος 463 . άδμης 231 . 'Αθήνη 250. αιρέω 170, 547, 670. αδνόν 524, 695. αθήρ 250. αίρω 343. άδορος 716. αλητήρ 249. αισα 382, 565, 706 . αδραιά 250. αθρύος 394 , 673. αισθάνομαι 97 , 389. άδραστος 237. αι 396. αίσθομαι 389. άεθλεύω 249. άι 388. αίσθω 66, 389, 390. αέθλιον 249. αία 176, 350, 474. αίσιμος 382. άεθλον 249 , 565 . αλλαγμα 566. αϊσόμενος 382. άεθλος 249. Αιακιδεύς 630. αίσονες 382, 565 . αεθλοφόρος 249. Αιακίδης 630 . άίσσω 171 , 668. αεί 388, 616. Αϊακος 639. αισυμνήτης 706. αείδω 247, 248, 324. αίγαγρος 171 . Αισυμνος 706 . αείρω 249 , 343, 356, αιγειρος 180 . αίσχος 158, 212. 565, 714 . αιγες 180 . αισχρός 158, 369. αεκάζομαι 613. αιγιαλός 180. αίτας 38 ) , 390 . αέκητι 135. αιγίβοτος 171 . Αϊτην 250. αέκων 135. αιγικoρείς 463. αίτυρον 565. αέλιοι 173 . αιγίοχος 623 . αιφνιδίς 633 . αέλιος 679 . αιγίς ( goat -skin) 171 . αιφνίδιος 668. άελλα 390 . αιγίς (storin - wind) 180. αιχμή 143, 493 , 668. αελλής 540. αίγλη 143, 667. αίω 33, 38 ) . αέναος 319. αιγών 171. αίω 388. αέξω 67, 386 , 565. αίδελος 644, 646. αιών 388. άεργός 180. αίδηλος 644. αιωρα 356. αέρδην 632. 'Αίδης 241 . άκαινα 130 . άερσα 249, 347, 382, αίδιος 388, 396 , 616. ακανος 130. 565 , 566. αιδνός 636. ακασκα 668. αεσα 391 . αιέν 388. ακασκαλος 668. άετε 389 . αιές 388, 507. ακαχείατο 635. αετής 208, 552. αιετός 394. ακαχμένος 130 , 493. αετιδεύς 618, 629. αίFεί 388. ακέομαι 668. άετμα 65, 39 1 . αίζηλος 644, 645. ακερσεκόμης 148. αετμόν 65, 391 . αίζηοί 576, 615. ακέων 513, 668. (αετόπουλος 629.) αιθήρ 249. ακήν 17 . ά.Fήταν 556. Αιθίοψ 250 . ακήριος 147. απέρυσαν 555. αιθος 249. άκηχέδαται 634 , 635 . ασίαχοι 555 . αιθος 249 . άκηχεδόνες 635 . αυδος 247. αίθου 187 , 188, 250. ακινάγματα 482 , 715. αίτου 556. αιθρα 249 . ακίναγμος 482 . άζομαι 170 , 604 . αιθω 249 . ακίς 668. αηδών 77 , 247 . αιθων 77 , 187 , 188, 198 , ακμή 131 . αηθέστω 652 . 249. άκμονίδαι 131 . αημι 65 , 248, 349 ) . αίκαλλω 668. "Ακμονος 131. αίκαλος 668. "Ακμων 131 . αίσυρος 538. αίκλοι 668 . άκμων 131. αητης 390. αϊλλον 668. ακοή 555. άηχος 563. αίκνον 668. άκολος 668. 'Αθαμαντίς 624 . άικτος 137 . ακόλουθος 146, 240. Αθανα 605 . αίμα 400 . ακόνη 130 . άθαπτος 502. Αινειάδης 629 . άκουα 555. αθάρη 250. αίνέω 635. άκουάζομαι 497 . y > αήρ 390. 424 GREEK INDEX. ακουή 555. αλέφεσσι 266. άλπνιστος 264. ακούσιος 676. αλέω 360, 578. αλς 132, 375, 538. ακουστός 151 . άλη 546 . αλσις 537. ακούω 97, 151 , 555, αλής 540. άλσος 11 , 338, 358, 359. 715. αλθαίνω 250. αλτήρ 537. άκρις 130, 531. αλθήεις 250. αλτικός 537. ακροάομαι 151 , 547 , 713. αλθήσκω 250. "Αλτις 358, 359. ακροβάομαι 573 . άλθομαι 250. άλυσις 540. άκρος 130, 531 . αλία 540. αλφάνω 293. ακτή 531. αλιάδης 628. 'Αλφειός 293. άκτός 429. αλίβαρ 131 . αλφεσίβοιαι 293. άκτωρ 169. αλιεύς 538. άλφημα 293. άκυλος 187 . αλίζω 538, 540. αλφησταί 115 , 293. ακχαλίβαρ 131 . αλιήρης 344. άλφι 293 . άκχός 131 , 583. Αλικαρνασσός 147. άλφιτον 293. ακωκή 130. αλικίνος 719. αλφός 293, 294, 719. άκων 130, 143, 495. αλινδέω 361 . αλωή 360 , 565. αλαλάζω 374. αλίνω 714. αλωπα 360. αλαλκειν 67, 132. αλιος 538. αλωπεκιδεύς 629. ' Αλαλκομενεύς 624. αλιπόρφυρος 538. αλώπηξ 360, 714 . 'Αλαλκομενηίς 624. αλις 540. αλωπός 360. άλαξ 377 . αλίσβη 575 . αλως 360, 565. αλάομαι 546, 579. αλίσκομαι 540. άλωφός 294, 719. αλαπαδνός 636, 640. αλιταίνω 484, 575, 665 , άμα 312, 322, 323 , 386, αλαπάζω 599, 612, 636. 679. 395, 533, 679. αλάστωρ 547. άλκη 131 . άμαθος 686. άλγηδών 637. αλκή 67, 132. αμακις 395. αλδαίνω 359, 518. άλκιμος 668. αμαλδύνω 229, 327, 714. 'Αλδήμιος 518. " Αλκιππος 455. αμάλη 323 . αλδήσκω 359, 518. αλκυών 132 . άμαλλα 323. αλέα 541. 673 . αλλά 359. αμαλός 326, 327 , 715 , αλεγεινός 719. αλλάσσω 359, 662 . αμαξα 386. αλεγίζω 366. αλλήλους 359, 696. αμαρτάνω 484, 665, 679. αλεγύνω 366 . άλλοιoς 359. αμαρτάς 627. αλέγω 366, 719. άλλομαι 506 , 537, 538, αμαρτη 342. αλεείνω 546 . 596, 607, 651 , 652. αμαρύσσω 715. αλέη 546. άλλος 89 , 310, 311 , 359, αματις 395 . άλειαρ 360. 443, 652 . αμαυρός 553, 554. αλείτης 376, 547, 575. αλλότερρος 359 . αμαυρόα 634. άλειφα 266. αλλότριος 359. αμαχεί 633, 702. άλειφαρ 266 , 500. άλλυ 707. αμαχητί 135 . αλείφω 223, 266, 360, άλλυδις 233 , 510, 633, αμάω 323, 715. 500, 569, 714. 705. άμβη 295. αλέντες 114. άλμα 537. άμβιξ 295. 'Αλέξανδρος 278. άλμη 538. αμβλακεϊν 456. αλεξητήρ 386. αλμυρός 538. αμβλύς 715. αλέξω 67, 132, 137 , 386, άλξ 377. 'Αμβρακία 527 . 522. αλοάω 360, 361 , 562. αμβρόσιος 333. αλες 538. άλοία 562. άμβροτος 333. άλετος 360. αλοιφή 500. άμβων 295 . αλετρίβανος 360. άλοξ 136, 553 , 563 , 566. αμείβομαι 323 . 'Αλευάδαι 360. Αλοσύδνη 638 . αμείβω 3233, 324, 575, αλεύασθαι 546. άλοχος 173 , 193, 395 , 576, 715. άλευρον 360, 361 , 562, 674 . αμείλικτυς 331 . 578 , 579. άλπαλαιον 265 . αμείλιχος 331 . αλεφάτισον 266. αλπαλέον 265. αμείνων 329. GREEK INDEX. 425 αμμος 686. αμείρω 634. αμφήρης 344. άνθεμον 250. αμέλγω 172, 183, 545, αμφί 39, 294 , 301 , 588 , ανθερεών 250. 715 . 603. άνθέριξ 250 . άμελξις 183 . αμφιγνοέω 178. άνθέω 250. άμενηνός 379. αμφιδέξιος 234. άνθη 250. αμέργω 183 , 545, 711 , αμφιέπω 453. 'Ανθηδών 250. 715. αμφικτίονες 156. 'Ανθήλη 250. αμέρθω 634. αμφικύπελλον 158 . 'Ανθήνη 250. αμές 678. αμφιλαφής 520. ανθηρός 250. αμέσω 341 . αμφιλύκη 160. άνθιμος 232 . άμεύω 323 , 324 , 569 , 'Αμφίμαρος 333 . άνθος 250. 575, 715. αμφίπολος 222, 436. ανθοσμίας 628 . άμη 323. αμφιρρεπής 352 . ανθρακιά 216, 594. άμητος 323. αμψίς 39, 233 , 294, 603. άνθραξ 493 , 511. αμητός 323. αμφισβητέω 610. ανθρωπινός 509 . αμήχανος 335, 644 . αμφότεροι 294. άνθρωπος 14, 307, 308 , αμίξαι 715. άμφω 294 ( bis) 511 . αμισθί 633 . αμώς 395. ανία 536. αμμα 11 , 501 . αν- 307, 317, 431. ανιάζω 536. αμμες 677, 678. άνα- 307. ανιαρός 536. ανά 35, 307, 319, 552, ανιάω 536 . αμνός 578 . 569, 716 . ανιδρωτί 613. αμόθεν 393, 673 . ανάγνωστος 307 . άνις 307 . αμοιβή 324. αναγράφω 676 . "Ανις 561 . αμοιβηδίς 633 . ανάεδνος 307 , 566. ανορoύω 348. αμολγαίος 183 . αναελπτος 307, 566 . άντα 205, 263. αμολγεύς 183 . ανάζω 66 1 . ανται 306 . αμολγώ 183, 516. αναισιμόω 382 . ανταμείβομαι 324. αμόργη 183 . ανακωχή 476. αντάξιος 170 . αμόργινος 183 . αναλέγομαι 366. αντάω 205 . αμοργής 183 . αναλτος 358, 359. άντην 205, 631 . αμοργμα 183. ανάλωμα 676. αντί 89, 205, 263. αμοργός 183 . αναμύω 338. αντιάω 200, 612. αμός, αμός 673. ανανέμομαι 314. αντιβίην 631 . αμπελος 358, 361 . άναξ 548. αντίβιος 469 . αμπέσαι 588. αναπολεύω 464. αντικρύς 205. αμπέχω 588 . 'Ανασικλέης 685. αντίoς 205 . αμπλακείν 456. άνασσω 661 . άντιόω 612 . άμυδις 323 , 386, 510, αναφανδόν 632. Αντίπατρος 601 . 537, 633 . αναφλύω 302. αντίρροπος 352. αμυκαλαί 536. ανδάνω 36, 104 , 228, αντλέω 220. άμυμος 338. 674. άντομαι 205 . αμύμων 338, 705. ανδράχλη 493. άντορος 679. άμυνα 324, ανδρεία 307, 593 . άνυδρος 248 . 'Αμυνίας 324. άνδρείος 307 . άνύτω 664. ' Αμύντας 324. άνδρειφόντης 300. • ανύω 664. αμύντωρ 324. άνεμος 76, 89, 106, 278, άνω 307 . αμύνω 324 , 325 , 706, 306, 720. ανώνυμος 321 , 705 . 715. άνευ 307. Αξιοπείθης 676. άμυξις 536. ανεψιαδούς 618. άξιος 170 , 630. αμύσσω 535, 715 . ανεψιός 267 . αξός 560. αμυχή 536. άνεως 390. "Αξος 531 , 560. αμφαδα 632. ανήνoθε 250, 251 , 720. άξων 131 , 386. αμφαδίην 631 . ανηφορίη 593. άοδμος 698. αμφάδιος 617, 641 . ανήρ 307, 447 , 511 , 562 , άοζος 240. αμφής 580. 676, 710, 715. αοιδή 247. 426 GREEK INDEX . 342, αρα 343. αοιδός 247 . αποδράναι 237. άργυφος 174 , 516. άοικος 162 . αποδρύφω 665. άρδα 113, 228. άοκνος 698. αποέρσειε 348. άρδαλος 113. άολλής 540. απόθεστος 509. άρδαλόο 113. άοπτος 350. αποθνήσκω 535. άρδεύω 228. αορ 356 . αποικία 613. άρδην 632. αόρατος 349. αποικίζω 613. άρδμός 228. äopes ( conjuges) 356. αποινα 281 , 282 . άρδω 113, 228. αορμος 350. αποκρίνομαι 155. Αρέθουσα 66. αορνος 350, 698 . αποκτιννύω 156. αρείων 74 , 337, αορτήρ 356. απολαύω 365. 343 . αος 390 . απολουσέμεναι 371 . αρενοβοσκός 718. άοσμος 228. απομύσσω 161 . Αρεπυιαι 718. αοσσητήρ 454. , απονέμομαι 314. αρές 342 . απάλαμνος 666 . αποξίννυται 696. αρέσθαι 149 , 343. απάλλεις 540. αποσπάδιος 617. αρέσκω 74 , 342. απαλός 458 , 527. αποτίνω 481 . αρετάω 342, 718 . απαμείβομαι 324. απούρας 348. αρετή 74, 342, 718. απαξ 258, 395 , 533 . αποφλύω 302 . αρήγω 132 , 437 , 522, απαρχή 180. απριάτην 631 . 719 . απάρχομαι 189 . απτω 501, 665, 677. αρηνοβοσκός 522. απας 394 , 673 . από 707. άρηρα 341 . απαστος 270. απύρωτος 498 . αρηρώς 74, 341 , 483. απάτη 501 . άρ 80 , 343. "Αρης 342 . απαυράω 348. άρα 80, 343, 675, 676. άρθμός 342 . απαφίσκω 501 . άρθρον 341 . άπεδος 395. αρά 346. αρι- 73, 74, 342, 603, απείλλα 540. αραβος 459. 645. απειρέσιος 273 , 628, αραβύλας 718. "Αρια 504 . 635 . άρακος 346, 638 . 'Αριάγνη 695. απέκιξαν 149. αράμεναι 325, 714. 'Αριάδνη 695 . απέλεθρος 278, 720 . αραμος 348. αρίζηλος 603, 604 , 645. απέλλαι 540 . 'Αράντισιν 346. αριθμός 342 , 481 , 718. απέλλω 540 . αραρίσκω 49, 341, 342. αριμάζω 718. απελύκησεν 161 . άρασθαι 343 . 'Αρίσβη 603 . απενίζοντο 318 . αράσσω 511 . αριστεύFoντα 574. απερείσιoς 273 . αράχιδνα 638 . αριστεύς 597. απεσπάδατο 634 . αράχνη 343 , 493, 718. άριστίνδην 633. απεωστόν 567. αράχνης 343. 'Αρίστιππος 455. απηλιώτης 401, 679 . αράχνιον 343. άριστον 343, 402. απήνη 501 , 677. αραχνός 343. άριστος 74, 342, 343. απηνής 306. αραχος 346, 638. αριφραδής 660. απήωροι 356. 'Αργαδείς 180, 630. αρίφρων 74 . απθιτος 419 . 'Αργαδής 630. αρκανη 343 . 'Απία, απίη γή 463. αργεννός 171 . αρκέω 132. 'Απιδανός 463. αργής 171 . αρκιλος 132 . Απιδών 463 . αργιλος 171 . αρκιος 132, 522. άπλατος 278. αργινόεις 171 . αρκος 132. 687 . άπλετος 278. αργίποδες 171 . αρκτος 432 , ( bis) , 687 . απλόος 395 . αργματα 189. άρκυον 343. από 34 , 263. 265, 387, "Αργος 184. άρκυς 343, 718 . 463, 715, 716. αργός 171 , 630. άρμα 678. αποαιρείσθαι 547 . αργυρόηλος 363 . αρμενος 49, 74, 341. απόγεμε 598. αργυρόπεζα 603, 657. αρμόζω 342, 662. απόγονοι 267 , 268. άργυρος 171 . αρμοι 342 . απόδεξις 472 , 669. αργύφεος 171 . αρμονία 342. GREEK INDEX. 427 ας 399. 'Αρμοξίδαμος 678. αρωγή 522. άσωτος 382. αρμός 342. αρωγός 522. ατα 405. αρμόττω 662. ατάλαντος 220. αρνειός 276, 347. ασεκτος 685. ατενής 195, 216. αρνειος 347. ασθμα 390 . άτη 586. αρνες 347. άσκαίρω 712. "Ατη 120. αρνευτήρ 352. ασκάντην 495. 'Ατθίς 657. άρνυμαι 149, 343 . ασκαρίζω 712 . ατίετος 586. 'Αρόα 555. 'Ασκληπιός 7 . ατίζω 634. Αροάνιος ' 555. άσμενος 228, 674. ατίτης 628 . άρος 343 . ασπαίρω 289 , 712. άτίω 634, 679. αρoτήρ 343 . ασπάλαξ 165 , 494, 686, "Ατλας 714. αρoτος 343. 689, 712, 720. ατμή 65. αροτρον 343, 344, 492, ασπάραγος 386, 494. ατμός 65, 391. 699. άσπερχές 195. ατρακτος 461, 713 . αρουρα 343, 344, 555 , άσπιλος 277. άτρεγκτος 447. αρόω 49, 343, 544, 555. άσσα 712. ατρεκέως 461 . αρπαγή 264. ασσα 482, 712. ατρεκής 461 . αρπάγη 264 . ασσον 190. άτρέμας 224. αρπάζω 264, 612. ασσοτέρω 190. 'Ατρεύς 711. 712. αρπαλέος 264, 265. άσσω 662. άτρεχής 462. άρπαξ 264, 522 . ασταθής 211 . άτρήες 712. αρπεδόνη 342 . αστακος 209. "Ατροπος 462. αρπεδών 342. ασταφίς 212 , 711 , 712. ατρύγετος 586. αρπη (bird of prey) 264. άσταχυς 212, 712. ατρυγηφάγος 713. αρπη ( sickle) 143 , 264. αστείος 206. άτρύνω 711 . αρπίδες 718. αστέλεφος 720. άτρυτος 586. "Αρπυιαι 264, 718. αστεμφής 212, 517, 712. άττα 207, 713. άρδην 344 . αστεροεις 206 . Αττική 657. άρσα 341. αστήρ 206, 215, 684, αναλέος 396, 678. αρσεα 299, 359, 639. 712. αυάτα 556, 586. άρσεις 344. άστός 206. αυγάζεσθαι 112 . αρσενικός 344 . αστραγαλίζω 209. αυγή 112. αρσην 344, 348. αστράγαλος 209. ( αυγόν 394 , 598. ) "Αρταμίτιον 525. άστραλός 357, 712. αυδή 247, 390. 'Αρταμίτιος 525. αστραπή 665 , 712 . αύελλα 390, 552 . αρτάνη 356. αστράπτω 206, 232, 528, αυερύω 552 . αρτάω 356. 665, 712 . αυετής 208 , 552, 564. "Αρτεμις 525 αστρηνής 712. ανηρ 390. αρτι 74 , 342. αστρίζω 209. αυθις 513. αρτιεπής 74. άστρις 209 . αυίαχος 553 , 563 . αρτίζω 342 . άστριχος 209 . αυιδετου 552. αρτιος 74, 342. αστρον 206. αύλαξ 136, 553 , 563, αρτίφρων 74. άστυ 82, 206, 412, 657. 566 , 569. αρτοκόπος 459. ασύφηλος 458. αυλή 390, 573. αρτύς 342 . ασφάλαξ 494. “ αύληρον 554, 569 . αρτύω 341 . ασφαλής 375. αυλίζομαι 613. αρύνω 664 . ασφάραγος ( wind- pipe) αυλίς 573, 613 . αρύω 664. 185, 712. αυλός 390, 628. αρχή 189 . ασφάραγος (asparagus ) αυλών 628. αρχηγός 170 . 386, 494. αυξάνω 67 , 386, 475, αρχματα 189. άσφε 712. 538. άρχομαι 189. άσφι 712. αύξη 386 . αρχός 189. ασχαλάαν 193. αυξημα 386. άρχω 105, 189, 190. ασχάλλω 193 . αύξησις 386. άρχων 189. Ασωπόλαος 185 . αύξω 67, 386. 428 GREEK INDEX . αύος 396, 474 . άχος 15, 66, 190, 510. βαρέω 468 , 469 . αύρα 247 , 390 , 405 . αχρις 190, 583. βάριχοι 347. αύρηκτος 552. άψ 263, 294, 387, 516. βάρναμαι 383 . αύριον 402. άψεκτος 685. βαρνίον 347 . αύσας 390 . αψίνθιον 688. βάρος 468. αυστηρός 396 , 678. αψίς 501 , 622. βαρραχέω 718, 719 . αυτάγρετος 170. άψορρος 546. βαρύθει €6 . αυτάρκης 522. αψος 299 , 359. βαρύς 353, 168, 483, αυτέω 390. άω (satisfy ) 390 . 521 . αυτή 390, 391 . άω (breathe) 390. βαρυσφάραγος 186. (αυτί 405. ) , άωρος ( pendulus ) 357. βαρύτης 468 . αυτις 513. άωρος (untimely) 357, βάσανος 430 . αυτμή 65 , 391 . 358, 598 . βασιλεύς 118, 364 , 572 . αυτμής 65, 391. αώς 679. βασιλεύω 572. αυτόκαρνος 148 . βασιληίς 624. αυτοκράτωρ 154. β Indogerm. b 291 ; βασίλιννα 637 . αυτός 532, 676. g 465 ; bh 519 ; βασιλίς 624. αυτοσχεδα 632 . β from F 435 , 571 ff ., βάσις 240, 463, 466. αυτοσχεδές 642. 585, 632, 641 . βασκαίνω 520. αυτοσχεδίην 631. βαβάκτης 563. βάσκει , βασκε 64 , 465 , αυφήν 475, 580. βάγιος 170. 466. αυχέω 691 . βάδην 630, 632. Βασσαι 467. αυχήν 475 . βαδίζω 465, 466. βάσσων 654 . αυχμός 396 , 692 . βαδιστοι 286. βατήρ 466. αύω (call) 65, 39 ) . βάδος 465 , 466. βατός 465 . αύω ( singe) 400, 692 . βάζω 520, 577. Βαυκιδεύς 630 . αύως 401 , 402, 679. Βάθιππος 467. βαφεύς 466. αφαιλησέσθαι 547 . βαθμίς 577 . βαφή 466 , 665. άφαρος 299 . βάθος 466 , 516 , 587. Βαφύρας 466. αφαύω 396 . βαθρον 240, 465 . βδάλλω 229. αφενος 500, 720, 721. βαθύς 466, 467 , 576, βδέλλα 228, 229. αφεος 297 . 706 . βδέλλω 172. αφέσταλκα 674. βαϊκαν 171 . βδελυρός 229. αφή 501 , 665. βαίκας 396. βδελύσσω 229 . Αφίδναξε 614 . βαίνω 67 , 440, 465 , 466 , βδέσμα 299. αφλοισμός 714. 534, 719. βδέω 229, 490 . αφνειός 500, 720 . ΒακεύFα 555 . βδόλος 229. άφνίδιος 668. βάκτρον 63 . βδύλλω 229. αφνος 500 . Βάκχος 453, 563 . ( Βέασα 592.) αφνύνω 500 . βάλανος 467, 650. βέβαιος 465, 466. αφνύω 500. βαλβίς 577 . βέβηλος 465. 466 . αφνω 493 , 668 . βαλικιώτης 399 . βεβρώθω 66, 470. αφορμή 349. βάλλω 54, 467, 468 , 483 , βέδυ 248. αφρός 341 . 527, 635 . βειέλοπες 551. αφύζας 605 . βάμμα, 466. βείκατι 134. Αχαιοί 362. βανά 175, 472, 704 . βείλη 539 , 551 . 'Αχελώος 118. βάξις 577. βείομαι 469 . άχεύω 190. βάπτω 466, 665 . Βείτoυλος 561 . αχήν 190. βαραγχιάω 718 . Βείτυλος 561 . αχηνία 190 . βαράγχιον 718 . βέλα 541 . άχθομαι 66 , 71 , 190, βάραγχος 718. βέλεμνον 467, 468 . 193 . βάραθρον 483. βέλλω 583. άχθος 66 , 190. βαρβαρίζω 291. βελόνη 467, 476. Αχιλεύς 118 . βάρβαρος 291 , 292. 545. βέλος 54, 467, 476 , 635 . αχνυμαι 190. βαρβαρόφωνος 292 . βέλτερος 39 . αχομαι 190. βάρδιστος 229 . βελτίων 539 . 429 GREEK INDEX. 7 βελφίς 471, 476. βλήρ 476. βουστροφηδόν 480 . Βελφοί 472, 476. βλητός 467. βούφαρος 299. βένθος 466, 495, 516, βληχάομαι 292, 692. βοώπις 622. 587 , 706. βληχάς 292. βρά 304. βέργον 446. βληχή 292. βραβεύς 529. Βερέκυνθος 495 . βληχρός 326, 492 . βραγχιάω 718. Βερέκυντος 495. βλήχων 473, 476 . βραδινός 353, 519. βέρρης 546. Βλισσήν 370 , 561. βραδύς 112, 113, 229, βέστον 379 . βλοστρός 538. 327, 659. βέττον 379. βλοσυρώπις 622. βραδύτης 229. Βευχσίστρατος 691 . βλύζω 520. βράδων 112 , 229. βήλημα 539. βλύω 520 , 547 . βράζω 574. βηλός 465, 577. βλωθρός 538. βρακείν 456. βήμα 465. βλώσκω 526. βηράνθεμον 391 . βρακίαι 511 . βοάω 470. βράκος 159, 531 . Βήσαζε 614. βοή 470. βράξαι 456 . βήσσα 466, 467, 576. βοηδρόμος 256. βράπτειν 456. βία 13, 469, 577 . βοηθόος 256. Βρασίδας 574. βιάζομαι 469, 612. βόθρος 263, 467. Βρασίλας 574. βίαιος 469. βόλα 540. βιάω 469, 612.. βράσμα 574. βολβός 292. βρασμός 574. βιβάζω 465. βολή 54, 467. βιβάς 465 , 466.. βράσσω 574, 659. βολίς 467. βράσσων292 , 659, 660. βιβάσθω 66. βόλλα 539. βιβάσθων 465. βραστής 574. βόλλομαι 539. βρατάνη 574. βιβρώσκω 63, 470, 702. Βολοέντιοι 362, 504, 572. βράχεα 292. βίδεοι 241 , 552. βόλος 467. βραχείν 718, 719. βίδυοι 241, 552. βομβυλίς 292. βράχιστος 292. βικίον 346, 575. βορά 470. βραχίων 292 . βίκος 575. βορβορύζω 292. βραχύνω 292 . βινέα 469. Βορεάδης 613, 627. βραχύς 292, 510, 659. βίος 469. Βορέας 350, 474 , 594, βραχύτης 292. βιός 13 , 470. 625, 628. βιοτή 469 . βρέγμα 520. Βορεάς 625, 626, 627, βρέμβος 516. βίοτος 469, 470. βρέμω 519, 520. Βίοττος 629. βορθός 474 . βρέτας 574. βιόω 469. βόρμαξ 340 . βρέφος 451 , 471 , 484, Βισα 281 . βορός 470 516. βίσχυν 392. Βορράς 213, 350 , 594. βρεχμός 520. βίτυς 392. βόσκω 529. βρέχω 190, 574, 705 . βίωρ 382. βόστρυχος 692. βλαβή 526, 666. Βρήσσα 531. βότρυς 692. βρήτωρ 345, 435. βλάβομαι 526, 527, 665. βότρυχος 692. βρί 468. βλαδόν 229. βοτρυχώδης 692. βλάξ 326 , 526. Βριάρεως 226, 714. βουβαλίς 471 . βριαρός 468, 521 . βλάπτω 372, 425, 663, βούβαλος 463, 471 , 574. βρίζα 574. 665 , βούεσσι 555. 628. βρίζω 468. βλαστάνω 538. βουκόλος 146, 463. βριθύς 468. βλάστη 538. βουλεύω 539. βρίθω 66, 353, 468, 521 , βλαστός 538. βουλή 539, 540. 703. βλέννος 650. βούλημα 539. βλέπω 13, 100 . βρίμη 521 . βούλησις 539. βριμός 521 . βλέφαρον 474, 495, 501. βούλομαι 62, 435, 539, βρίσδα 353. βλέφυρα 484. 572, 716. Βριτόμαρτις 333. βλημα 467. βούς 90, 405, 471 , 565, βρόδον 353, 574. βλήμενος 467 . βρόμος 519. 601 . GREEK INDEX . 430 βροντή 519. βρόσσων 660 γάμος 68, 175, 477, 536 , γέρανος 175, 177. . βρoτός 229 537. , 308, 333. γαμφή 173 γεραρός 468. . γέρας 176, 468, 574. βροχετός 190 . βροχέως 660 γαμφηλή 173. . γεργέριμος 176. βροχή γαναω 172. 190. βρύκω 63 γάνος 172. γέργερος 470 . . γάνυμαι 172 γερήνιος 176. βρύτον 520 . . γέρον 176. βρυχάομαι γάρ 675 . 704. γαργάρεών γέρων 11 , 48, 113, 175, 470. 176. βρύω 520, 547 , 574. γαργαρίζω 470. βρώμα 470. γάρος 173 . γέστρα 379. βρώσις 11 . Γαρυόνης 574 γέτoρ 208. βρωτήρ . 470. βύας 292 γασσα 660. γεύμα 176. . βύζα 292 γαστήρ 173, 471 . γεύομαι 176. . γάστρα 173 γευσις 176 . Βυζάντιον 292. . γαυλός γεύω 176, 363, 400, 479, 174. 643. Βύζας 292. γαυλος 174. γέφυρα 173, 484 . βύζης 631. γαύραξ 523 . βυζός 631 . γαύρος 172 γή 176, 484. βυθός 263 , 468. , 466 , 706. γδούπος 75, 687. γηθέω 66, 172, 251 , 660. βυνέω 631. γέ 399 γήθος 172 . βύρμαξ 340. , 514, 515, 620. γηθοσύνη 172. βύρμηξ 583 . γέαρ 391 . γεγάασι 175. γηθόσυνος 172. Βύσιος 262. γεγαώς 68 γηινος 176. βυσσός 263 , 175. , 466, 706. γέγηθα 66, 172. 251 . Βωδών γηΐτης 176. 476. γέγκαλον 135 γηλουμένοις 539. βωλα 539 . . γέγονα 433. γημα 379 , 585, 702. βώλαξ 276, 639. γείνομαι 174, 175 γηραλέος 175. βώλομαι . 539. γείτων 176. γηρας 113, 175, 176. βωμίς 466. γεκαθά 135 γήρυς 177. βωμός 465 . , 466. γέλα 541 . γηρύω 48, 177. βώροι 349. γέλαρος 173 Γηρυών 177 . . γία 391 . βώς 565. γελάω 173, 612. γέλγις 174 . γιαρες 391 . γ = Indogerm. g. 169 ; γελέω 173. γίγας 175 . F 584 ff . 646 ; γίγνομαι 103, 174 , 175, γεμίζω 174. 5. 597 1f . 306. γέμματα 379, 585 . γιγνώσκω 90, 178, 697. γά 484 γέμω 112 , 174, 213 . . γενεά 594. γίνυμαι 175. γαβεργός 180 . γενέθλιον 477 γίξαι 135. γαδείν 228 . . γένειον 308 γίς 392. γαδεσθαι 228 . , 585. γένεσις 174 γισγόν 382. γαϊα 176 . , 350, 474. γενέτειρα 174, 623. γίσχυν 392. γαιος 471 . γενετήρ γιτέα 392. γαίω 172 76, 174 . , 507. γάλα γενναίος 179. γλάγος 172, 173 . 172. γεννόν 312 γλακκόν 173. γαλαθηνός 172 . , 173 , γέννoς 587. γλακτοφάγοι 173 . 252. γένος 47 γλακώντες 173 . , 76, 77 , 174, γλαμάω 541 . γαλήνη 172. γαλιδεύς 629 574, 640. . γάλλος γέντερ 174 . γλαμυρός 541. 363. γαλοώνη γέντο 599. γλάμων 541 . 173. γένυς 196, 308 γλάπτω 665. γαλόως 173 , 514. , 562. γεραιός 175 Γλαύκιππος 678 . γάλως 173, 562, 565. , 176. γαμβρός γεράνδρυον 176. γλαυκός 177 . 175 , 536. Γεράνεια 175. γλαυκώπις 177. γαμέω 68 , 595 . γεράνιον 175 γλαυξ 177. . γλαυσόν 177. γα 514. GREEK INDEX. 431 δ = . γλαύσσω 177 . Γόμφοι 173 . indogerm . d. 227 ; γλάφυ 59, 177. γόμφος 173. g ( γ, β, ζ) 483; γλαφυρός 59 , 177 . Γονείς 555. δ from j 618 ft .; from γλάφω 59 , 177, 179 , γόννα 652. ι 647. 665 . Γόννοι 179 , 555. δα 484, 605. γλεύκος 360, 484. Γοννούσσα 179 . δακεί 230. γλέφαρον 474. Γονόεσσα 555 . δαβελός 230 . γλήνη 177. γόνος 54, 640 Δάγκλη 606 . γληνος 177 . γόνυ 179, 238, 308 , 405 , δάγκoλον 606, 720. γλήχων 473, 476. 433. δαδύσσεσθαι 134. γλία 370. γόος 470. δάελον 235. γλίσχρος 369, 692. Γορπιαίος 264. Δάζιμο 232 . γλιττόν 369 . γόρτυς 351 . δαήμων 229 . γλίττον 369 . γουάναξ 586. δαήναι 178, 229. γλίχομαι 692, 700 . γουελένα 586. δαήρ 230, 507 . γλοια 370 . γούνα 276 , 311 , 374, δαί 230 . γλοιός 368, 370. 555. δαιδάλεος 231. γλούρεα ( Phryg.) 204 . γουνάζομαι 179 . δαιδάλλω 231 , 646, 669. γλουρός (Phryg. ) 204. γουνόομαι 179 . δαίδαλμα 231 . γλουτός 150. γουνός 179 . δαίδαλος 231 . γλυκερός 360 . γούρηξις 586. δαιδύσσεσθαι 134 . γλύκκα 163 . γράβδην 632 , 664. δαΐζω 109, 229, 599. γλυκύς 360, 707. γραια 176. δαίμων 230. γλυκύτης 360. Γραικοί 176. δαίνυμι 229. γλύπτης 178. γράμμα 179. δάϊος 230, 231 . γλύφανος 178 . γραμμή 179. δαίρω 234. γλύφω 59, 177 , 178, 179. γράσος 515. δαΐς (torch) 198, 230. γναθμός 66, 308. [ 693, γρά στις 471 , 524. δαίς( meal) 62, 113, 229, γνάθος 66, 308 . γραυιν 176 . 232, 332. γνάμπτω 524, 665, 687. γραύς 175, 176, 314 . δαίτη 229. γνάπτω 665. γραφή 179. δαιτρός 229. γνησιος 174, 175 , 630. γραφής 179, 624 . δαιτυμών 229, 281 . γνίφων 501 , 693 , 695. ( γραφόμαστε 418.) δαιτυς 229. γνοέω 178. γράφω 179, 57 , 164, δαίω ( kindle ) 230, 507 , γνόντες 321 . 493. 563. γνόφαλλον 524. γράω 471 . δαίω (apportion) 62, 109, γνόφος 484, 524, 694, γρήύς 176, 244. 113, 145, 229, 692. 695 , γρίνος 553 . δάκνω 67, 132. γνύξ 179. γρϊπος 354, 501 , 693. δάκος 132. γνυπετείς 179. γρίφος 354, 501 . δάκρυ 78, 133, 434, 638. γνύπετοι 179. γρομφάς 57 , 179, 693. δάκρυον 78 , 133, 557, γνώμη 178 . γρομφεις 57. 638. γνώμων 178, 695. γράφω 179 . δακρυπλώειν 280 . γνωρίζω 178, 179. γρύτη 693 . δακρύω 133. γνώσις 78, 178. γρώνη 297 . δάκτυλος 67 , 78, 114, γνώσκω 178. γύα 176. 133. γνωστός 178. Γυγάδας 628. δάλαγχα 655. γνωτός 178. γυμνάζω 625, 627. δαλον 606. γοάω 470. γυμνάς 626, 627 . δαλός 230. γογγύζω 179 , 604 . γυμνός 626. δαμάζω 231 . γογγύλος 174. γυναικονόμος 314. δαμάλης 231 . γογγυσμός 179 . γυνή 174, 175, 176 , 311 , δαμαρ 231. γόης 470. 623, 704. Δαμάτηρ 484 . γόμος 174. γύπη 158 . δαμάω 68 , 231 . γομόω 174. γυρις 113, 176 , 705 . Δαμις 638. γομφίος 173 . γωνία 179, 238. Δαμναμενεύς 624. 432 GREEK INDEX. δάμνημι 231 , 666. δέελος 235. δέρος 234. δαμος 231 . δει 233. δέρμα 234, 670. δάμυ 706. δείγμα 134. δέρβις 234. Δάν 605 . δείδια 234. δέρτρον 234. δανείζω 236. δειλίσσομαι 63. δέρω 234 . δάνειον 236 . δείδοικα 64, 234. δέσις 233. δάνος 236 . δείδω 234. Δεσίω 685. δάξα 655. δείκνυμι 114, 134. δεσμός 233 . δαπάνη 62, 113, 232 . δειλός 234. δεσπόζω 283. δάπανος 232. δείμος 234. δέσποινα 283, 637 . δάπεδον 606. Δειμός 120. δεσπόσυνος 283, 636. δάπις 524. δεινός 77 , 234 , 235, δεσπότης 233, 283. δάπτω 62, 232 , 665. 645. δετή 233. δαρδάπτω 665. δειξις 134. δευασθαι 483. δαρθάνω 66, 232, 691. Δειπάτυρος 601 . δεύκος 360, 484 . δάρις 234. δείπνηστος 613. Δεύνυσος 593 . δάρκες 484 . δειπνίζω 613. δεύρο 620. Δαρβων 256. δείπνον 62 , 113, 232, Δεύς 605 . δάπυλλος 238 , 718 . 668 δευτε 620. δασκάζει 286. δειράς 234. δεύτερος 238; 559. δάσκιος 606 . δειρή 234. δεύω 233, 558. δασκόν 232 . δειρός 234. δέφω 67. δασμός 229 . δείρω 234 . δέχομαι 114, 217, 497. δάσος 232 . δεισιλός 232. δέψω 67. δασπλήτις 278. δείσις 685. δέω 68, 233, 317 . Δασύλλιος 232 . δέκα 89, 133 ( bis) , 497. δή 620, 621 , 648. δασύνω 232 . δεκάζω 497. δήγμα 132 . δασύς 232 . δέκομαι 67, 114, 133. δηθά 558. δατέν 606, 619. δεκών 497. Δήθος 606. δατέομαι 229. δέλεαρ 236, 237, 476. δήιος 230, Δαυλίς 232 . δέλλω 483. δημότης 230 . δαυλός 232 . δέλπαξ 472. δημόω 230. δαύχνη 475, 561. δελφίς 471, 472 . Δηίφοβος 509 . δαύω 619. Δελφοί 472 . δήλος 235 , 576 , 603 , δάφνη 475, 561 . δελφύς 471 , 483 , 484. 604, 606 . Δάφνη 475. δέμας 8, 233. Δημήτηρ 484 . δαφοινός, 606. δέμω 68, 233, 317 . δημιοεργός 180. δαψιλής 232. (δέν 434.) Δημοκόων 151 . Δεινίας 64. δενδίλλω 546. δήμος 231 . -δε 233, 621 . δένδρεον 58, 143, 237, δημοσία 334. δέ 621 . 238. δημόσιος 616. δέα 500. δένδρον 233, 237. Δημοφάβων 298. δέαινα 506. δενδρυάζω 238. δήν 508, 558, 603 , 606 , δέαται 558, 559. δεξαμενή 133 621 . δέατο 235 , 507, 558, δεξιός 67 , 133, 234. Δής 605. 604. δεξιτερός 234. δηναιός 558, 631 . δεδάασθαι 229. δέος 234, 235, 645. δηνος 229, 349. δέδαε 229, 403. δεπάζω 232. δηράς 234, 670 . δεδαϊγμένον 230. δέπας 232. δηριάασθαι 234. δεδευμένος 230. δέπαστρον 232 . δηρις 234. δεδαώς 229. δέργμα 133. δηρόν 558 . δέδηα 230. δέρεθρον 483. δήω 229 . δεδοίκω 607 . δέρη 234. διά 35, 39, 238, 602 , δέδορκα 99 . Δέρκιππος 678. 603 , 606. δεδροικώς 447 . δέρκομαι 98, 112 , 133. δία 236. δέδρομα 237, 697. δέρμα 234 . διαβέτης 208 . 433 GREEK INDEX. 647 . διαθηγή 522. διαθιγή 522. διαγιγνώσκω 39 . δίκελλα 606. δορκάς 99, 133, 645, διαγλαύσσουσιν 177. δίκη 134, 626. διάδημα 233. δίκην 134. δόρξ 645. Δίκτυννα 637. δορός 716. δίκτυς 637. δόρυ 237, 433. διαήναι 39. δινεύω 234. δός 190 . διαίνω 30. δινέω 234. δόσις 236, 432. δίαιτα 483, 602, 605 , δίνος 234, 235. δοτήρ 76, 236. 606. δίνω 234. Δουλίχιον 191 . διακατίου 135. δίον 234, 645. δουλος 233, 356. διακεκρίδαται 634. Διόνυξος 685. δουλοσύνη 686. διακεχλιδώς 640. Διόνυσος 706. δουπος 687. ( διάκι 608. ) διος 235, 505 , 508. δούρα 555. διάκονος 647 . Διπάτυρος 601,602, 705. δουράτεος 237. διακόσιοι 135, 603. διπλήν 631. δούρειος 237. Διακρία 602. Δίρκη 702 . δουρηνεκές 264, 309 . διάκτωρ 647. δίς 39, 238, 559 . δοχείον 133. διάλας 235 , 604. -δις 233. δοχή 133. δίαλος 235, 604 . Δίς 602. δοχμή 114, 133. διαμπερές 705. δίσκουρα 348. δοχός 133. διαμφίδιος 294. δισσός 238, 559. δράγμα 484, 485. διανδιχα 58. διφούρα 484. δραγμίς 484. διανεκής 309. δίχα 6, 238. δρακοντόμαλλος 579. διανθής 602 . διχθά 238 . δράκων 99, 133, 457. διαπελάγιοι 35. διχθάδιος 616. δραμα 237. διαπέφλοιδεν 302. δίψα 82. δρανος 237. διαπρύσιος 601 , 705. διψάρα 693. δράξ 484, 485. διάπυρος 602 . δίψιος 223, 643. δραπέτης 232, 237. διαρρώξ 531 . διωγμός 647. δράπων 237. διασκηνίπτω 721. διώκω 647, 648 . δρασμός 237 . διαφάρους 299. Διώνη 235, 236. δράσσομαι 484. διαφέρω 104, 301. δίωξις 647. δραχμή 484, 485. (διαφυλάγω 608.) δμώς 231 . δράω 237. διαφυλάδω 607 . δνοφερός 695. Δρέκανον 485. διαχρήσθαι 200 . δνόφος 484, 524, 694 , δρεπανίς 169. διδάσκαλος 691 . 695. δρέπανον, Δρέπανον διδάσκω 229. δοάν 508, 558, 575, 603, 143, 169, 485. διδαχή 229. 606. δρέπτω 665. δίδημι 68, 233. δοάσσατο 235, 558, 559, δρέπω 485, 665. διδράσκω 237. 606. δρηστήρ 237. δίδυμος 485. δοϊδυξ 134. δρηστοσύνη 237. δίδωμι 236, 702. δομή 238. δρία 237, 708. δίειμι 39. δοιοί 238, 559. Δρίον 238. δίεμαι 234, 645 . δοκάνη 114, 133. δρομάς 627. διέπω 453 . δοκέω 134, 241 , 559, δρομεύς 237. διερός 115, 235. δρόμος 237. δίζημαι 610. δοκός 114, 133. δρόσος 347. δίζομαι 610. δολιχός 191 . Δρύας 238 . δίζω 610. δόλιχος 182, 191, 720. δρυμά 237. διηνεκής 309. δόλος 236, 237 . δρυμός 237. διήρες 345 . δολφός 471 , 483 . Δρύοψ 238 , 276. διιπετής 210. δόμορτις 231 . δρύπτω 665 , 666. διιπέτης 210. δόμος 68, 162, 233. Δρυς 238. δικάζω 599 , 626. δόξα 134, 595. δρυς 237, 238, 708, 718 . δίκαιος 6. δορά 234. δρυτόμος 237. δικείν 134. δορκαλίς 647. δρύφακτος 303 . CURTIUS , Etymology . II . 28 595 . 434 GREEK INDEX. δρυφή 665. εβδομήκοντα 311 , 525. εέρση 347, 382, 565, δρώψ 308 . έβδομος 75, 79, 265 , 566, 569 . δυάω 231 . 525, 706 . εεσσατο 379. δυγόν 606 , 619. εγγύθι 190, 516. έέσχατος 567. δυερός 231. εγγύς 190 , 516. εεχμένη 192 , 567 . δύη 231 . εγείρω 179, 716 . έFαδεν 555, 556. δύναμαι 485. εγερτί 179, 631 . έζομαι 239,603, 634,679. δύο 238, 559, 597. έγ.Fηληθίωντι 539. έζω 381. δυογόν 597, 610 . εγκαπή 286. έηκα 64 . δύπτης 62. εγκαπτω 141, 501, 535. έήνδανε 228. δύπτω 62, 665 , 666 . έγκειμαι 532.! εθελοντι 352. δύρομαι 716. εγκέφαλος 179. εθέλω 716. δυς- 238. έγκυτί 168. έθηκα 64. δυσαριστοτόκεια 276. ( έγνωρίστην 418. ) εθίζω 66, 251. δυςβράκανον 456. έγρετο 179, 661 . έθνος 172, 349. δυς ετηρία 208. έγρήγορα 48, 66, 179. έθος 66, 251, 674. δύσκολος 464 . έγρηγορτί 613 . ει 396. δυσμενής 238 . έγρήσσω 66 1 . εία 609 . δυσοίζειν 640. έγχεσε 556. ελαί 609. δύστηνος 211 . έγχελυς 56, 13. εξαμενή 381. δυςχείμερος 201. εγχεσίμωρος 332 . είανός 379 . δυςχερής 199. έγχος 495, 668. ελαρ 400. δυςχιμος 201. εγώ 401 , 515. ελαρινός 391 . δυσώδης 243. εγών 308, 514, 599, 678. ελαροπότης 400 . δύω 62 , 238 , 621 . εδανόν 228 . δυώδεκα 238 ελαροπώτις 400. . εδανός 228. δώ 233 είβω 368, 474, 548 . , 284. έδαφος 113, 240, 674. ειδαρ 239. δώδεκα 238. έδδεισα 234, 235, 645. είδομαι 241, 629. δωδεχέτης 676. έδεθλον 674 . είδον 103, 241, 677 . Δωδώνη 476 . έδεσμα 239. είδος 241, 629. δωμα 2333, 332. εδάδοξα 496, 586, 589. είδωλον 241, 629. δωμός 606 , 619 . δήδοκα 496, 588. είκοσι 134. δωρεά 594. έδητύς 76, 239. είκοσινήριτα 342. δωριά 594. έδνα 566 . είκω 106, 135, 648. Δωρίς 238 , 624. έδοντες 243, 716. εικών 648. δωριστί 631. έδος 89 , 239, 284, 634, είλαπίνη 7. δωροδόκος 497 . 674, 701. ελλαρ 539. δώρον (donum ) 76 , 236. έδρα 239, 702. είλατινος 564. δώρον ( παλαιστή) 234 . έδραθον 232. ειλεός 360. δώς 236, 626 . έδραμον 237. ειλέω 589. δωτήρ 236. εδω 239, 567. είλη 539. δωτίνη 207 . έδωδή 76, 239, 563. είλη 541, 673. δωτις 76, 207 , 236 . έδωκα 64. ειληφα 520. έέδμεναι 567. ελλίονες 173. 3 592 Η . δεδνον 228, 566, 569. είλκον 136. ε εξ 387. εειδόμενος 566. είλλω 539, 676, 701 . [ 245, 396 . εείκοσι 134, 566. ειλον 547. αγμα 566, 569 . έειξε 135. εαδα 228 ειλυμα 360. . Σειρόμενος 566. ειλυφάζω 612. εανός 279. έαρ εεις 395 , 567 . ειλύω 360, 361 , 551 . (ver) 44, 358, 391. εέλθομαι 566, 579, 580. είλω 114, 361, 539. έαρ (sanguis) 400. τέλδωρ 539, 566. είμα 379, 675, 702 . εαρινός 391 . έέλπετο 264. Εάσων 592. έέλσαι 566 . είμαρται 109 , 332 . εάφθη 501 . έέργω 180, 566. είμι 62, 103 , 289, 378, εβδόματος 525, 706 . εερμένος 355, 356. 678, 701, 706 , ε είμαι 379. GREEK INDEX. 435 είμι 23, 403 , 568, 590, έκητι 135 . έλλά 240. 592 . έκιξα 149 . έλλαβε 521. είν 286, 473, 670. έκιον etc. 149. έλλαθι 374. εινάκις 311 . εκλογή 366 . Ελλάς 625. εινάτερες 308 , 595 . έκομεν 151 . έλλετε 374. εινάτος 311 . εκπέλει 456. έλλοβα 528. είνί 274, 286, 473 , 670. εκραίαινον 154. Eλλοί 537. εινοσίφυλλος 260. εκσατραπεύω 713. ελλός 362. είoι 609. εκτάδιος 617. έλμιγξ 542 . είπον 103, 452, 461 . εκτείνω 386. έλμινς 486, 542. Είραφιώτης 344. έκτος 387. έλμις 542, 550. είγμός 180. εκυρά 135. " Έλος 362. εύργνυμι 180. εκυρός 28, 135. έλος 362 . είργω 180. εκφλαίνω 301 . Ελπήνωρ 264. είργω 180. εκφλυνδάνω 302, 641. ελπίζω 264, 613. είρερος 355, 356, 674. (έκω 418. ) Ελπινίκη 623. ειρην 333, 581. εκών 135, 675. ελπίς 264, 580, 613, 623, ειρήνη 345, 346 . ελέα 361 . 624, 676 . ειρήσομαι 346. έλαθρός 475, 486. έλπομαι 165, 264. ειρκτή 180 . ελαία 361, 553 . έλπω 264. ειρμός 355 . έλαιον 361, 362. έλπωρή 264. είρομαι 346. έλακον 159 . έλυτρον 360, 361. ειρος 347. ελάνη 541 , 673. ελύω 360, 701 . είρω (say ) 345. ελάσσων 191 , 651 , 654, έμβολή 468 . είρω (tie) 355, 674. 655, 660. εμέ 328, 595, 715 . ειρωτάω 346. Έλαύία 553. έμεσις 325 . είς 290, 309, 310, 703. ελαύνω 362 , 540 , 635, έμετος 325, 596. είς 39 ) , 533. 714 , 715. εμέω 325, 596. είσα 239, 381. ελαφηβόλος 291. εμμέσω 532 . εισβάλλω 468. έλαφος 132, 362. έμμι 378, 652. είση 382, 565. ελαφρός 475 , 486 , 715. έμμορα 332 . είσκω 30, ελάχεια 191 . έμολον 64. είσομαι etc. 568. ελάχιστος 191. έμορτες 333. ειςπίπτω 210. ελαχυπτέριξ 191 . εμός 328, 617. είσπράσσω 661 . ελαχύς 191, 292, 475, έμπεδον 245. είσω 310. 486, 569, 712, 715 . εμπεσείν 210. είτα 323, 461 . έλθομαι 539, 579, 580. εμπίπλημι 55. είωθα 66 , 251 . Ελέα 362, 551 . εμπίς 265. είως 399, 564. έλεγείον 362 . έμπλαστρον 279. εκ 35 , 39 , 80, 180, 310, έλεγχέες 191 . έμπλην 282. 387, 676. έλεγχος 191 . έμπορος 272, 532 . εκ 676. ελέγχω 191 . έμπρίατο 55. Εκάβη 459 , 573. Ελένη 541 . εμφαλκόω 169. Εκάεργος 181 . ελεύθερος 370 , 488. έν 286, 309 , 310, 676 , έκάθευδον 385. εληλέδατο 634, 635. 703 , 717 . έκαστος 460 . ελήλυθα 66. έν 135 , 395, 533 . εκάτερος 460 . ελίκη 136. εναγής 169. εκατόν 135 . ελίνη 583. εναγίζω 170. εκβάλλω 468. έλινος 361 . ενάκις 311. εκεί 460, 620. έλιξ 136, 361 . ενακόσιοι 311 . εκείνος 620 . 'Ελιπεύς 443. εναντίος 205. εκεκήδει 242, 494. ελίσσω 136, 361 . έναρ 310. έκέκλιτο 150 . έλκηθμός 136. ενάριξα 599 . εκ.Fέλετο 547. έλκος 136. ενάσθην 315. έκηλος 135, 569, 604 , ελκύω 676. ένασσα 315. 644. έλκω 134, 136, 101 . ένατος 311 . 28 * 436 GREEK INDEX. έναυσις 400. έννηφιν 310. επηνεγκίδες 309. έναυσμα 400 . έννοσίγαιος 260. επηετανός 388, 705 . έναύω 400. έννυμι 23, 62, 379, 652, έπηλυς 518, 546. ενδελέχεια 191 . 675. επηλύτης 518. ενδελεχέω 191. έννυός 320. επητής 389. ενδελεχής 191 , 720 . ένοπή 452, 461. επιτύς 389 . ένδιος 235. ένος 311 , 395, 536 , 587. επί 34, 37, 263, 265 , ένδον 309. ενοσίχθων 260. 676. ενεγκείν 712, 715. ενς 310. επιάλλω 540. ενεείκω 309, 567 . ενταύθα 310, 416. επίαρος 678. ενενήκοντα 311 . έντερον 227 , 309 . επιβαρέω 468 . ενένιπον 454. έντευθεν 310, 416. επιβάτης 466.. ενέπω 461 . εντός 309 . επίβδα 575. ένερθε 309 , 533. ένυδρις 248. επίγονος 265. ένεροι 309 , 310 . ένυδρος 248. επίδαιτρoν 575. ενέρτερος 304) , 533. ενυός 320 . Επίδαυρος 232. ένη 311 , 676 . ενωπαδίς 633. επιειμένος 379 . ένηβητήριον 575 . έξ 387 . επιέσασθαι 379. ένηής 390. εξ 39, 233, 294, 310 , επιζαρέω 468, 483. ένην (παλαίαν) 311 . 387, 516, 567 . επιθαλασσίδιος 616. ένην (τρίτην ) 311 . εξαίφνης 493, 668. επίθεμα 265. ενήνoθε 250, 251 , 720. Εξάκις 395. επικύλιον 157 . ενώνοχα 309 . έξαλαπάζω 365. επιλέγομαι 366. ένθα 310. εξαπίνης 493 , 668. επιλίγδην σ32 . ένθαύτα 416. εξατράπης 713. επιμαίομαι 313. ένθείν 443. εξείης 193. επίορμος 506 . ένθεν 310. έξεστι 456. επίουρος 349. ένθευτεν 416. εξούλης 540 . επιπλήσσω 454. ενθρείν 257 . εξωβάδια 405 , 573 . επίπλοος 271 . ενί 286, 309, 310 , 473, εo becoming ευ 557 . επιπολή 271. 670 . έoικα 648. επισκεάζω 556. ένι 309. εόληται 540 . επισκύνιον 168. ενιαύσιος 656. Κολπα 264 . έπισσαι 209. ενιαυτός 208. έχoργα 180, 607. επισταδόν 632 . ένιακή 310 . εόργη 566. επιστεφής 214. ενιαχού 310, 510, 693. έοργήσαι 567. επιστροφάδην 633. Ενικεύς 455. εορτάζω 567 . επιτήδειος 217. ένιοι 310, 359 . εορτή 567, 574. επίτηδες 217. ενίοτε 310 . εός 396, 570. επιτηδεύω 217. Ενιπεύς 455. εοσσητήρ 454. επιτροχάδην 633 . ένιπή 454 , 665 , έπαθον 272 . επίτροχος 633. ενίπτω 454, 651 , 665. επαΐω 389 . επιφτύσσω 286. Ενισεύς 455. επακούω 265. επιχθόνιοι 197 . ενισπεϊν 118, 461 . έπαλπνος 264. επίχρυσος 265. ενίσσω 454, 455, 461 , Επαμεινώνδας 629. επλάγχθην 278. 651 , 658, 665 . έπασσύτεροι 190. έπλετο 279. εννάκις 311 . έπαυτοφαδές 642. έπομαι 118, 453, 454 , έννακόσιοι 311 . επεί 265 , 396. 461. έννατος 311 . επείγω 180 . έπoρoν 282. εννέα 79, 311 , 676, 679, 'Επειός 276, 455 . έπος 389, 452, 461 , 658. 715, 718 . επέναρ 310 έποψ 265, 689. εννεακαιδεχετίς 676. επενήνoθε 250. έπρασεν 4 , 661 . έννεον 319. έπεστέψαντο 214. έπρησεν 284. εννέωρος 358. επέτης 453 . επτά 54, 75, 79, 265, έννη 317. επετήσιος 388. 679 . εννήκοντα 311 . έπεφνον 300, επτάμην 698 . GREEK INDEX . 437 1 επτόκασεν 490 . έριθος 343. ες ( –– έξ 337, 685 . έπω 453, 530 . ερίνεος 347. έσαμεν 253. επώψατο 457. 'Ερινύς 346, 674 , 702. εςδέλλω 467. έρα 118, 344. έριον 347, 546 . έσθής 379, 457, 675. έραζε 344 , 614 . έρις 342, 613 , 623 . εσθίω 66, 69, 239. έραμαι 119 , 539, 558. "Έρις 120 . εσθλός 378 , 379. έρανος 343 . έρισφάραγος 186. έσθος 66, 379, 675. ερατεινός 119 . έριφος 362. έσθω 66, 69, 239 , 260, εράτοθεν 557. 'Εριχθόνιος 144. 665. ερατός 119 , 326 . έρμα ( incitement) 350. εσκευάδαται 634 . εράω 119 . έρμα ( ballast) 17 , 356. έσλός 379 . εργάζομαι 180, 567 , 630, έρμα (ear -ring )355, 356. έσμιον 228. 676. έρμαιον 350 . εσπέρα 380. έργον 180, 607 . έρμαξ 551. εσπερινός 380 . έρδω 180, 483 , 567 , 607. Ερμείας 349, 350. εσπέριος 380, 625 . έρεβεννός 472 . ερμηνεύς 350 . έσπερος 380, 625 , 675. ερέβινθος 346, 547 , 573 , ερμηνεύω 350. έσπετε 46 1 . 719. “ Ερμής 349 . έσσομαι 653 . έρεβος 172, 472, 473, "Ερμιππος 642. έσσύλλα 685. 714. έρνος 349, 350. έσσευμένος 383, 573. έρεείρω 346. έρος 119 , 120. έσσων 626. ερεθίζω 342 . έρoτις 574 . εστία 207 , 400, 675, 703 . ερέθω 342. ερπετόν 266. (εσύ 715. ) έρείδω 212, 350 , 634. έρπης 266 . έσχατος 387 . έρείκω 714. ερπύζω 266 . έσω 309 , 310. έρείομεν 346. έρπω 266 . ετάζω 207, 595. ερείπω 353 . έρράδαται 228, 512, 634. εταιρίζομαι 613. ερεμνός 472. ερραφεώτης 344. εταιρίς 613. έρεους 347. έρρήθην 607. έταιρος 326, 674 . έρέπτω 665, 666 . έρρηνοβοσκός 718. έταρος 251, 326, 674. ερέσθαι 346. i opw 546. ετάφην 502. έρεσία 344 . έρση 191 , 347, 348. εταφον 218. 'Ερεσσός 345 . έρση 347 . ετεός 207 , 350, 379, 508 , ερέσσω 49, 344, 345 , ερσήεις 347 . 695, 674 . 544, 574. έρσην 344. έτερσεν 22 4 . ερέτης 344. έρυγγανω 181. έτης 251 , 396, 674, 675. έρετμός 344, 719. έρυγή 181 . ετησίαι 208, 628. 'Ερέτρια 345. ερύγμηλος 181 . ετήσιος 208 , 628 . ερεύγω 181 , 714 . ερυθριάω 251 . ετήτυμος 207, 674. έρευθος 251 , έρυθρός 251 , 326, 421 , έτι 74, 207. έρευθω 251 , 440, 569, 714. έτοιμάζω 627 . έρευνα 346. ερύκω 64 . έτοιμος 379. έρευνάω 346. ερυσίβη 251 . ετορε 222. ερέφω 473, 665 . ερυσίπελας 271. έτος 208 , 388, 676. 'Ερεχθηίς 624. ερύω 64, 581. έττασαν 650 ,. ερέχθην 607. έρχομαι 66 , 190, 343, εττία 656. Ερέχθω 714 . 540 , 546, 691. έτυμος 5 , 207, 379, 674. ερέω 345. έρω 103 . E v 35 , 38 , 244, 379, 569. ερημία 325 . ερωδιός 348. εύασεν 228, 315 , 554, έρημος 323 , 326, 473 , ερωέω 355, 714. 569. 714. έρωή 355, 714. εύαδής 642. ερημόω 325 . έρως 119 f. , 326, 346 , ευαής 642 . έρηρέδατ ' 634 . 539 . ευάλωκα 540, 552, 554. έρι- 73, 74. έρωτάω 346 . ευδείελος 236 . ερίζω 613 . ' Ερωτιδεύς 630. εύδηλα 236. έριήρης 342. ες ( into) 309 , 676 . ευδία 235 . 438 GREEK INDEX. ευέδωκα Εύδικος 676. εφέπω 453. F in λλ, ρε , νν, σσ 251 , 252, 554. έφετίνδα 633. 652 f. ευέργη 566, 567. έφηβος 575 . Fάδεα 228. εύερος 347. έφηλος 362. Fάλευρον 361 , 578. εύεστώ 378 . έφηλόω 362. Fαλήιοι 362. εύηφενέων 500 . εφημέριος 388. Fαλις 362. Εύηφένης 500. έφθός 699, 700. Fάναξ 548. ευθηνέω 255. εφιάλλω 506. Fάξιοι 560 . ευθύς 516. εφιάλτης 506 . Fάξος 588. ευιάδες 569. εφίορκος 506. Fαργον 180, 274, 446. ευκατέακτος 566. έφλαδον 301 , 641 . Fάρνων 347. ευκέατος 145. έφλυδεν 302. Fάσανδρος 228. εύκηλος 135 , 569. έφυν 378. Fασίας 228. ευκόλος 464. 'Εφύρα 142, 707. Fάστυ 433. ευκτίμενος 156, 639. Έχέδημος 118 . Fαυξος 560. ευλάζω 550 . Έχέλαος 118 . Fε 396. ευλή 550, 563. έχεπευκές 163. Fέαγε 531. εύληρα 554, 556, 569. Έχέπολις 118. Fέαρ 391 . ευμάρεια 329 . 'Εχέστρατος 118 . Fεαδηκότα 228. εύμαρής 329. εχέτλη 397. Fείπην 453. Εύμηλος 330. εχθές 201, 694, 712, Fέκαστος 460. ευνάω 612. 713. Fέκτος 387. εννέα 311 . εχθοδοπησαι 642. Fέλος 362 , 531. ευνή 207. έχθόδοπος 642, 643. Fέλωρ 547 . ευνις 691. έχιδνα 193 , 637. Fελώρια 547. ευνομία 314. έχιεύς 630 . Fέξ 388. ευπατέρεια 601. έχίνος 193. Fεξακάτιoι 387. ευπετής 210. έχις 56, 193 , 476, 630, εξήκοντα 387, 388. ευπλοκαμίς 622 . 637 . Fέπος 453. ευράγη 554. 'Εχίων 193. Fέργον 180. Εύριπος 354. έχομαι 105, 193. Fέρδω 607 . Ευρος 400 , 402 . εχραισμον 484. Fέριον 546, 579. εύρος 348. έχυρός 193 . Fέρρω 348, 546 . Ευρυκόας 151 . έχω 104, 193 , 382, 432, Fέσπερε 380 , 587. ευρύνω 348. Fέτης 396. ευρύοπα 453, 628. έψαλέος 699. Fέτια 208, 309 . ευρύς 74 , 348. ( εψές 694.) Ευρώτας 355 . Fέτος 208, 275, 676. εψία 713. Γέχε 388. εύς 378, 379. εψιάομαι 713. εύσανα 400 , Fήπην 453. έψω 67, 459, 676 , 699, Fηράνθεμον 391. ευσεβής 530. Σύσσελμος 240 , 375 700, 701 . Fιδιοξένω 398. . έων 703 . ευσταθής 66 . Fίδιος 396, 617. εώς 402 , 679. Fίκατι 39, 134, 437. εύστραι 400, 678. έως 399, 564, 679. Fικατι.Fέτιες 208. ευσύινος 392 . έωςφόρος 402. εύτε 595 . Fίλη 361 . Fίλιος 118. ευτράπελος 461, 462 . orig. υ 388 ; F Fίον 391. ευχερής 199, 329. pronunciation 548 f . ; Fίς 469, 577. 461, 676 . F signs of F 398 , 443 ; Fιταλός 208. views on F 10, 23, Αιτέα 561 595. 549 ff . ; j , ι F (? ) Fίτυς 561. ευχολή 691 . 442, 562 f . ; F from 1 Foίκος 137, 162 , 706. εύω 400 , 678. 591 , from a diphth, Foλόεις 572 . εύω 396, 400, 677, 678, 574, 640; Fbecoming a Fότι 398, 442, 591 . 691. simple breathing 435; Fράτρα 345. εφεδες 240. - lost 443, 474 , 498 ; Γρηγαλέος 551. ευχή 691 . ευχομαι 691 . ευχος 691. 439 GREEK INDEX. για 609. Γρηξις 531 . ζεύγνυμι 46 , 64, 181 , ήβητήριον 575 . Fυκία 162. 596 , 610 . ηγεμών 170 . Fυκος 706. ζεύγος 52, 181 . ηγέομαι 170 , 677. ζευξιλεως 364. ήδη 620. ζ 601, 604, 608 ft .; ζ ζευξις 4ύ. ήδομαι 36, 104, 228, δδι) 600 602 ;f .δj, 657 ( ζ) ; =ζ δ , Ζεύς ζεύσασθαι 235, 479 601, ,605 483,,619 605 ., ηδονή 674 228, 674. δδ 605 ft . ; ζ g) 643. ήδος 228, 672 , 674 . (δ ) 478, 604 f.; ζ ζεύω 479. ήδύλος 232. ( δ ) γ 618 1H ., 644. Ζέφυρος 695. ήδυμος 228. Šá 602, 603, 606, 681. féo 380, 609, 610. ήδύς 228, 232, 570, 626, ζαβάλλειν 602. ζηλος 380. 672 . ζάβατος 602. ζηλόω 195. ήειρε 355, 356 . Ζάγκλη 606. ζημία 381 ,534, 606, 610. ήέλιος 401, 402, 541, ζάγκλον 606. Ζής 601 , 602, 604, 605 . 679. ζάδηλος 602 . ζητέω 610, 619. ήερέθονται 66, 356. ζάει 602. ζητρείον 610. ήέριος 402. ζαελεξάμαν 602. ζητρός 610. ζαθεος 603. ήθειος 251. ζήτωρ 610. ηθέω 382. Ζάκανθα 602 . ζία 610. Ζάκανθος 602. ήθμός382. ζίεται 610. ζακόρεια 602 . ήθος 66 , 251, 674. ξίζυφον 610. ζακόσιοι 603. ήθω 382, 674. ζμικρός 681 . ζάκοτος 603 . ή 388 . Ζάκυνθος 602 Zμύρνη 661, 681 . , 707. ζόασον 559, 575. ήίθεος 38, 567 . ζαλάω 380 . ζοή 380. Ζάλευκος 602. ήκα 668. Ζόννυξος 593, 602, 685. ήκω 64, 567 , 607. ζάλη 380. ζορκάς 645 . ήλακάτη 343, 720. ζάλος 380. ζόρξ 645, 647. ήλασκάζω 547. ζαλος 380. ζούσθω 611 . Ηλείοι 362 . ζαμενής 602 . ζόφος 694, 695 , 696 . ηλεκάτη 343. ζανεκέως 603. ζυγόν 46, 181 , 597, 610, Ηλέκτρα 136. ζάπεδον 602. 644, 688. ηλεκτρον 136 . ζαπληθής 602. ζυγός 181 . Ηλεκτρυών 136. ζάπλουτος 602. ζύγρα 602 . ηλέκτωρ 136. ζάπυρος 602. ζύμη 610 . ηλεός 546. Ζάς 602. ζωγρέω 170. ηλιαία 340 . ζατράπης 713. ζωμα 611. ζατρεφής 603. ηλίθιος 547, 720. ζωμός 388, 609, 610 , ήλιος 41, 541, 679 . ζάχoλος 602 . 611 . Ηλις 362 . ζαχρηής 603. ζώνη 606, 611. ήλιτoν 547, 720. ζαχρυσος 602. ζωνίον 534. ηλός 546. ζαω 470, 483, 605 , 611. ζώννυμι 64, 338 , 611 , ήλος 362. ζεά 609 . 697 . ηλύγη 523 . ζειά 5633 , 609 , 610 . ζώον 95 . ηλύγιος 523 . ζείδωρος 509, 609. ζώπυρος 611. ήλυθον 65, 540, 720. ζείνυμι 52, 56 ) , 696 . ζωρότερον 380. ηλυξ 523. ζείουσαν 380. ζωστήρ 611 . ηλφον 293. ζέλλω 467, 483, 537. ζώω 611 . η μαι 381, 610, 677, 679. ζέμα 380. ζέννυμι 380. ημαρ 228, 537, 582. 397, 398. ζέρεθρον 483, 643. ημβρoτον 679. 290, 400, 401. ημεδαπός 642. ζέσις 380. βάσκω 575 . ημέδιμνον 509. ζέσμα 380 . ηβάω 575. ζεστός 380. ημείς 677 , 678, 679. ήβη 575, 576, 615. ήμελλον 332. ζευγμα 181 . "Ηβη 120. ημέρα 228, 582. 440 GREEK INDEX. ημερήσιος 616. θαέομαι 253. Θέμις 525. ημερίδης 628. θαιρός 258. θεμισκρέων 509. ήμερος 381 , 534. θάλαθθα 665. θέναρ 199. 255. ημί 400, 401 . θαλαμηπόλος 464. θεοκόλoς 463. ημι- 24, 576. θάλασσα 720. θεοπόλος 464. ήμισυς 325. θαλλίς 488. θεός 81 , 503 ft . ήμος 582. θαλλω 542 . θέρεος 509 . ήνεγκα 309. θάλπω 486. θερίδδω 657. ήνεγκον 103, 309. θαλπωρή 358 . θερίζω 657. ηνεκής 309. θαλυκρόν 486. θέρμα 257. ήνεμόεις 264. θαλύψαι 486. Θερμά 485. ηνέχθην 309. θάμαι 253. Θερμαι 485. ηνία 534. θαμβέω 218. θερμαίνω 485. ηνιοχεύς 597 . θάμβος 218 , 516. θέρμη 485, 572, 627. ηνιοχεύω 597 . θάνατος 534, 535. θέρμομαι 484, 485. ηνίοχος 534, 597 . θανείν 255, 261 , 545, θερμός 485, 572, 641. ηνίπαπον 457. 695. θέρος 485. ήνορέη 307, 593. θάπα 516 . Θερσίτης 256. ήνοψ 115. θάπτω 502 , 665. θέρω 224, 485. ήoς 399, 564, 582. θαρρέω 256. θέσις 254. ήπανία 272, 714 . θαρρία 224. θέσκελος 461 , 505 , 509 . ήπάομαι 501 . θαρσέω 256. θεσμός 254, 255, 257 . ήπαρ 27, 167, 454. θάρσος 256. θεσπέσιος 461 , 505 . ήπεροπεύς 263 . θαρσύνω 256. θέσπις 461 , 505, 509. ήπεροπευτής 263, 264 . θάσσων 498. Θεσπρωτοί 505 . ήπεροπεύω 263. θατύς 253. θεσσαίατο 253. ηπητής 501 . θαυμα 218, 253. θεσσάμενοι 509 . ήπήτρια 501 , 677. θαυμάζω 145 . Θέσσανδρος 509. ήπίαλος 668 . θαυματός 145. θεσσαντο 509. ήρ 391 . θαυσίκριον 253. θέσσομαι 509 . "Ηρα 118. θέα 253. θεστός 509 . ήραρον 341. θέαγον 598. Θέστωρ 509. ήρεμα 38, 325, 714.. θέαινα 637. θέσφατος 505, 507 , 509 . ήρεμαίος 325. θεάομαι 34, 100, 253, Θέτις 253, 622, 623 . ήρεμέω 325 . 596. θετός 433. ήρεμία 325. θέατρον 253. Θευγνις 503. ήρεμίζω 325. θέειον 259, 598. Θεύδοτος 503, 504. Τρι 402 . θεήιον 598. Θευόδοτος 504. ήρυγον 181 . θεηκόλος 463. θεύροί 253. ηρως 576 . θεηπολέω 463. θευς 503. Ησίοδος 248. θεϊνός 509. θέω 256, 507. ήσται 281 . θείνω 255, 300 , 535, 648. θεωρός 253. στον 281. θείον 259. Θήβαζε 614 . ήσσων 576, 626 , 654. θείος 255, 390, 505 . Θήβαι, Θήβη 614. ήσυχος 381, 693. θείω 563. θηβος 218, 253. θέλεμνον 705 . θήγω 256. θέλυμνα 705. θηέομαι 253. θέλυμνον 257. θήκη 254. ηχανεν 400 . θέλω 716. θηλαμινού 253. ήχήνες 190 . θέμα 254 , 433. θηλαμών 252, 253. θέμεθλον 254, 397, 493, θηλή 252. ήώς 402, 564, 582 , 679. 512 . θήλυς 252, 253. θεμείλια 541. θηλύτεραι 327. Indogerm, dh 249 ; θεμέλιον 254. θηλώ 252. και gh 485. θεμίζω 525. θάα 253. θήνιον 252 . θέμις 254, 367, 525. θήρ 256, 422, 420. . ήτριον 63. ηυς 379. Ούτε 595. ήχι 510. 441 GREEK INDEX . 488. θήρα 256. θρίναξ 492. ι from orig. α 701 H .; θηράω 256. Θριωζε 614. relation toj247,591f.; θηρίον 256 . θρόμβος 516. interchange with θής 255. θρόνα 492 . 707 f . θησαίατο 253. θρόνος 257, 422, 477. ία 395 , 582. θήσατο 252 . θρόος 257, 572. θαίνω 392 . θήσθαι 252, 253. θρυγονάω 492. "Ιακχος 453, 563. θησσα 255. θρύλλος 257. άλλω 390, 537, 540. θίασος 708 . θρύλος 257, 572, 719. ιαμβίζω 527. θιβός 504 , 505. δρύπτω 223, 665, 666 . ίαμβος 527. θιγγανω 105, 181, 182, θρώναξ 258 . αμενή 381. 215 . θρώσκω 256, 700. Ιάνασσα 562. θίγμα 181 . θυάζω 259. Ιάνειρα 562. (θίλε 489.) θυάς 259. Ιάνθη 561. Θέμβρων 504 . θυάω 259 . λάομαι 392 . θίν 255 . θυγάτηρ 81 , 258 , 308, 'Ιάονες 592. θιός 504. 506. Ράπτω 455, 527, 665 . θίς 255, 256. θυγατρίδεος 618. ταρειάδδω 619. Θίσβη 575. θύελλα 259 . Γαρείον 562. θλάω 223, 477 . θυήεις 259. Παρός 403. θλίβω 223, 477. θυιάς 259, 708 . τάρων403. θνήσκω 255, 534 , 695. θύλακος 487 , ταύω 391,540, 563, 573,, θνητός 534 . θυλίς 487. 619. θράζω 256. θύλλα 487 . Ιβάνη 368. θοίνη 477. θυλλίς 487 . ίβανος 368. θρός 256 . θυμα 259. εβδη 368, 575. θοόω 256. θύμβρα 62, 516. έβηνα 368. θοράνας 708. θυμέλη 276 , 582. "Ίβυκος 572. θοράνδις 708 . θύμον 62, 259 . ιβυξ 572. θόρνυμαι 256. θύμος 259. ίγα 383, 447. θόρυβος 257, 572, 719. θυμός 114, 259, 306. ίγγια 703. Θούδιππος 642 . θυνος 259. ίγκαφότευε 708. Θουκλής 642 . θύνω 259 . έγκρος 179. Θουκυδίδης 642. θύος 62, 259. ιγνύα 179 . Θούμαντις 642. θυοσκόος 97 , 151, 683. Ιδάλιμος 143. θούριος 256. θύρα 82, 258, 506, 614. ιδείν 57, 96, 99, 675, θούρος 256. θύραζε 614, 615, 708. 679. θρανος 257. θύρασι 258. ίδιος 382, 396, 617, 674, θράσκω 257 . θύρδα 233, 258. 676, 702. θράσος 110, 256 . θυρεός 258. ιδίω 241, 389, 537 , 592 , θράσσω 655, 719. θύρετρον 140, 258, 282, 674. Θράσυλλος 232. 493. "Ιδομενεύς 624. θρασύς 256, 477. θυρίς 258, 624. ίδος 228, 241. Θραττα 634. θυρωρός 349. ίδρας 241 , 529, 622. Θράυλλος 232 . θύσανος 259 . ίδρός 241 , 674. θραύω 222, 223. θύσθλα 259 . ιδρύω 239, 240, 702 . θρέομαι 257, 572. θυσία 259 . ιδρώς 228, 241, 674 . θρεσκή 257. θυστάς 259 . ίδιοι 241 , 552. θρήνος 257. θύστης 259. Γέραξ 386 , 562. θρήνος 257. θύψω 227. ιερεύς 597. θρήσασθαι 257 . θύω 62, 114 , 205, 259, ιερεύω 597. θρησκεύω 257. 477. Ιερός 161 , 403, 587, 677 . θρησκηίη 257. θωπεύω 665 . τζάνω 538. θρησκός 257. θώπτω 665. ίζομαι 239. θρήσκω 257. θωύμα 253. ίζω 239, 240, 354, 635, Θρησσα 654. θωτός 253 . 701 . 412 GREEK INDEX. τημι 35, 403 , 589 f. , Ιμμάραδος 404. 'Ισμηνός 404 . 607. εμονιά 396. Ισοδαίτης 2:30 . θαίνομαι 250 . ιν 309, 310 , 703. ισοευρής 228. "Ιθακήσιος 616. ινδάλλομαι 57, 241 . ισόρροπος 220. ιθαρός 250. ίνες 392, 602 . ισος 381 , 565 , 653, 676 . έθη 250. ινίον 392. Ισσα 382. τοθαντι 657 . ένις 398. ισσάομαι 382. ιθμα 403 . έννυεν 240. ισσος 381 , 653. ίθμη 66, 67. εξ 454. ισσος 382 . εθύς 66, 67 , 403, 516. εξός 688. ίστημι 211, 403, 679, έκανός 137 . Iξίων 137 , 703 . 680, 697. έκαντιν 134. ιοδέτας 628. εστία 703 . Γκάνω 137 . Ποδνεφές 655 . ιστορέω 241, 675 .

• Ικαρος 454. Ιόλη 391 . ιστορία 675 .

κελος 77, 644. όμωρος 332, 404. ιστός 211, 679 . Γκέτης 137 . τον 391. ιστωρ 241, 552, 674 , Γκετήσιος 137 . ίονθος 390. 675, 679. έκκος 449 , 455, 664 . ορκες 647. ισχανάω 193 . "Ικκος 455, 678, 702 . ιός ( poison) 391, 392 . ισχύς 193, 355, 392. εκμαίνω 137. ιός (arrow) 78, 404. ισχω 193. εκμαίος 137. τοστέφανος 391 . ιταλός 208 , 702. εκμαλέος 137. ιότης 404 . ιταμός 403. Ικμάλιος 454. λουλος ( sheaf) 563 . Ιτέα 392, 561 , 580. εκμάν 368. λουλος ( worm) 563. ίτης 66, 403. εκμάς 137, 674. Ιουλώ 563. ιτθαι 656 . εκμενος 137. ιοχέαιρα 204, 404 , 468. ίττω 656, 692. έκνέομαι 137 . ίπερ 709. ιτυς 392 , 561 . κρια 454. ίπνη 454. υγή 572. έκταρ 114 , 454. ιπνή 455, 678 . ευγμός 372 . εκτήρ 137 . ίπνός 699 , 701 . Εύζω 572 . εκτίς 712, 713. ίπος 454, 665 . ευρκες 647. ίκω 137. ιπόω 454. ίφι 392, 676 . λαδόν 633 . ιππάζομαι 613. ίφιος 392. Ιλεύς 561 . ίππάς 625. Ιφις 392. ύλη 539, 551 . Ιππημoλγοί 455. ίχλα 697, 698. ελήκησι 64. ίππιος 455. ίχνος 135, 172 , 349, 493, Ιλιάδης 561. ιππιος 455 , 678. 618. ίλιγγος 360. ιπποκέλευθος 146. χώρ 674. ίλιγξ 360, 676 . Ιπποκόων 151 . ίψ 454. Ιλισσός 676 . ιπποπόλος 463 . το 395. ελλάς 360 . ιππος 25, 449, 455, 460 , Ιωγή 531, 563 . ελλω 360, 361 , 701 . 699, 702. ωή 390, 563 . Ελλωπέω 665 . ιππότα 433, 455. ιωκή 493, 647, 648. ελλώπτω 665 . "Ιππυς 455. Ιωλκα 563. Ιμάλιος 137 . ίπταμαι 459, 698. των 678. εμάς 396. ίπτομαι 454, 643, 665. ιών 599 , 703 . μάσθλη 396 , 397 . τις 392 , 602. ιωξις 647 . ιμάσσω 396, 397. ισθι 315, 331, 396 , 455, ιωρός 563. ματα 702 . 461, 701, 702 . ιωγμός 493. μάτιον 379, 585 , 702. Ισθμός 403. " Ιμβρος 404. ισκεν 461 . Indogerm . k 130 . μερα 404. σκλα 698 . καβαίνω 553. Ιμέρα 404 . ισκω 30. κάββαλε 385. Ιμέρας 404. *Ισμαρος 404 . κάδος 137 . μερος 404, 582, 677. ισμερα 404. κάζελε 553 . τμίτραόν 709. Ισμήνη 404. καθαίρω 137, 671 . GREEK INDEX. 443 καμπή 665. καθαρός 137 , 432 . καμάρα 140. καρκίνος 143, 144 . κάθαρσις 137 . κάμβαλε 385 . Καρνασιον 147 . καί 138. καμινος 582. Καρνεϊος 147. καιάδας 145. κάμνω 104, 666 . κάρνη 148 . καίατα 145. κάμπη 140, 463. κάρνος 147 . καιετάεσσα 145. καρπαία 143. καίνυμαι 138, 228. κάμπτω 140, 463, 518, καρπάλιμος 63, 143. καίνω 156 , 490, 687. 624, 665 . καρπάτινος 527. καιρός 110. κανάζω 140 . κάρπιμος 143. καίω 144, 148, 172 , 563, καναχέω 635. καρπός (fruit ) 143, 264 . 583. καναχή 140, 720. καρπός ( wrist ) 513. κάκη 138. καναχηδά 633. καρπόω 143. κακίζω 613. καναχής 140. κάρραξον 719. κακκάβη 459. κάνδαρος 511 . κάρτα 154 . κακκαβίς 245 . Κανδαύλης 158 . κάρτης 147 . κακκάω 138. κάνναβις 140. κάρτος 154, 451 . κάκκη 138 . κάνναβος 459, 573. καρύα 144 . κακός 138 . κάνναι 573. καρύκιον 430 . κακόφατις 622. Καπανεύς 141 . καρυον 144. κακόω 138 . καπάνη 141. κάρφιον 719. κακύνω 138 . καπέτις 141. κάρφος 683 , 719. καλάβροψ 553. κάπετος 166, 682. κάρφω 517. καλαμεύς 138 . κάπη 683. καρχαρος 144 . καλάμη 138. καπηλεία 141 . κάς 385 . Κάλαμις 138. καπηλεύω 141 . κασίγνητος 144, 175. Κάλαμοι 138. καπηλίς 141 . κάσις 144. κάλαμος 138. κάπηλος 141 . κασκαλίζω 697 . καλαύροψ 352, 553, 556. κάπια 148. κασπολέω 212. καλέχες 194 . καπίθη 141 . Κάσσανδρα 144. καλέω 54, 138, 613. καπνίζω 613. Κασσιέπεια 144. καλήξω 613. καπνός 114, 141 . κάσσυμα 385. καλήω 613 . κάπος - 141 . κασσύω 385. καλιά 139. κάπρα 142. Κασταλία 137. καλιάς 139 . καπράω 141 . κάσχεθε 385. καλίδιον 139 . καπρία 141 . κατά 35, 385, 460, 553, καλινδέω 157, 705 . καπρίζω 141 . 569. καλιός 139. κάπριος 141 . καταδάπτω 232 . καλλα 139. κάπρος 141. καταδαρθάνω 232. Καλλίμηλος 330. κάπτω 655. καταδoυλιζμός 681 . Καλλίς 622, καπύω 141 , 501 , 665 . καταείνυσαν 379 . Καλλιρρόη 140 . κάπων 152, 153 . καταιγίζω 180 . καλλίων 139, 632. κάρ 142, 516. καταισιμόω 382. καλλονή 139. κάρα 112, 142, 144, 488, κατακλύσσαι 640. κάλλος 139 . 516. κατακτάς 156 . κάλλυντρον 140. κάραβος 573. καταλέγω 366 . καλλύνω 139, 140 . κάρανος 142 . καταλείπω 456. καλον 139, 148. καρανόω 142. καταλοφάδια 616, 631 . καλός 139 , 544 , 632. καρβατίνη 527. καταμωλύνομαι 327. κάλος 352 . καρδία 18 , 142, 544, καταπτήτην 63 . κάλπη 143, 148. 603. κατάρχομαι 189 . καλπίς 148 . κάρζα 603 . κατθανείν 535. καλύβη 62, 527, 547, 665, κάρηνον 142 . κάτθες 385 . 666 , 720 . καρθμός 683. κάτοδος 672. καλχαίνω 151. καρίς 143. κάτευμα 385 . Κάλχας 151 . κάρκαροι 144. καττύς 385. κάλχη 151 . καρκινάς 143. καττύω 385. GREEK INDEX . 7 κατά 707. κέν 56 . κίγκλος 146. κατωμάτιος 631 . κενεός 146, 594, 596, κίδναμαι 682. καταμάδον 631 , 633. 652 . κίεις 149. καύαξ 553. κενεών 146. Κιέριον 464 . καυάξαις 385, 553. κέννος 146, 652. κιθαρίζω 613. (καύγω 598. ) κενός 146, 594, 652. κιθαριστές 613. καύηξ 553 . κεντρηνεκής 309. κιθων 416. καύης 553 . κεραΐζω 147. κίκυς 157 , 703 . καυκαλίας 152. κέραμος 147. κικυω 149, 708 . καυλός 156 , 157 . κεραός 146, 553, 573 . κίλλουρος 146. καυμα 144. κεράννυμι 147, 701 . κίμβιξ 693. καυστηρός 144 . κέρας 142, 146, 147. κίμψαντες 683. καφα 683. κέρασος 147 . κιν- 533. καφάζω 475 . κεράω 701 . κινάθισμα 66. καφώρη 166 , 683. Κεράων 147. κιναύρου 533. καχλάζω 197 . κέρκος 157 . κινέω 149. καω 144. Κέρκυρα 157 . κίνυμαι 149 . κεάζω 65, 145. κέρμα 147 , 246 . κίοι 149 . κέαρ 142. κέρνος 147. κίρκος 157, 545, 705 . κέαρνον 145 . κέρρω 667, 670. κίρτημι 701. κέας 381 . κερτόμιος 148. κισσοδέτας 628 . κεβάλη 148, 501 , 527. κέρτομος 148. κίχλα 697 . κέβλη 148, 501, 527. κεσκίον 145. κίω 149. κέγχρος 144. κευθμών 259. κιών 149. κεδάννυμι 246, 682. κευθος 259. κλαγγή 604. κεδνός 636 . κεύθω 259. κλαγγδόν 633. κείμαι 145, 573, 610. κεφαλαίος 148 , 501. κλάγος 526. κεινός 146, 594, 596 , (κεφαλάριον 142. ) κλαδάσαι 153 . 652. κεφαλή 148, 437 . κλάδος 153. κείρω 147, 547, 667 , Κέφαλος 148. κλάζω 54, 56, 604. 670 . κέχλαδα 202 , 640. ( κλαίγω 598. ) κεία 65, 109 , 145. κεχλιδώς 641. κλαίς 149 . κεκαδείν 241 , 242, 403, μέχλοιδεν 640. κλαίω 563, 612. 494. κεχύδαται 634. κλάξ 149. κεκαφηώς 141, 501 . κεχωρίδαται 634. κλαξω 612. κέκηφε 141, 261 , 501, κηβος 528 . κλασις 139. 535. κήδομαι 242. κλαυκιόων 526. κεκλεβώς 528 . κηδος 242. κλειθρον 492. κε κλίαται 150 . κήδω 241 . κλεινός 150 . κέκραξ 144 . κηκάς 138. κλείς 149 . Κέκροψ 144. κηλήνη 146. κλειτος 150 . κελαδέω 720 . κηλίς 145. κλείω (shut) 149, 599. κέλαδος 720 . (509. κήλον 148, 572 . κλείω (celebrate ) 150. κελαινεφής 7, 145, 146. κήξ 553. κλέομαι 150 . κελαινός 145, 373. κήπος 148, 528. κλέος 150, 151 , 646. κελείς 147, 547. κλέπτης 149 . κέλευθος 14 , 308 . Κήρ 147. κλέπτω 62 , 71 , 149 , 665. κελεύω 139 , 146 . κηραίνω 147, 148 . κληΐς 149, 572 . κέλης 146. κηρίον 149. κλήσις 138, 139. κελητίζω 146. κηρός 149 . κλητεύω 138, 139 . κέλλω 146 , 716 . κηρύκειον 430 . κλητήρ 138. κέλομαι 54, 139 . κητος 145, 573. κλήτωρ 138 . κελύφη 178. κήυξ 553. κλίμα 149, 150 . κέλυφος 178. κηώδης 144. κλίμαξ 149. κεμπός 501 . κίβδηλος 153 . κλίνη 149 . κεμφάς 501 . κίγκαλος 146 , κλίννω 150. κηρ 142. 445 GREEK INDEX. κλίνω 149, 150 . κοΐζω 560 . κοπρών 523. κλισία 149 . κοιλία 156. κόπτω 152, 665 . κλισίη 150 . κοιλος 156, 157. κοράμβλη 517. κλίσιον 150. κοίιλος 157 . κόραξ 153, 545, 700 . κλιτύς 149, 368 . κόϊλος 157. κόρδαξ 153 κλοιός 149. κοιμάω 145. κορδύλη 153 . κλόνιον 150 . κοινός 533, 628. κορέω 155 . κλόνις 150, 172, 544. κοινών 628. κόρη 148 , 158 . κλονιστήρ 150. Κοίος 157 ( bis). κορεύω 516. κλόνος 146. κοιoς ( = ποιος) 460,481. Κορινθιακός 625, 639. κλοπεύς 149 . noios (number) 481 . Κορίνθιος 625 , 639. κλοπή 149 , 665 . κοιoφόρος 157 . Κόρινθος 142, 152, 486. κλόπιος 628. κoίρανος 158. Κόριννα 637. κλύδων 151 , 640 . κοίτη 145. κορμηται 445. κλύζω 151 , 640. κόκκυ 152 . κορμός 147. κλύθι 150 . κοκκύζω 152. κόρνοψ 464. Κλυμένη 151 . κόκκυξ 152, 700 , 708. κόρος ( black ) 545. κλυσμός 151. κόλαβρος 373. κόρος (broom) 155. Κλυταιμνήστρα 643 . κόλαξ 668 . κόρρη 142. κλυτός 150. κολάπτω 165 , 665. κόρση 142 . κλύω 150 ) , 32 4 , 544. κόλαφος 165, 488. κόρυδος 153, 488. κλωβίον 572. κολεκάνος 152, 545 , 7:20 . κόρυμβα 516. κλωβός 572. κολετράω 364. κόρυμβος 516, 527. κλώζω 151 , 604. κολοβός 572 , 573. Κόρινθος 142. κλώψ 149. κολόβριος 373. κορύπτω 665 . κμέλεθρον 140. κολοκάνος 152, 720 . κόρυς 488, 516. Κνακιών 159 . κολοκυνθη 495 . κορύττω 655. κνάμπτω 524. κολοκύντη 152, 495. κορυφή 142, 152, 488, κνάπτω 524. κόλος 147 , 168, 547, 516 , 527 . κνάφαλον 524. 572, 683. κορυφόω 142. κναφεύς 524. κολοσσός 152, 720. κορώνη ( crow) 153, 700. κνάω 66 , 493 . κολούω 147, 168, 572, κορώνη (bending) 157 . κνέφαλος 524. 573, 683. κορωνίς 157. κνέφας 524, 694 , 695. κολοφών 152. κορωνός 157. κνήθω 66 . κόλπος 62 . κοσκίνον 145. κνημίς 622, 623. κολώνη 152 . κοσκυλμάτια 168, 697. κνιπός 693. κολωνός 152. κόσος 460 . κνιφός 693. κομβακεύομαι 528. κόσσος 152. κνίψ 683. κόμη 112. κόσσω 152 . κνυζάω 614. κομιδή 614,630, 636 , 640. κότε 460, 465. κνυζηθμός 614. κομίζω 614. κότερος 460. κνώψ 524 . κόμμα 152. κότταβος 459. κοα 151 . κόναβος 7 , 140, 459 , 720. κου 460, 465 . κοάξ 560 . κονίς 242, 720. κουαμα 535. κοασαι 97 . κόνις 493 . Κουάριος 464 , 465 . ( κόβγω 693. ) κοννέω 151. ( κουβάνε 535.) ( κόβω 664.) κόοι 157. Κούμη 145 . ( κόβω 664.) κοπάζω 152 . κουρά 147. κόγχη 151 , 495 , 497. κόπανον 152 . κουρεύς 137. κόγχνη 698 . κοπεύς 152. κούρη 148. κόγχος 86, 151, 497. κοπή 152. κουρίδιος 148, 616. κογχύλη 151. κοπιάω 152. κουρος 148, 158. κογχύλιον 151 . κοπίς 152 . κουτάλη 683. κοέω 151 , 507. κόπις 152, 153 . κούφος 501. κόθεν 460 . κόπος 152, 153. ( κόφτω 664.) κοίδος 246. κόπρος 141. κοχλίας 151 . 446 GREEK INDEX. κοχλίον 151. κρέων 154. κτείς 687. κόχλος 151 . κρήδεμνον 233 . κτέννω 555, 607 , 652, κοχύ 708. κρήηνον 154 . 670 . κοχώνη 153 , 700. κρημνός 155, 610. κτέωμεν 156. Κόων 151. κρήνη 142, 671. κτημα 156. Κόως 157 . κρηπίς 576. κτησις 156 . κραδαίνω 153, 154. Κρήσσα 651 , 654 , 656 . κτίδεος 713. κραδάω 153. Κρησφύγετον 509. κτίζω 156, 639, 687. κράδη 153, 154. κρί 155, 353. κτίλος 156. κραδίη 142 . κρίδδω 607. κτίννυμι 156, 175 , 701 . κράζω 522, 604 . κρίζω 607 . κτίς 712, 713. κραιαίνω 154 . κριθή 155 , 703 . κτίσις 156. κραίνω 154. κρίμνoν 155 . κτόνος 156. κραιπάλη 143 , 668 . κρίννω 346 . κτύπος 75, 490, 687 . κραιπνός 63, 143, 668. κρίνομαι 155. κύαθος 157 . κράμβη 517. κρίνω 155, 168, 346, κύαμος 465, 535. κράμβος 517. 702 . κυάνεος 535 . κράνα 671 . κριός ( aries ) 146. κυανόπεζα 603 . κραναός 144 , 573. κριός (cicer) 144. κυανόπεπλος 535. κρανέα 594. κρίσις 155 . κυανόπρωροι 535 . κράνεια 147 . κριτήριον 155. κύανος 465 , 535 , 597. κρανίον 142. κριτής 155 . κυανοχαίτης 535 . κράννα 671 . Κριτίας 628 . Κυανοψιών 465 . Κραννών 142. κροκάλη 144 . κυανώπις 535. κράνος 147. κρόκη 144 . κύαρ 156 . κράνος ( helmet) 142, Κρονίδης 613 , 627 , 629. κύββα 517. 144. Κρόνιος 628. κυβερνάω 345. κράνος (cornel tree ) 147. Κρονίων 628. κύβη 527 . κράντωρ 154. Κρόνος 154 . κυβιστάω 527 . κραξον 719. κρόταφος 488. κυβιστητήρ 527 . κράστις 524. κρύβδα 632. Κύδνα 464. κραταίλεως 144, 154. (κρύβγω 663.) κύδνος 695. κραταιός 154. κρυερός 402 . κυέω 156, 551 . κραταίπεδον 144. κρυμός 155 . κυίσκω 551 . κρατερός 154 . κρυόεις 155 . κύκλος 140, 157, 545, κρατέω 154 . κρυόομαι 155 . 705. - κρατήρ 147. κρύος 155, 156. κύκνος 140, 695 . Κράτιππος 455. κρυπτάδιος 616 . κύλη 157. κράτος 154, 451 . κρύπτω 518, 547, 663 , κυλινδέω 705. Κρατύλος 154. 665, 666, 695 . κύλινδρος 650. κρατύνω 154. κρυσταίνω 155. κυλίνδω 157 . κρατύς 154. κρύσταλλος 155. κύλιξ 157, 282, 493. κραυγή 522 . κρύφα 323, 518. κυλίχνη 282 , 493. κρεάγρα 170 . κρυφα 323 . κυλίω 157 . κρέας 154 . κρυφάδις 633. Κυλλήνη 157. κρείας 155 . κρυφανδόν 633, κυλλός 157, 545 . κρείον 154 . κρώζω 153, 522. κρείσσων 669 , 670 . Κρωπία 144 . κυμα (foetus) 156 . κρείων 154 . Κρωπίδαι 144 . κύμα (unda) 157 . κρειών 155. κρώπιον 143. κυματίας 628. κρέμαμαι 68, 155. ks 687. κυματωγή 531 . κρεμάννυμι 155. κτάμεναι 156 , 701. κύμβαλον 157, 517 . κρεμβαλιάζω 528. κτάομαι 156, 697. κύμβη 157, 345, 517 . κρεμβαλιαστές 528. κτεδών 687 . κύμβος 157, 517. κρέμβαλον 528. κτείνω 156, 490, 652, κυμερνήτης 345 . κρέσσων.654, 669. 670, 687, 697, 701 . Κύμη 145. κυμ- 533. κτ GREEK INDEX. 447 κυν- 533. λαγαρός 182. λαμβάνω 172, 269, 520, κυνέω 149 , 158 . λαγάσσαι 182 . 658 . Κυνόσουρα 638. λαγγάζω 182. λαμπάς 266 . Κυνουρία 533 . λαγγεύει 182. λάμπη 266. κύος 156 . λάγδην 364. λαμπρός 266. κύπελλον 158 . λαγιδεύς 629. λαμπτήρ 266. κύπη 158. λαγινός 578. λάμπω 266. κύπρος 528 . λαγνεύω 182 . λαμυρός 363. κύπτω 518, 665 , 666 . λάγνος 182 . λανθάνω 119, 403, 421 . κύρβεις 517 . λαγόνες 182 . λάξ 364. κυρέω 158, 595, 596. λαγρόν 194 . λάξις 320 . Κυρήνη 157. λαγρός 194. Λαοδόκος 639 . κύριος 157 : λαγχάνω 495. Λαοκόων 151 , 364. κυρίττω 158 . λαγώς 182, 515. λαός 364. κυρος 157, 158. λάε 642. λαπάρη 267. κυρόω 157. Λαοκόων 151 . λαπάσσω 365. κυρτός 157, 545. λάζομαι 520, 658. λάπη 266. κύρω 158, 595, 596 . λάζυμαι 521, 658. λάπτω 365, 501 , 544, κυσθός 158 . λάζω 172 . 665 . κυσός 158 . λαί 363 . λαρός 363 . κύτος (hollow) 156, 168, λαίας 587. λάσθαι , λάσθω 363. 574. λαίβα 364, 587 . λάσθη 363 . κύτος (skin ) 168, 683. λαϊγξ 289, 524. λάσιος 366 . κύφερον 528. λαίδιος 364. λάσκω 159. κυφή 528. λαιδρός 363, 364, 641. λάσταυρος 363. κυφός 518, 628, 665. λαικάζω 363. λάστη 363. κυφος 518. Λάιος 638 , 639 . λατομίαι 542. κύφων 628. λαιός 364. λατράζω 642. κυψέλη 276. Λαΐς 363 . λάτρις 365 . κύων 79, 158, 551 . λαισάς 366. λάτρον 365. κωας 145 . λαισήιον 366. Λαυαγήτα 364, 553 . κωκύω 152, 553 . λαιτα 587. λαφός 587. κωλή 614. λάιτος 364. λάφυρον 520. κωλήν 614. λαίφα 587. λαφύσσω 365 , 501 , 665. κωλύφιον 516. λαίω 642. λάχεια 191 . κωλύω 552. λακάνη 164 . λαχμός 493. κώμη 145, 573 . λάκας 159. λάχνη 366. κωμος 145 . Λακεδαίμων 159 . λαχνήεις 366 . κωνίον 159 . λακεδάμα 159 . λαχνόομαι 366. κωνίς 159. λακείν 544. λαχνος 366. κώνος 159 . λακερός ( noisy ) 159. λάω ( wish) 363 . κώπη 141 , 144, 372. λακερός (torm) 159 . λάω (enjoy ) 365. Κως 157. λακέρυζα 159. λάων 395. κώς ( = πώς) 87, 460, Λακίνιον 159 . λέαινα 369. 465. λακίς 159. λεβηρίς 528. κώς (ειρκτή ) 157 . λάκκος 159 . λεβίνθιοι 346, 547. κώτιλος 153 . Λάκμων 159 . λέγω 49, 103 , 159 , 366, κωφεύω 475. λάκος 159, 545 . 387. κωφός 152, 501 . λακπάτητος 364. λεία 365, 369 , 624. λακτίζω 364. λειαίνω 367 . λ 1 358. λάκτις 364. Λείβηθρα 368 . λαας 364, 542. λαλαγέω 523. λείβηθρον 368. Λάβδα 639 . λαλαγή 523 . Λειβήνος 368. Λάβδακος 638. λάλαξ 523 . λείβω 368, 474, 548. λαβή 141. λάλος 523. λειμμα 455. λάβραξ 523 . λάμαχος 363 . λειμών 368. 448 GREEK INDEX. λειος 367, 370. Λεωδάναξ 642 . λειότης 367 . λέων 369. λείπω 52, 54, 267, 455, λεωργός 363. 559. λήγω 182 . λειτουργία 364. λήθη 52, 534. λειτουργός 176. Λήθη 119 . λείχω 194 . Λήθος 119 . λείψανον 455. ληϊβότειρα 509. λείων 369, 564 . ληΐζομαι 365, 613. λεκάνη 164. ληΐς 365, 613, 624. λεκίς 164. ληϊτις 365. λέκος 164. λήιτος 176, 364. λεκροί 367, 702. λημα 363. λέκτο 194. λημάω 541. λεκτός 366. λήμη 541 . λέκτρον 193. λήμμα 520. λέλακα 159. λήνος 366. λέλαχον 403 . ληξις 320. Λέλεγες 366. λησις 363 . λελειχμότες 483, 583 . ληστρίς 623. λελίημαι 363. Λητώ 119 . λελιμμένος 370. λίαν 363. λέξεται 194 . λίαξ 367. λέξις 11 , 366. λιβάδιoν 368. λεoκoις 557 . λιβάς 368 . λεοντιδεύς 629. λίβος 368. λεπίς 528. λιβρός 368. λέπoρις 266. Λιβύη 368 . λέπος 528 . λίβω 368 . λεπτός 222, 266 . λιγγούριον 566. λέπυρον 528 . λίγξ 367 . λέπω 373, 528, 715. λίγυρον 566 . Λεσβίς 625 . λιγυρός 367. λέσχη 366 . λιγύς 367. λευγαλέος 158, 182. λίην 363. λευκάς 627 . λίζον 373. λευκή 294. λιζώνες 373. Λεύκιππος 455 , 678. ( Λιθαδόνησα 487. ) λευκόίον 391 . λιθάζω 612. λευκολόφας 628. λίθαξ 551. λευκός 112, 160 (bis), λιθάς 612 . 627 . λίθος 308 , 612. λευκοφανής 291. λίκνον 443. λευρός 367. λικριφίς 367, 702 . λευσμός 542 . λικροί 367, 702. λεύσσω 13, 58, 100 , 112, λιλαίομαι 363 . 159, 442 . λιμήν 368. λευστήρ 542 . λίμνη 368. λευστός 542. λιμός 368 . (λευτερόνω 418.) λιμπάνω 455. Λευτυχίδης 118, 364 . λιμφεύω 266. λεύω 118, 542, 554. λιμφός 266. λέχος 11 , 193. λίνεος 369. λέχριος 367, 702. λίνον 369. λέχρις 367. λίξ 367. λεχώ 193 . λίπα 266. λιπαρέω 266 . λιπαρής 232, 266. λιπαρός 77 , 226, 232 , 266. λίπος 266. λίπτω 370, 665 , 666. λίς ( lion) 369. λίς (smooth ) 369. λίσπος 36 ) , 384, 494, 588. Λισσήν 370 . λίσσομαι 651, 653. λίσσον 374, 660 , λισσόν 373, 374. λισσός 369 . λίσσωμεν 456. λίστρον 369 . λίσφος 369, 494. λιτα 369. λιτι 369. λιτός 369 . λίτρον 443. λιφερνέω 370. λιχανός 194. λιχμάζω 194 . λιχμάω 194 , 583. λίχνος 194 . λίψ (moisture) 368 . λίψ (desire) 370. Λίψ 368. λιψουρία 370. λοβός 528. λογάς 366, 627. λογγάζω 182 . λογίζομαι 366 . λόγος 49, 366. λόε etc. 371 . λόετρον 371 , 555. λοιβή 368, λοίγιος 182. λοιγός 158, 182. λοιδορέω 642. λοιδορος 642 . λοιμός 183, 368. λοιπός 455, 509 , 661 . λοίσθιος 663 . λοίσθος 663. λοξός 183, 367. λοπός 528. λούσσον 160 , λουτήρ 371 . λούτριον 371. λουτρόν 371 , 699. λούω 45, 371 , 555 . λόφος 631 . λοχεία 193. 449 GREEK INDEX.

.

λόχμη 193. μ Indogerm. m 322 ; μαρμαίρω 332, 333, 554, λόχος 193 . μ from F 477, 577 f . 715 . λύα 370. μάγειρος 7, 326, 605 . Μάρμακος 456. Λυαίος 371 . μαγεύς 326. Μάρμαξ 456. λυγγάνομαι 371 . μαγές 326. μαρμάρετς 554. λυγγούριον 566 . μάγμα 326 . μάρμαρος 554, 715. λύγδος 523. μαδαρός 326 . μαρμαρυγαί 171, 715. λύγη 167 , 523. μαδάω 326. μαρμαρύσσω 554, 662 . λυγίζω 183 . μαδδα 607 , 657. μάρναμαι 68, 327, 339, λυγισμός 183. μαδίζω 326. 583. Λυγκεύς 58 , 371. μαδός 326 . Μάρπησσα 456. λυγμός 371.. μαζα 326, 484, 605, 607 , μάρπτις 456. λύγξ (lynx ) 57, 371 . 657 . μάρπτω 456, 665. lvys ( gullet) 371. μαία 335. μάρτυρ 331, 705 . λύγος 183, 708. Μαιαδεύς 630 . μαρτυρέω 595. λυγόω 183. μαιμάω 231 . μαρτύριον 331 . λυγρός 158, 182. μαίνομαι 101 , 312, 663. μαρτύρομαι 331 , 595. λύζω 371. μαίομαι 313, 592. μάρτυρος 331 . λυθρον 371 . Μαίρα 554. μάρτυς 331 . λυκάβας 160, 582. μάκαρ 161 . Μάρψίας 456. Λυκαβηττός 160. μάκαρες 161 . μάσθλη 397. λύκαινα 637 . μακαρία 326. μάσσω 326, 661 . Λυκόοργος 180. μακεδνός 161. λύκος 81, 160, 161 , 543, Μακεδόνες 161. μαστήρ 313 . μαστίζω 397. 704, 726. μακέλα 326. μάστιξ 307 , 524 . λυκόφως 160. μάκελος 326 . μασχάλη 583. Λύκτος 160, 657 . μακρόκρανος 697. μάτηρ 250, 335. λυμα 45 , 371 . μακρός 161 , 335 . μαυρος 554, λυμαίνομαι 371. μάκτρα 326. μαυρόω 554. λυμεών 371. μάκων 161 . μάχαιρα 328. λύμη 371 , 372 . μάλα 581 . μαχείομαι 328. λυπέω 183, 267. μαλακός 326, 511 , 526, μαχέομαι 328 . λύπη 267 . λυπηρός 267. μαλερός 581 . μάχιμος 328. λυπρόκρεως 697. μαλευρον 361 , 578, 579. μάχομαι 327 . λυπρός 267. μαλθακός 320, 327, 511. μαψίδιος 388 . λύσις 370. μάλθη 326. μαψιδίως 616 . λύσσα 543 . μαλκενίς 327 . μεγαίρω 329, 547. λυσσαίνω 543. μαλκόν 327. λυσσάω 543. μεγακήτης 145, μάλλον 581 . μεγαλύνω329. λυσσητήρ 543. μαλλός (white ) 579. μεγαλωστί 613 . λυσσομανής 543. μαλλός (wool tuft ) 579. Μεγαρίς 624. λυσσώδης 543 . μαλλωτός 579. μέγαρον 329, 547. λυτήρ 370 . μαλός 579. μέγας 329, 401 , 515 , λύτρον 370. μάμμη 335. 521, 682. λύττα 543. μάν 593. μέγεθος 329 . λυττός 160. μανθάνω 66 , 243 , 312, μέγιστος 329. Λύττος 160, 65 7. 313, 337 , 520, 682. μέδιμνος 65, 242, 331, λυχνος 16 ) , 179, 282, μανία 312, 484, 668 . 433, 468, 639. 493 . μανός 326, 337. μέδομαι 242. λύω 15, 370, 544. μάντις 312, 313. μέδορτες 65, 242, 243, λωβάομαι 372 . μαραίνω 333, 545. 639. λωβεύω 372. μαρασμός 333. μέδω 242. λώβη 372. μαράσσω 662. μέζεα 645. λωβητήρ 372. μάρη 329. μέζων 605 , 667. λοίων 363 , 365. μαρίλη 554. μεθέπω 453. CURTIUS , Etymology. II . 29 μαχη 327. 720 . 450 GREEK INDEX . μέθη 260, 511 . μέμβλωκα 64 . μεταλλάω 540. μέθυ 260, 511 , 572 . μέμνημαι 312. μέταλλον 540. Μεθύδριον 462 . Μεμνονίδης 62 ) . μεταξύ 208, 209. μεθύσκω 260. Μεμνονίς 629. μέτασσαι 208, 209 . μέθυσος 260 . μέμονα 101 , 312. μετεκίαθον 149 . μεθύω 260, 572 . μεμυζότε 483. μετέωρος 356 . μειδάω 3:30, 640, μενεαίνω 313. μεθορος 356. μείδημα 330 . μενθήραις 66 , 313. μέτριος 328, 329 . Μειδίας 330 . μενθήρες 66 . μέτρον 68, 328, 39. μειδιάω 330, 640, 682. μενθήρη 313. μέτωπον 112 . μείδος 330, 640. μενοινάω 313. μέχρις 583. Μείδυλος 330 . μένος 15, 101 , 312, 313. μή 317 , 334. Μείδων 330 . Μέντης 312 . μήδεα 645 . μείζων 329, 605 , 667 . Μέντωρ 312, 313. μήδομαι 242 . μειλέω 330 . μένω 101 , 312 . μήδος 242 . μείλια 330, 693. μερίζω 109 , 3:32. μηκάομαι 579. μειλίσσω 330, 331 . μέριμνα 101 , 109, 331, μήκος 161 , 335 . μειλιχίη 330. 332, 433, 547, 682 . μήκων 161 . μειλίχιος 330. μερίς 332. μήλον 327, 579 . μείλιχος 330 , 693. μερμαίρω 331 . μηλονόμας 628, μειόω 336 . μέρμερος 331 , 682 . μήλοψ 579. μειράκιον 581 . Μέρμερος 331 . μήν 200, 334. μείραξ 333, 581, 582. μέρμηρα 101 , 109, 331 , μήν, ( μήν) 620. μείρομαι 332, 529 . 635 . μήνη 334, 402 . μείς 334 . μερμηρίζω 331 , 635 . μηνιαίος 334. μείων 336, 337. μερμηρικοί 331 . μήνις 101 , 312, 622. μέλαθρον 140 . μέρμις 581 . μήννος 335 . μελαίνω 372 . μέρος 68, 109, 282, 332, μηνύω 312. μέλας 82 , 146 , 372, 667. 333. μήρινθος 581 . μέλδω, μέλδομαι 43,243, μέροψ' 109, 115 , 456. μηρός 583. 579, 580, 682 μεσαιπόλιος 334 . μηρύω 58Ι. μέλε 331 . μεσημβρία 404 , 710 . μήστωρ 242. μελεδαίνω 332. μέσκει 243. μελεδών 637 . μέσμα 242 . μητις 101 , 207, 313, μελεδώνη 3:32 . μεσόγεια 176. 576. μέλει 332, 547 , 580. Μεσοποταμία 462 . μήτρα 471 . μελεϊστί 613 . μέσος 89 , 334, 540, 577 , μηχανάομαι 335 . μέλεος 331 . 645 . μηχακή 335 . μελετάω 332. Μεσσαπέαι 118 , 463 . μελέτη 332. μηχαρ 335 . Μεσσάπιοι 118, 462 . μηχος 335 . μέλι 330, 331 , 583 . μεσσάτιος 334. μία 395, 582 . μελίαι 331. μέσσατος 334 . μίαχος 221, 721. μελίνη 583. μεσσηγύ 334. μίγα 336, 523 . μέλισσα 331 , 653 f. , 657. μεσσηγύς 334, 516. μιγάδες 336, 627 . Μελίτιννα 637 . μέσσοι 334. μιγάδις 633. μελίφρων 331 . μέσσος 89 , 209, 334, μιγάζομαι 497 , 613 . μέλκιον 330 . 540, 653. μιγάς 523 , 613. μέλλιχος 3:30. μεστός 242 . μίγδα 336, 632. μέλλω 101, 332, 443 , μέσυι 334. μίγδην 336, 632 . 517, 583. μέσφα 334. 509. μίγνυμι 336 , 523, 651. μέλομαι 332 . μέσφι 334. μικρός 682 . μέλος 330. μετά 208 , 209, 334 , 482, μικύθινον 486. μέλπω 3:30 . 583 . Μίλτας 331 . μεμαλαγμένος 326. μεταδώα 229. Μιλτιάδης 331. μέμαμεν 312 . μεταδρομάδην 633 . Μιλτώ 331 . μέμαπον 665. μέταζε 208 , 614 . Μίλων 331 . μήτηρ 3:35 . GREEK INDEX. 451 μιμέομαι 328. μολύβδαινα 373 . μύλαι 339. μίμησις 328 . μολυβδίς 373. μύλη 113 , 339, 704. μιμνάζω 636 . μόλυβδος 373 , 638, 708. μυλίται 339 . μιμνήσκω 312. μόλυβος 373, 572 , 633 , μύλλω ( blink ) 338 . μίμνω 193, 636 . 708, 720 . μύλλω ( grind) 339. μιμος 328, 458. μολυβους 373. μυλόδοντες 339 . μίν 532, 583. μολυβρός 373. μύλος 339, 579 , 704. Μινύαι 337. μολύνω 372. μυλωθρός 339. μινύζηος 336 . μόλυχνος 493 . μυμαρ 338 . μινώθω 66 , 336. μονάς 627 . μύνασθαι 324, 325. μίνυνθα 336, 486. μονθυλεύω 581 . μύνδος 338 . μινυνθάδιος 336, 388, μόνος 337 . μύνη 324. 486 , 616 . μονωτί 631 . μύξα 161 . μινυρίζομαι 337. μόρα 332. μύξινος 161 . μινυρός 337. Μόριχος 709 . μύριοι 340. μινύρω 337. μορμολόκειoν 524. μυρμηδών 339, 637. μινύω 336 , 703 , 708. μορμολύττομαι 524 . μυρμηκιά 594 , 637 . Μίνως 337. μορμύρω 337, 704 , 708. μύρμηξ 339, 340 , 360, μίξις 336 . μόρναμαι 327 . 386, 583, 689 . Μιξις 678 . μόρος 109 , 332 , 333. μύρμος 33 ) , 360 , 386. μίσγω 3:36 , 373, 437 , 523, μόρσιμος 332. Μυρσίλος 692 . 651 . μορτός 333 . Μύρσιχος 692 . μισέω 582 . Μόρυχος 709. μυς 340. μίσθαρνος 343 . μορφή 456, 581 . μυσαχνός 493 . μισθός 260. μόσχος 580. μύσος 338. μίσκει 243 . μουΐα 338 . μυστήριον 338 . μίσος 582. μούκηρος 161 . μύστης 338. μιστύλλω 708 . Μουνιχία 709 . μύσχον 340. μίτος 580. Μουνυχίαζε 614. μύτης 338. Μιτυλήνη 708 . Μουνιχιών 709. Μυτιλήνη 708. μίτυλος 708. Μούνιχος 709. μυτιλος 708. μνάομαι 312 . μούνος 337. μύτις 338. μνήμη 312. Μουνυχος 709. μύττης 338 . μνημοσύνη 312. Mουσα 313.. μυττός 338 . μνήμων 312. μυάω 338 . μύω 338, 339 . μόγις 633. μυγμός 338 . μυών 340. μόθος 337, 497. μυδαίνω 338 . μύωψ 338. μόθων 337 . μυδαλέος 338 . Μώα 415. μοιμυάω 338 . μυδάω 113, 338 . μώκος 338. μοιμύλλω 338 . μύδος (duml ) 338. μώλυς 327, 339. μοίρα 109 , 3:32 . μύδος ( moisture ) 113, μώλυγερ 586. μοιράδιος 616. 338, 583, 682. μώλυς 326 , 327 , 586 . μοιρίδιος 396, 616 . μύδρος 338, 583 . μωλύω 327 , 586 . ΜΙοισα 313 . μυδών 338 . μώμαι 313. μοιτος 324 . μύζω 338. μωμος 338, 341 , 706 . μοιχάς 625 . μυθος 338. μωραίνω 340. μοιχός 194 . μυία 338, 339 . μωρία 340. μόλιβδος 708 . (μυιγα 597. ) μωρός 332 . μόλιβος 242 , 373 , 572 , μυΐνδα 338 . μωρος 340. 708 . Μυκάλη 161 , 320. μωρόω 340. μόλις 633. Μυκαλησσός 161 . Μωσα 313, 415 . μολόβριος 373 . μυκάομαι 338 , 351 . μολοβρίτης 373 . Μυκήνη 161. Indogerm . n 306 , μολοβρός 372. μύκρος 161. 532 ; ν Dor . for λ 443 . μολπή 330. μυκός 338 . ν εφελκυστικόν 55. μολπίς 264, 580. μυκτήρ 161, 682 . ναί 317 . 29 * 452 GREEK INDEX. νης 310. νησις 316. νητρον 316. ναιετάω 315. νεοαύξητος 228. Νηρηίς 624. ναιέτης 315. νέομαι 315. νήριτος 342, 718. ναίω 35, 315. νεόπτραι 268 . νάμα 319 νέος 311, 315. Νάξος 320 . νεός 315 . νησος 108, 32 ) . ναρός 319 . νεοσσός 315, 316. νήσει 317. νάρω 178. νεοττιά 216, 315, 594. νήτη 315. νάς 310. νεοττός 629. νητρικέως 462 . ναυλον 313. νεοχμός 315. ναύος 315, 552 . νέποδες 267, 268, 526. νήχω 317 , 319, 692, 700 . ναυς 313, 314 , 381 . νέρθε 309 , 533. νίβα 318 . ναυσθλον 313 , 493 . νέρτεροι 309 , 533 . (νίβγω 663. ) ναυσθλόω 493 . νέρωψ 308 . ( νίβω 664.) ναυσία 313. Νέσσος 243. (νίβω 664.) ναυσιάω 313 . Νέστος 243. νίζω 318, 604 , 658. Ναυτεύς 630 . Νέστωρ 243 , 315, 701. νικάω 135 . ναύτης 313, 630 . νευμα 319 . Νικεύς 455. ναυτία 313. νευρά 316 , 470 , 554. Νικηφόρος 417. ναυτιάω 313, 315 . νευρον 271 , 316, 348, Νίκιππος 455 . ναυτιλλομαι 313. 468 , 470, 554, 555, νίκλoν 443 . ναυτίλος 153, 313. 573, 681 . Νικόδιππος 642. ναύω 319. νεύσις (modding) 319. νίν 532 . νάω 319, 320 , 681 . νευσις (swimming ) 319. νίπτρον 318. νεαν 315 . νευστάζω 319 . νίπτω 318, 658, 665 , νεανίας 315. νευστήρ 319. 666 . νέαξ 315, 629 . νεύω 319. νίσσομαι 315, 653, 701 . νεαρός 315, 574. νεφέλη 276, 295. νίσσω 318. νέατος 315 , 316. νέφος 276, 295, 425, νίτρον 443. νεβρός 315 , 316 , 574 . 694. νίφα 318, 475. Νέδη 243. : νεφόω 295. νιφάς 318. Nέδων 243 . νεφρίδιος 316. νίφει 318, 475, 681 . νεηγενής 291 , 633 . νεφρίτης 316 . νιφετός 318. νείαιρα 228, 315, 316, νεφρός 316. (νός 593.) νειαρδής 2:28 . νέω (spin ) 70 , 316. νοέω 178, 288.. νείατον 227 . νέω (heap up ) 317. νομάς 627. νεικείω 594 , 610. νέω (Swim) 318, 319 , νομεύς 314 . νεϊκλον 443 . 320, 681. νομή 314. νειός 315 . νεωστί 315 , 613. νομίζω 314. νειρόν 315. νέωτα 208 . νόμισμα 314 . νείφει 318. νη- 307, 317. νομός 314, 315. νεκρός 161 . νή 317. νόμος 53, 314. νέκυια 161 . νήδυμος 715. νόος 178, 288. νέκυς 161. νηέω 317. νόσος 162. Νεμέα 314. νήθω 66 , 316 , 317 . νόστος 315, 701. νεμέθοντο 546. Μηιάς 319. νόσφι( ν) 320, 509 . νεμεσίζομαι 314, 315 , νήϊστος 316 . νοσφίδιος 616. 613. Νηίται 316. νοσφίζομαι 320. νέμεσις 314. νηκερδής 317. νοτερός 319. νεμεσσάω 314, 315 . νοτέω 319. νεμέτωρ 314. νηνεμίη 317. νοτία 319. νέμησις 314 . νηνέω 317 . νοτίζω 319. νέμος 314, 315. ννις 622 . νότιος 319. νέμω 53, 314. νηπίαχος 693 . Νότος 319, 368. νένoφε 295. νήπιος 464, 486, 693 . νούσος 162 . νενόφωται 295. νηπύτιος 464, 486 . νυ 56, 318. νεοαρδής 228. Νηρεύς 319, 624. νύγμα 536. νημα 316. GREEK INDEX.. 453 όα 550 . Οχκη 130 . νυγμός 536. όα (sheepskin) 393 . όθη 261 . νυκτερινός 162 . όα (Sorbus) 394, 555. όθμα 261 . νυκτερίς 162 . όθομαι 261. νύκτερος 162. Όα 573. Όθρυάδας 487. νυκτιλαμπής 626 . Όάδμων 550. οθρυόεις 487. νυκτίπλαγκτος 162 , 626. "Όαξος 531 , 560, 388 . Όθρυονεύς 487. νύκτωρ 162 . όαρ 356. όθρυς 487. Νύμφαι 120. δαρίζω 346. "Όθρυς 296, 487. νύμφη 120. οαρισμός 613 . οι 396 . νυμφίδιος 616 . οαριστής 346 . Οιία 206. νυν 56 , 318, 319 . οαριστυς 346. οία 393 . νυνί 318. οαρος 346 . οιάκιον 608. νύξ 162, 626, 704. όβδην 632. Oιάνθεια 561 . νυξις 536 . οβελός 476, 487, 716. Oιάνθη 561 . νυός 35, 320, 681. Οβριάρεως 714. Οίαξίς 560. νύσσα 322 , 535. όβρίκαλoν 209, 373. οιάτης 206. νύσσω 322, 535 , 336 . όβριμος 55, 521, 714 . οίδα 99, 241. νυστάζω 319. Οβρυμώ 714. οιδάω 158. νύσταλος 319 . βριος 209, 373. οίδμα 157. Νυφόδωρος 55. ογδόατος 525 . οιεος 393 . νύχιος 162, 700. ογδόδιον 163 , 236. οιετής 208, 564 , 573. νωϊ 320, 533 . όγδοος 75 , 79 , 162 , 163, οι ζω 640 . νωλεμές 326 . 265, 525, 557. οιϊη (κώμη) 206 , 573. νωλεμέως 326 . όγε 515. oľn (sorbus) 394. νωμάω 314. Οίη 206 , 573 . νώνυμνος : 22, 666 , 705. όγκινος 13 0 . οιήτης 573. νωροψ 115 . όγκος (bend) 130, 189. οίκαδε 633 . νωτιαίος 320 . όγκος (2ndss ) 321 . οίκαδις 633 . νωτίζω 320 . Ογμος 169 . οικείος 595. νωτιος 320 . ογχνη 698 . οικέτης 162 , 176, 207 , νωτον 320 . οδάξ 716. 396 . νωτος 320. οδαξέω 716. οικέω 162, 639 , 676 . οδαξησμός 716. οικία 162 . ξ Indogerm. ks 386; οδάξω 67, 716. οικίζω (539. ξ from sk 511 ; ξ from όδε 621 . οικοδομέω 629 . j with 6 599. οδελός 476 , 487 . οίκοι 633. ξαίνω 687. οδεύω 240. οίκόνδε 233 , 621 . ξανθός 511 . οδί 399 . οίκος 162 . ξένιος 628. * οδίτης 240. οικτείρω 702 . ξέω 687. οδμή 243 . οικτιρμός 702 . ξίφη 688. οδοιπόρος 643. οικτίρμων 702 . ξίφος 688. οδός 228, 240 , 674 . οικτίρρω 702. ξουθός 511 . οδός 240 , 674 . Oιλεύς 561 . ξυήλη 685 . οδούς 239 , 243, 716 . Όϊλιάδης 561 . ξύν 162, 209, 286 , 393 , οδύνη 239, 2.42. οιμη 401 , 403. 411, 533, 685, 704 . οδύρομαι 716. ξυννενοφε 295 . Όδυσεύς 134 , 244. οινάνθη 393 . ξυνός 533 . οδύσσομαι 244, 714 . οιώναρον 393 . ξυρέω 595. όζη 604. οινάς 393 . ξύρομαι 595. όζος 580 . οινάω 321 . ξυρόν 688. όζυξ 395. oινεύς 676 . όζω 243, 596, 603, 634 , οινή 320, 321 . o from f 556 ff.; o from 635, 663 οϊνη 393. ου 674 . Όη 206, 573 . Οίνηίς 676 . ó- 356 , 394 , 395 . όη 394. οινίζω 321. • 25, 397, 398. οθέων 261 . οίνον 393. οιμος 403. 454 GREEK INDEX. οινός 320, 321 . όλοοίτροχος 360, 361, όνειαρ 230 , 715. οίνος 393 , 551 , 676 . 562, 643. ονείρατα 179. οινόφλυξ 302 , 584. ολοός 374 , 572 . όνειρος 179 , 326, 700 . οίος 321 , 395. όλοός 562. όνησις 715. οις 393. Όλοοσσών 561 . ονθυλεύω 581 . όις 54, 90 , 393 , 507 , όλοόφρων 374 , 562. ονίνημι 322, 457 , 702, 564, 576, 578. ολόπτω 373, 715. 715. οίσος 392 , 561 . "Όλορος 350. ονοκίνδιος 149. οιστός 404 . όλος 374 , 540, 672 , 674. όνομα 178, 321 , 322, οισύα 392, 561 . Όλοσσόνες 561 . 613, 705 , 712, 714 . οίσω 103 . Όλους 572. ονομάζω 321 . Οίτη 394 . ολοφυδνός 36. όνομαι 715. οιτος 403. ολοφύζω 636 . ονομαίνω 321 , 322, 613, • Οίτυλος 561 . όλοφύρω 596, 636 . 666, 671. οίχομαι 498 . όλπα 580. όνομακλήδην 632. οΐω 640 . όλπίς 264. ονομαστί 631 . οιωνός 394 , 563 . Όλυμπίαζε 614 . όνος (ass) 404 . όκα 480. Όλυμπιάς 627 . όνος (unit) 321 . οκέλλω 146, 716 . "Όλυμπος 266, 715. όνυμα 215, 321 , 705 . όκκον 457. "Όλυπος 55. όνυξ 322 , 424, 496 , 704 , οκνέω 698. όλωγα 374. 720 . οκνηρός 698 . όλώλω 607 . οξύς 131 . όκνος 698. ομαδόν 633. όον 39-4 , 555 . οκρις 130 . ομαλός 322, 323 . οπαδός 240, 636. οκρυόεις 156 , 713 . Ομάριος 342 . οπάζω 636. οκταλλος 457, 666 , 687. oμαρτέω 342. οπάρα 358 . οκτώ 75 , 79, 90 , 162, ομαρτη 342 . όπατρος 395. 673, 677, 679. ομβρίω 341. οπάων 636 . όλβιος 374. όμβριμος 55, 521 . όπεας 456, 457 . όλβος 374, 521, 572. όμβριος 341. οπεύς 457. όλέκω 63 . όμβρος 341 , 517 , 521. οπή 115, 456, 666 . ολιβρός 370 708 . ομηρεύω 342. οπηδός 636. ολιγάκις 373. οπιδνός 636 . ολιγηπελέων 237 . όμιλος 539. οπίζομαι 613, 636. ολιγοδρανέων 237 . ομιχέω 194, 715 . οπίπας 457, 702. ολίγος 373 ,523,599, 715. ομίχλη 194, 321 , 715. οπιπεύω 456, 457, 702 . ολιγοστός 373 . ομίχλη 104. οπιπτεύω 457. ολίων 373 . ομιχμα 194 . όπις 613 , 623 . ολίoς 599. όπισθεν 358. ολισθάνω 370 , 714. ομο- 395, 533 . οπισθέναρ 255. ολισθέω 712. ομόζυξ 181 . οπίσω 358. Ολισσήν 370, 561 . ομόθεν 322. όπλον 453, 454. ολκάς 627 . ομοίίος 322 , 323 . οπλότερος 453, 458. ολκή 136 . ομοίος 322, 323 . οπός 350, 457, 458, 636 , όλκός 136. όμοργμα 183 . 674 . όλλυμι 63 , 562 . ομόργνυμι 183, 545, 711. όππα 456. όλμος 360, 361, 676 ομός 322. οπποτε 460. ολοειται 374. όππως 460 , 482. oλoίτροχος 360. όμου 322 . οπταλέος 699 . ολολυγαία 374. ομπνεύω 500. όπτάω 358, 459, 699. όγολυγή 374. ομπνή 500. οπτήρ 456. ολολυγμός 374 . Όπμνία 500 . όπτός 459 , 699. ολολυγών 374 . ομφαλός 295, 524. όπωπα 456. ολολύζω 374. όμφαξ 295. οπώρα 357, 358. όλολυς 374. ομφή 495. όραμα 349. όλοξ 563, 566. ομφύνω 500. όρανος 351 . ομηρος 342. y ρωμα 456. ομοσε 322. 455 GREEK INDEX. ορτή 567. οράω 96 , 98 , 99, 103 , όρρός 350, 351. όστρακίνδα 633 . 349, 574. όρρος 350, 693 . όστρακον 209. ορβος 573, 679. όρσο, όρσεο 348. όστρειον 209 . οργάδες 184. όρταλίς 692 . όστρεoν 209 . Οργάζω 567 . ορτάλιχος 692. οσφύς 688 , 713. όργανον 180. όσχος 580. οργάς 184. όρτυς 351, 523. ότε 480, 595. οργάω 184. όρυγανω 351 . ότι 442, 591 . οργή 184, 185 . όρυγή 518. οτλέω 714. όργιον 180. ορυγμάδες 351 . ότλημα 714. οργυιά 184, 719. όρυγμαδός 351 . ότλος 714. όρεγμα 184. ορυγμός 351 , 714. ότραλέος 224, 713. ορέγνυμι 184. ορύγω 351 . Ότρεύς 711. ορέγω 184, 701 , 719. όρυζα 561. ότρηρός 224, 713 . ορεινός 350. ορυμαγδός351 , 358 . ότρυγηφάγος 713 . όρειος 350. ορύομαι 358, 714. οτρύνω 321, 712, 713. ορείτης 580. ορύσσω 518, 661 . όττι 482. όρεξις 184. ορυχή 518. όττι 673. δρέοντο 348 , 596 . ορφανεύω 296 . όττοβος 459 . Ορέστης 350. ορφανία 296. ου 396. ορεύς 350 . ορφανίζω 296. ουα 394 . όρος 679 . ορφανιστής 296 . ουά 550 . ορθόδωρον 234, οφανός 296 . ουαί ( φύλαι) 573. ορθός 474 . Ορφεύς 473 . ουαί 550 . οριγνάομαι 184, 701. όρφναίος 473. Ουάρρων 549. ορίνω 49, 348, 719. όρφνη 473 . ούατα 404. ορκή 647. όρφνινος 473 . ούδας 75, 113 , 177, 228 , (όρκο μι 647. ) όρφνός 473 . 240, 350 , 635, 674. όρκος 506. ορφοβότης 296 . ουδενόσωρος 349. ορμαθος 355. όρφός 296. ουδός 240, 674. ορμάω 349. Ορφώνδας 296 . ούδωρ 248, 677. όρμενος 49 . όρχαμος 189 . Ουέλια 549, 550 . ορμή 349. όρχάς 647. Ουενούσια 519. ορμητήριον 349. ορχηθμός 66 . ουθαρ 261 . ορμιά 355. ορχηστής 293. ( ούθε 489.) Ορμίαι 356 . ορχηστύς 613. ουκ 80. ορμικας 340. όρωρα 348. ούλαί 36 ) . ορμος 355 , 356, 674 . ορώρει 349. ουλαμός 539, 510. όρνεον 350. ορώρεται 719. ουλε 374, 522 . ορνιθειον 394. ος (own ) 396. ουλέω 374. όρνις 350, 486 . ος 25 , 398, 399 , 590 . ουλή 374. όρνυμι 49, 348 , 719 . Ούλιος 374. όροβος 346 , 573, 719 . οσμή 243 . ουλόθριξ 347 . ορύγυια 184, 719. όσος 540. ουλος (curly) 347, 546 , ορόδαμνος 353 , 519. όσσα 4533, 638 . 579 . οροθύνω 348, 719. " Όσσα 457 . ουλος (entire ) 540, 669, Όρολος 350 . όσσε 58, 99 , 457, 658. 1672, 674. όρονται 349 . όσσητήρ 454. ουλος ( sheaf ) 563. όρος 350, 474 , 679. όσσομαι 58, 457, 666. ουλότης 347. ορος 679. οσσος 398, 540 . ουλοχύται 360. ορός 350, 351 , 674. όστακος 209 . Ουλώ 563 . ορoύβω 573. οστάριον 209. ούνομα 321, 714 . ορούω 348. όσταφίς 711 . ουον 555. οροφή 665 . οστέινος 209 . ουρά 350 . όρπηξ 266 . οστέον 44, 209 , 494 . ουράνη 351 . όρρα 652. όστινος 209. ουράνιος 351 , 628. οςγε 399. 456 GREEK INDEX. π ουρός 350. οφι 675. ουρανίωνες 351, 628. όψιτέλεστος 702 . πανήγυρις 601 , 705. Ουρανός 351 . όψομαι 58, 99, 103 , 117 , πάνθηρ 430 . ουρανός 351, 570 . 456, 658. πανίον 276 . ούραχος 350, 693 . όψον 459, 676, 699 . Πανοπεύς 276 . ούρειος 350. Πάνορμος 356 . ουρεύς 350. lndogerm. p. 263 , πανος 494. ουρέω 351 . Indogerm. k 452 ; πανούργος 567. ουρήθρα 351 . π becoming φ 457, Πανοψία 465 . ούρημα 351 . 660 (2), 668 ; π from πανσυδίη 617 , 631 . ουρίαχος 350, 693 . F ( ? ) 588. πανταχού 510. ούριος 390. πά 269 . παντελώς 510. ουρον (space) 348 . πάγη 268. πάνυ 460, 510. ουρον ( urine ) 351 ( bis ). πάγος 268 , 308 , 510. Πάξος 588. πάγχυ 510. πάομαι 271 , 283. ουρος ( watchman) 96 , 97 , Παγώνδας 629. πάρ 269, 270 . 349, 563, 574. πάθνη 493 . παρά 269, 273, 274, 285 . oypos (mountain ) 350. πάθος 66, 69, 270, 587. 310 , 569. ουρος (boundary) 574 παιδίον 534. Παράδοσος 685. ουρος ( wind) 390) , 405. παιδνός 578. παραί 269 . ους 389, 404, 405. παιδοποιός 288. παραιρέω 269. ουτος 532. παίζω 613. παραλαμβάνω 269. ουτοσί 399 . παιπάλη 289. παραμείβω 324. οφείλω 651 , 667. παιπάλλω 231 , 669 . παράνομος 269 . οφέλλω 667 . πάϊς 288, 507, 613 . παραύα 405 . οφθαλμός 456, 457 , 676. παιφάσσω 298. παρδακός 526. παίω 269, 507 . παρειά 405 . όφις 133 , 193, 457, 476, πάλαι 311. παρείκω 648 . 495. παλαιδέτης 642 . παρεσκευάδατο 634 . όφλισκάνω 651. παλαιστή 26). παρέχω 269 . όφρα 675 . παλαίω 483 . παρήίον 405. οφρυανασπασίδης 487. παλαμάομαι 269. παρήκω 269. όφρυγή 586 . Παλαμάων 269. παρήορος 356. όφρυγνάω 586. παλάμη 269 . παρθένος 283. οφρύη 296, 586. Παλαμήδης 269. Πάρις 278, 622. οφρυόεις 296 , 487 . παλάσσω 289 , 720. Παρνασός 7. όφρύς 296, 321, 487, παλαστή 269. πίρνοψ 464 . 711 . παλεόρ 446. παροιμία 401. όχεί 715 . παλεύω 289 . πάρος 270, 274 , 285, 432 . όχεή 716. πάλη 289 . πάρταξον 526. ογέομαι 192 . παλιμπλαγχθείς 278 . πας 460, 654. οχετός 192 . παλινάγρετος 170. Πασιθέη 509. οχεύω 192. παλίνoρσος 546. πασπάλη 289. όχημα 192. παλίωξις 647 . πάσσαλλος 268,320 , 523 , όχθέω 193 . πάλκος 276 . 661 . όχθος 66. πάλλω 180, 28 ) . πάσσομαι 271 . όχλεύς 192. παλμός 289. πάσχω 66, 421 , 691 . όχλέω 192, 635 . πάλος 289. πατάνη 210. όχλος 192 , 588 . παλύνω 276, 28 ). πατέομαι 270 , 493 . οχος 35 , 192 . Παμβωτίδαι 630. πατέω 270 . οχυρός 193. πάμπαν 4650 . πατήρ 11, 270, 431 , 432 . όψ 117, 263, 452, 658. παμφαίνω 298. πάτος 270. οψέ 702 . παμφανόων 298. πάτριος 270 , 618. όψι 702 . Πάν 271 . πάτρως 270. οψιμαθής 702. Πανδιονίς 624. παυλα 271 . οψίνοος 702. πανδόκος 497. παυρίδιος 616. όψις 58, 99 , 456. πάνσυρτος 716. παυρος 271 , 348, 554. 457 -- GREEK INDEX. παύς 288. πελεκκάω 163 . περαιτέρω 273 . παυσωλή 271. πέλεκκον 163. πέραν 273. παύω 271 . πέλεκκος 163. πέρας 273, 635 , 705. παφλάζω 301 . πέλεκρα 163. περάτη 273. πάχετος 510. πέλεκυς 163, 655 , 720. περάω (press through) πάχνη 208 , 308 , 510, πελεμίζω 278 . 272. 523. πελιδνός 271 . nepco (convey across , πάχος 510. πελίκη 493. sell) 273, 274. παχυλός 232 . πελιός 271 , 703 . Πέργαμα 303 . παχύνω 510. πελίχνη 493 . πέρδιξ 245. παχύς 232 , 276, 500, 523. πέλλα 271 , 507 . πέρδoμαι 245. πεδα 482 . Πέλλη 271 . πέρδω 80 , 245, 286 . πεδάω 245 . πέλλης 271 . περί 269 , 274, 285, 310 . πέδη 244. πελλίς 623 . περιβρύχιος 705 . πέδιλον 24 4 . πελλός 271 . περιδδείσασα 645 . πεδίον 234, 66 ) . πέλομαι 463 , 464. περιδέξιος 234. πέδον 83 , 113, 177 , 240 , Πελοποννησιακός 625 . περίειμι 274. 244, 474 . πελός 271 , 703 . περικτίονες 156. πέζα 244, 603 . πέλω 463, 464. περιμήκης 274. πεζός 244, 603. πέμμα 459 . πέριξ 274, 685. πείθομαι 262. πεμπάζω 458, 479. περίοιδα 274 . πείθω 54 , 262 , 559. πέμπε 458, 165, 701 . περιρρηδής 353. παθώ 262. πέμπτος 458, 479. πέρις 685. πείκω 163, 631 , 664, πέμφιξ 708 . περισσαίνω 685. 667. πεμφις 708. περισσός 274, 291 . πείνα 272. πεμφρηδών 238. περιτρέφεται 22:3 . ( πεινάγω 612.) πενέσται 272. περιφλύω 499. (πεινάψεις 612.) πένης 272. περκάζω 275. πείρα 272, 273 . πενθερά 261 . περκαίνω 275. πειρα 273 . πενθερός 261 . περκνός 274. πειράζω 612. πένθος 66, 270 , 495, 587. πέρκος 274, 275. Πειραιεύς 221, 273. πενία 272 . περκώματα 275. πειραρ 273. πενιχρός 272. πέρνημι 273. πειράω 272, 612 . πένομαι 272, 683, 691. περόνη 273. πειρητίζω 286 . πεντάδραχμος458. πέρρα 273. Πειρίθοος 274. πενταετηρίς 676. περρέχω 652. πείρω 273. πεντάπολις 458, 479 . πέρροχος 652 . πείσα 262. πέντε 458, 479, 701 . περσέπολις 148 . πείσμα 261 . πεντήκοντα 479. Περσεφόνη 266. πέκος 163. πεντηκόντορος 344. πέρυσι 208, 275. πεκτέω 163. πέος 272, 683. περυσινός 275 . πέκτω 163 , 651 , 664 , πέπαμαι 271 , 283. πέρυτι( ς) 275. 667. πεπνυμένος 280. πέσσον 660. πέκω 163, 631 , 664, 667. πέπoιθα 262. πέσσυρες 465, 480 , 705. πέλα 271 , 279. πέπoν 459. πέσσω 358, 459 , 651 , 658, πέλαγος 278 , 720 . πέπονθα 272. 665, 667, 699. πελάζω 278, 701 . πέπoσμαι 55 7 . πέτακνον 493 . πέλας (skin ) 271 , 701. πέπρωται 282. πέταλον 210, 211 . πέλας (near ) 114, 278. πεπτέατο 635 . πέταλος 210, 211 . Πελασγοί 35 , 446. πεπτός 458. πετάννυμι 210, 701. πέλεθος 683 . πέπτω 45 ) , 651 , 665 . πέτασμα 210. πέλεθρον 720. πέπων 458, 665. πέτασος 210. πέλεια 227, 271 . πέταχνον 493. πελειάς 271. πέρα 273. πέτομαι 210, 468. πελεκας 163. περαίνω 273.: πέτoρες 27. πελεκίζω 163. περαίος 273. πετραίος 633. περ 274. 458 GREEK INDEX., πηγμα 268. πλήν 282, πέττω 665 . πιλνός 703 . πλεγνύω 523 . πευθήν 262 . πίτος 277 . πλέθρον 278, 720 . πεύθομαι 262 , 651. πιμέλη 276, ( bis) , 582. πλείειν 563. πευκάλιμος 143 , 163. πίμπλημι 55, 277, 544. πλείστος 282. πευκεδανός 163 . πίμπρημι 58, 284. πλείων 9 , 282, 337. Πευκέτιοι 163 . πίνακος 277. πλέκω 164 , 523, 547. πεύκη 163 . πιναρός 277 . πλεύμων 280, 281 , 443. πευκών 163. πίνον 281 . πλευρά 14. πεύσις 262 . πίνος 277, 683 . πλέω 204, 279, 507 . πεφλοιδέναι 302 . πινυτή 280. πλέως 277. πέφραδον 660. πινυτός 280, 720. πληγή 278. πεφυζότες 483, 484 , 605. πίνω 281 , 666, 703. πλήθος 76 , 277. πέφυκα 378, 696, 697, πιότης 276. πληθρον 278. πέψις 458. πιπίσκω 281 . πληθύς 277 . Πήγασος 268 . πιπράσκω 273, 274, 661. πλήθω 66, 277, 278, πηγεσίμαλλος 579. πίπτω 210, 408 , 655 . 665 . Πισα 281 , 639 . πλήμνη 278 . πήγνυμι 98, 268, 510, πίσινος 277. 523, 637, 661. πισος 281 , 639 . πλήρης 277. πηγός 268, 509, 510, πίσος 277. πλησίον 114 , 278. 661. πίσσα 163. πλήσσω 164 , 278, 608 , πηδάλιον 245. πιστήρ 639. 661 , 697. πηδάω 245, 639. πίστις 262 , 622 , 623. πλινθηδόν 633. πηδόν 245 . πίστρα 281 , 639. πλίνθος 279. πηκτίς 476. πίσυρες 286 , 465, 480 , πλίξ 165 . πηκτός 320. 702, 705 . πλίσσομαι 165. πηλακίζω 276 . Πίτθος 657. πλιχάς 163. Πηλεκλέας 482, πιτνέω 210, 354 , 701, πλόκαμος 164, 720 . πήλινος 275 . 702. πλοκή 164 . πηλός 275. πίτνημι 210, 246, 701. πλόος 49, 279. πήλυι 482. πίτνω 701 . πλουτίνδην 633. Πηνειός 276, 293 . πίτυλος 702. πλούτος 277. Πηνελόπεια 276 . πίτυρον 489. πλοχμός 485, 493 . πήνη 276 . πίτυς 163. πλυμα 279. πηνίζομαι 276. πιφαύσκω 297, 298 , 691, πλυντήρ 279, 280 . πηνίον 276. 702. πλύντρια 280. πηνίτις 276. πίων 163, 276, 499. πλύνω 279 . πηνος 276. πλαγκτός 278. πλυσμός 280 . πηρός 273 . πλάζω 278, 604 , 608 . πλυτός 279 . πήσσω 661 . πλαθάνη 279, 497 . πλώτης 279. πήχυς 194 . πλάπανον 279, 497, 669. πλωτός 279. πιαίνω 276. πλαίσιον 669, 670 . πλώω 204 , 279, 562 , πιαλέος 276. πλάσινος 164. 564 . πιαρ 276 , 499. πλακους 164. πνείω 563 . πιαρός 204, 276, 499. πλάξ 164, 278 . πνεύμα 28) , 306. πίδαξ 639 . πλάσμα 279. πνεύμων 280, 281 , 443 . πιδαω 639. πλάσσω 279 . πνεύσω 280. πιδήεις 639 . πλάστιγξ 239, 307 . πνέω 280, 281 , 507. πίειρα 204 , 276 . πλαστός 279. πνίγω 280 , 690 . Πιέριον 464 . πλάτανος 27 ) , 497. πνοή 28 ) , 564. πιερός 276. πλατάσσω 662. πνoιή 56 4. πίθος 43 . πλάτη 279. Πνύξ 637. πικρός 163 , 214. πλάτος 279. πνυτο 280 . πίλινος 277. πλατύς 210, 211 , 215, πνυτός 280 . πίλναμαι 701 . 279, 497 . πόα 288. πιλνάω 701 . πλέγμα 164, 485 . ποδαπός 526. 459 GREEK INDEX. ποδάρκης 522. πονηρός 110, 227. πουλύς 541 , 670 . ποδηνεκής 309. πόνος 272 . πούς 112, 244. πόθεν 459 . πόντος 270 . πους 288. ποθέω 288. πόπανον 459 . πρακνός 275. πόθι 459 . ποππύζω 374. πρακός 274, 661 . πόθος 288. πορδακός 526 . πράκτιμος 661 . ποία 288. πορδή 245. πράν 284. ποιέω 70, 288, 464 . πορεύω 272. πράος 284. ποικίλλω 164 . πορέω 595. πραότης 284. ποικιλόθρονος 492 . πορθμεύς 597. πρασις 273. ποικίλος 164. πορθμός 272. πράσσω 237, 274, 451 , ποικιλόφρον’ 477. πορίζω 272. 592, 651 , 661. ποιμαίνω 613 . πόριμος 668 . πρατίας 273. ποιμήν 268, 281, 613. πόρις 283. πρατος 284. ποινή 281 , 282, 305 , πόρκας ( ελάφους) 273. πραύνω 284. 324, 371 , 477. πόρκης 165. πραύς 284. ποιος 459, 526. πόρκος (net) 165 , 547. πρεγγυς 472. ποιπνύω 280. πόρκος ( pig ) 165 . πρεκνός 275. ποίφυγμα 500 . πόρνη 273. πρέμνον 705 . ποιφύσσω 500 . πορόντες 283 . πρέσβυς 472, 626 . πόκα 480 . πόρος 272. πρέσγυς 472. πόκος 163. πόρπη 273, 299, 361. πρηδών 284. πολεμέω 595 . πόρρις 283 . πρήζω 66, 284. πολεμίζω 599 , 625 . πόρρω 2s4, 285. πρημαίνω 284. πόλεμος 278, 489. πορσύνω 282. πρηνής 307 . πολεύω 463, 464. πόρσω 284, 285. πρήξις 274. πολίζω 282 , 613 . πόρταξ 283. πρήσσω 274. πολιός 271 , 703 . πορτί 80 , 286 πρηστήρ 284. πόλις 82, 225, 269, 282, πόρτις 283. προύς 284. 489, 490, 493, 623. πόρφυρος : 04, 417. πρίαμαι 273, 274. πολισσούχος 282. πορφύρω 304, 374 , 486, Πριαμίς 624, 625. πολίτης 282. Πρίαμος 624. πολίχνη 282. πός 285. πρίν 284, 285. πολίχνιον 282, 493 . πόσθη 272. πρό 274, 284, 286, 307 , πόλιχος 588. Ποσίδιππος 6 42. 308, 310, 492. 705 . πόλλα 652. πόσις (drink ) 281 . προθέλυμνος 257, 510, πολλάκις 604, 702 . πόσις ( husband ) 283. 705 . πολλαχού 693. πόσος 459 . προιάλλω 540. πόλος 463, 464, 705. πόστος 459. προίκτης 137, 667 . πολυάρητος 509. ποτάμιος 625 . προίξ 667. Πολύδαμνα 666 . ποταμός 720 . προΐσσομαι 137, 667 . πολυδιψιος 223, 643. ποτάομαι 210. προκάς 275. πολύηρος 343. ποταπός 526. Πρόκνη 275. πολυθεστος 509. πότε 459, 465 , 480. πρόμαχος 328. πολύιδρυς 622. πότερος 459. Προμηθεύς 337. πολύμητις 313 . ποτήριον 281 . πρόμος 76, 284. ΠολυνόFας 178. πότης 281 . πρόξ 275. πολύβδην 347. ποτί 80 , 207 , 211 , 285, προοίμιον 492. πολύς 82, 225, 282, 382 , 286, 454, 512 , 531 , προπάροιθεν 270, 323. 588, 670. 699. προπετής 210 . πολύτλας 220. ποτικλαίγω 599. προπηλακίζω 273, 371, πόλχος 588. πότμος 210 . προπρηνής 696. πόμα 281 . πότνα 666. πρός 80, 285, 286 . πομφόλυξ 292, 501. πότνια 283, 637, 666. προςάρχομαι 189. πομφός 501 . πότος 281, 319 . προςδοκάω 612. πονέω 272. που 459, 465. προςέτι 207. 708. 460 GREEK INDEX. πρόςεψις 461 . Πυανεψιών 465. O - Indogerm . r 341 ; its προςηλυτος 546. πύανος 165 . Aspiration and pro προςηνής 306. πυγή 513. nunciation 352, 446 ; πρόσθεν 285. Πυγμαίοι 287. ρ from F 447, 589 . προςκυνέω 42 , 158. πυγμαχος 287. ρα 80, 343. 675. πρόσσω 284, 285 , 291. πυγμή 287, 514 . ράβδος 353, 638 . πρόσω 284, 285 , 310. πυγών 287, 513. Ραβίνθιος 719. πρότανις 284, 705 . Πύδνα 464 . ραγεύς 185. πρότερος 284. πύελος 280 . ραδαλός 353. προτί 30, 207, 211 , 285, πνέω 2s7 ράδαμνος 353, 519. 286, 454, 512, 531 , πυθεδών 286 . ράδαμος 353. 699 . πυθμών 263, 516. ραδές 354 . προυσελέω 555. πύθω 66 , 286, 421 . ραδινός 353. προφερής 301 . Πυθω 287. ράδιξ 353. προφέρω 301. Πύθων 287. ραθαίνω 228, 512. πρώχνυ 179, 308 , 510. πύϊρ 288 . ραθέμιγξ 11 , 228, 512 . πρόωφος 457. πυκάζω 514. βαθάσσω 228, 512. πρύμνα 705. πυκινός 287, 514, 704. ραιβός 473. πρυμνήσιος 616 . πυκνός 287. βαίνω 228, 512. πρυμνός 705 . πύκτης 287. σαίω 531 . πρύτανις 284 , 705 . πυλαυρός 349, 707 . ράκος 159, 185, 531 , 545 , πρώην 284 . πυλαωρός 349. 661 . πρωϊ 284 , 285 . πυλευρός 349. δακτοί 159 . πρωιζός 603 . πύλη 81, 705 . ρανίς 228. πρώξ 275. πύματος 706 . σαπίς 352, 638. πρώτος 76 , 284. πύνδαξ 263, 516 . βάπτω 665 , 666 . πταίω 269 . πυνθάνομαι 262 , 651. δάπυς 352, 353, 502 . πτάρνυμαι 696. πυξ 81 , 287, 364, 514, δατάνη 574. πτελέα 211 , 704. ραφανίς 352. πτέον 489. πύον 287. βαφανος 352. πτέρνα 489. πυρ 5 , 287, 288. πτερόν 21 ) , 699. πυρά 287. ράφυς 352, 502 . πτέρυξ 210. πυράγρα 170. δάχετρον 352. πτερύσσω 662. πυραθος 683 . μαχία 352, 510. πτήσσω 63. πύργος 303 . ραχιαίος 352. πτίλον 210. πυρέσσω 345 . ραχις 352. πτίσσω 277 , 48 ) , 653. πυρετός 287, 345. ραχίτης 352. πτόλεμος 489 . πυρήν 288. od xos( thorn -hedge) 352. πτολίεθρον 282 . πυρνος 288. ράχος (rug ) 352. πτόλις 269 , 489, 490. πυρός 288. μεγεύς 185. πτόρθος 14. πυρίχη 692. ρέγκω 495 . πτύαλον 286 . Πύρρος 41 7 . βέγμα 185. πτύoν 489 . πυρβός 287 . ρέγος 185. πτύρω 696 . πυρσός 287 . όέγχω 495. πτύσσω 490, 498, 518. πύσμα 262 . δεδδω 607, 657. πτύχες 518. πύστις 262 . ρέεθρον 354. πτυχή 490 , 498. πόταμος 215. ρέζω ( dye ) 185, 604 . πτυω 280, 286 , 489, πυτίζω 286 . ρέζω (do) 180, 185 , 383, 490, 663. πωλέομαι 463 . 483 , 604 , 607, 657. πτώμα 210. πωλέω 4633 . δεια 616. πτώξ 63 . πωλίον 288. δέμβω 353 . πτωσις 210. πωλος 288. ρέος 354. πτωσκάζω 692 . πωμα 281 . ρέφω 352. πτώσσω 63 . πώνω 281, 703 . δεύμα 354 . πτωχός 692 , 700. πώς 87, 455, 465 . ρευσις 354. Πυανέψια 465. πωυ 268, 281. ρευστός 354 . σαφή 663. Σ GREEK INDEX . 461 . σ δέω 354, 681 . ρύβδην 632. σαφής 458, 502 . δηγεύς 185. ρύγχος 495 . σάω 382, 414. Ρηγίλαος 185. ρύδην 632 . Σαώ 382. Ρήγιον 185 . ρυδία 642. σβέννυμι 560 , 575, 696. ρηγμα 531 . ρυδόν 632. σδυγόν 688. ρηγμίν 5 10, 531. ρυθμός 354 , 355. σε 218. ρήγνυμι 53, 60, 510 , σύμη 354 , 355 . σέβας 530 , 576. 531, 661 . ρύπος 665 . σέβερος 576 . δηγος 185, 531. ρύπτω 665 . σεβίζω 530, ρηΐδιος 616. φύσις 354. σέβω 414 , 529, 576. δημα 345. ρυτός 354 . σέδας 239, 245, 376. δήν 347. ρυφέω 296. Σείρ 541 , 673. “Ρήνεια 347. ρωγαλέος 531 , 551 . σειρά 355, 356, 674. ρηνιξ 347. ρωδιός 348 . σειρίασις 541 . όησις 345 . δώθων 355. σειριάω 541 . δήσκω 345 . ρωμη 355 , 494. σείρινος 541. οήσσω 511, 661 . δώννυμι 355 . Σείριος 401 , 402, 541, οητός 345 , 607. ρώομαι 355, 565. 685 . ρήτρα 345. σείω 375, 382, 397 . οήτωρ 345. Indogerm. s 378 ; σέλας 541 , 673 , 685. ρηχίη 510. σ becoming 445 f ; σελήνη 402, 541 . ρίγα 383, 447 . σassimilated 652 ; init . σελλίζομαι 685. ριγεδανός 353 . σ dropping out 435 ; Σελλοί 537. ριγέω 353. see spiritus asper. σέλματα 240 , 375. ριγηλός 35.3. σα 593 . σεμνός 472, 576, 578. ρίγιον 353 . σαγη 661. Σενόφιλος 685 . ρίγος 353. σαίνω 685. ( σερανταργά 597. ) φιγόω 353. σάκος 661 . σερίς 355. διδαμός 519 . σαλαγέω 375 . σερός 201 . ρίζα 353, 354, 604 , 702. σαλαγή 375, 662. σέσυφος 458. ριπή 353 , 665. σαλάκων 375 , 662 . σε'ω 383, 573 . διπίζω 354 . σάλαξ 375, 662. σε 435 , 570, 674, 675. ριπίς 354. σαλάσσω 375 , 662 . σήθω 66 , 382 , 674. ρίπτω 353, 665 , 703 . σαλεύω 375 . σηκός 154, 161, 458. ρίς 355. σάλη 375 , 695. σημερον 397. ρίψ 354 , 501 . σάλος (rocking) 375, 538, σηπεδών 458. ρογός 184. 685. ροδαλός 353. σάλος (saliva) 375, 397. σηστρον 382 . ρόδαμνος 353. σαλπιγγολογχυπηνάδαι σητες 208, 397. ροδανός 353. 628. -σθαι 66. ροδόν 353 . σάλπιγξ 288, 414. σθεναρός 494. ροή 354. σαλπίδδω 607, Σθένελος 494 . βοια 642. σαλπίζω 288, 604, 660. σθένιος 494. ρουβδος 632 , 668. σαλπίσσω 660 . σθένος 424, 494, 497. ροϊζος 632 , 668. σαλάγη 375. σθένω 494. βόμβος 3:53 . σάμβαλον 476 . σιά 703. δόμμα 296. σανδαλον 476 . σίαι 286 . ρόος 354 . σάος 382, 414. σίαλον 375, 414, 599. ρόπαλον 352. σαόω 382. σίαλος 375, 599, 708. ροπή 352. σαπρος 458. σιαλώδης 375. όοπτός 296. Σαπφώ 689. σιγα 383. δόπτρον 352, 353 . σαργάνη 384 . σιγαλόεις 599. ροφάνω 296 . Σαρπηδών 266. σιγάω 383 . ροφέω 296 . σάττω 661 . σιγή 383, 414, 523, 685. ρόφημα 296. σαυαρός 383 , 573 . σιγηλός 383 ρύαξ 354 , 639 . σαυκόν 396. σίδηρος 245, 414, 685. σηπω 458. 462 GREEK INDEX . σικα 385 . σκεπάζω 694. σκοπέομαι 98, 103. Σιμωνιδεύς 630 . σκεπανός 694 . σκοπή 167. Σιμωνίδης 630 . σκέπαρνον 145 , 153 , 166 , σκοπιά 167 . σινάμωρος 332 . 682. σκοπός 98, 167 , 665. σινιάζω 382. σκέπας 168, 694 . σκότος 168 . σινίον 382 . σπεπάω 694 . σκυδά 642 . σιπαλός 493. σκέπη 694. σκυλεύω 168 . Σίσυφος 328, 458, 707. σκέπτομαι 98 , 167, 603, σκύκλω 168 . σίττακος 685. 665, 686 . σκύλμα 168 . σιφλός 493 . σκέπω 694. σκυλον 168, 685, 686. σκάζω 166, 383. σκέραφος 494 . σκύλον 168. σκάζων 383. σκευάζω 108 . σκυλόω 168. σκαιός 165 , 680, 685 . σκευή 168 . σκυτάλη 683. σκαιοσύνη 165 . σκεύος 168 . σκύτος 168, 683 . σκαιότης 165. σκηνή 168 . σκύφος 705 . σκαίρω ( 83 , 686 , 702 , σκηνίπτω 522, 721 . σκώπευμα 167. 712. σκηπίων 514. σκώπτω 167, 665 . σκάλεθρον 686 . σκηπτός 166 . σκώρ 28, 155 , 166, 286, σκάλευθρον 686 . σκήπτρον 166 . 686 . σκαλεύς 541 . σκήπτω 166, 514, 665 , σκωρία 166, 167. σκαλεύω 686. 680, 701 , σκώψ 98, 167, 177 , 665. σκαληνός 376. σκήπων 166, 665 . σμάραγδος 526. σκαλίς 63 , 541 . σκηρίπτω 665 . σμαρκόν 681 . σκάλλω 63, 165, 541 , σκιά 167, 168, 680, 703. σμάω 320, 681 , 692 . 686, 697 . σκιαρός 167. σμερδαλέος 681 . σκάλμη 541. σκιάς 167. σμερδνός 681 . σκάλοψ 59, 63, 165, 686 , σκιάω 167. σμήνος 681 . 689, 720 . σκιδαρόν 246. σμήρινθος 581 . Σκάμανδρος 682. σκίδναμαι 57, 145, 246, σμήχω 320, 692 , 700 . σκανδάληθρον 166. 637, 682, 701. σμικρός 682. σκάνδαλον 166. σκίμπτω 166, 665, 683, σμίλη 340. σκάνθαν 495. 701. σμίνθα 340 . σκαπάνη 166, 665 . σκίπων 166 , 683 . Σμινθεύς 340 . σκάπετος 166, 682 . σκίρον 168 , 703 . σμίς 340. σκαπος 166. σκίρος 168, 703 . σμυκτήρ 161 , 682. Σκαπτισύλη 376 , 638. σκιρτάω 686 , 702 , 712. Σμύρνη 661. σκάπτω 166, 665 , 680 , σκίφος 688. σμυς 340 . 682 . σκίψ 683 . σμύσσεται 161 . σκαρίζω 686 , 712 . σκνιπός 501 , 693 , 721. σμώνη 297. σκάριφος 522 , 683 , 719 , σκνίπτω 522 , 665 . σοάλα 685 . 720, 721. σκνιφή 695 . σοβαρός 383, 573. σκαρφάω 683 . σκνιφός 695. σοβέω 3 :3 , 573. σκαρφίον 683 , 719. σκνίφος 695 . σόβη 383, 685. σκάρφος 522. σκίψ 665, 683. σόλος 375. σκαυρος 165 . σκοιά 168 . Σόλων 375. σκάφη 166, 502 . σκοΐδιον 168 . σομφός 384 , 685. σκαφίον 166 . σκοίδος 246 . σόος 382 . σκαφές 683 . σκoιόν 168 . σούμαι 573. σκάφος 166, 502, 686, σκοιός 168, 642 . σοφός 458, 495, 502, 686 , 705 . σκοίψ 668. 689. σκαφώρη 166 , 683 . σκολιός 376 , 473 . σπάδιον 272, 686 . σκεδάννυμι 65 , 246, 682, σκoλoκρός 683. σπαίρω 289, 712. 701. σκόλοψ 59, 168 . σπάκα 79 . σκέδασις 246 . σκόλυθρος 168, 686. σπάλαθρον 686 . σκελίς 494 . σκoλύπτω 59, 168. σπάλαξ 165, 636 , 689, σκέλος 494. σκόπελος 167 . 712, 720. 463 GREEK INDEX. σπαλείς 687 . σταις 211 . στέρομαι 213. σπαλίς 688 . στάλη 211 . στεροπή 206 , 528, 701 . σπάνις 272, 683, 714. στάλαξ 212. 712 . σπαράσσω 289. σταλίς 212 . στέροψ 206. σπαργάω 689. στάλλα 212. στερρός 213, 594. σπαρίζω 686. σταμίν 211 . στέρφος 720. σπάρτον 289 , 705. στάμνος 211 . στευται 216. σπάσμα 272 . στάσις 211 , 431 . στεφάνη 213, 214, 650. σπασμός 272 . στατήρ 211. στέφανος 213. σπάω 106, 272. σταυρός 211 . στέφος 213. σπείρα 289, 705. σταφίς 212 , 712. στέφω 62, 213, 214, 502. σπείρω 289 , 674. στάφος 686. στηθος 66, 211 . σπέλεθος 683 . σταφύλη 212. στήλη 212. σπέλιον 688. σταφυλή 212 . στήλλη 212. σπένδω 247 . στάχυς 712 . στήμων 211 . σπέος 106 , 167, 624, 683. στέαρ 211 . στηριγξ 213. σπέργδην 195. στεγανός 185. στηρίζω 213 Σπερχειός 195 . στέγη 185, 684. Στησίχορος 364. Σπέρχες 195. στεγνός 185. στία 214, 693. σπερινός 195 . στέγος 58, 185, 684. στιάζω 214. σπέρχομαι 195. στέγω 185. στιβαρός 226. Σπερχύλος 195. στείβω 214, 216. στίγμα 214. σπέρχω 195 . στειλειή 212. στιγμή 214. Σπέρχων 195. στείνομαι 212. στίζω 214, 604, 680 , σπεύδω 687. στεινός 212, 594 . 690, 697. σπιδής 703. στείνος 212. στικτός 214. σπίδιος 703 . στειρα ( barren) 213,594. στιλβός 661 . σπιδος 277 . στειρα ( keel ) 213. στίλβω 528 , 701 . σπιθαμή 703. στείχω 195. στιλπνός 528. σπίλος 277, 683. στελγίς 384, 546. Στίλπων 528. σπινθάρυγξ 524. στελεά 212 . στιον 214. σπινθήρ 495, 686 . στελεόν 212 . στίφος 214. σπλάγχνον 290. στέλεχος 212 . στιφρός 214. σπλήν 290, 401 , 680 . στέλλω 54, 68, 212, 213, στιχάομαι 195. σπογγια 384 . 652, 663, 674, 687 . στίχος 195. σπόγγος 384, 494, 588, στεμβάζω 212. στιώδης 214. 689. στέμβω 212, 517, 680. στλεγγίς 384, 546. σποδια 216 . στέμμα 213. στοά 216. σπόλα 212 . στέμφυλον 212. στοβάζω 212 . σπολά 687. στενάζω 604, 636. στοβέω 212, 517. σπονδή 262. στενάχω 212, 604 , 692, στοιά 216 . σπονδύλη 494 . 693 . στοιβή 216, 528. σπόνδυλος 688. στέννος 594 . Στοιχαδεύς 630. σπουδή 687 . στένομαι 112, 212, 684. στοιχείον 195. σπύραθος 494, 693 . στενός 212, 594. Στοιχεύς 6.30. σπυράς 494 . στενοχωρία 707. στοιχέω 195. σπυρίς 494, 705 . Στενύκλαρος 707. στοιχηδόν 195. σπυρός 288. στένω 112, 212, 636. στοιχίζω 195 . σσ 652 Η . στεργάνος 167, 523, 686. στοίχος 195. σταγών 604. στεργίς 384, 546. (στοκάζομαι 418.) στάδιον 272, 686. στερεός 213, 594, 712. στολή 687. στάδιος 617 . στερέω 213 . στόλοκρον 686. στάζω 604. στερίσκο 213. στόλος 54, 212. σταθερός 211 . στερίφη 213. στόμα 215, 692. σταθμή 211 . στέριφος 213, 719. στομακάκη 138 . σταθμός 66, 69, 211 . στέρνος 213, 215. στόμαχος 215, 692 . 464 GREEK INDEX. στόνος 212. σύβρος 385. σφιγκτός 186 . στόνυξ 14 , 214. συγχάσαι 493. σφίγμα 186. στορέννυμι 215 . σύζυξ 181 . σφιγμός 186. στόρθη 213. συηνία 551 . Σφίγξ 186, 690 . στόρθυγξ 213 . συκέα 594 σφίδες 247, 690 . στόρνυμι 215 . συλάω 168, 685. σφίδη 247. στοχανδόν 633. συλλογή 366. σφόγγος 384 , 494, 588, στράβων 517. συμβάλλω 468. 689 . στραγγάλη 384 . σύμβολον 468. σφοδρός 247 . στραγγαλιά 384. συν 162 , 286, 395, 414, σφονδύλη 494 . στραγγαλίζω 384 . 533, 685 , 704. σφόνδυλος 247, (388. στραγγεύω 384 . συνενείκεται 309. σφός 396 . στραγγίζομαι 384 . συνεοχμός 192, 567. ' σφραγίς 622. στραγγός 384. συνεργός 63 ) . σφριγάω 689. στραγγουρία 384. συνέχω 105. σφυγμός 604. στραγξ 384 . συνήορος 356. σφύζω 604 . στάπτω 665 . σύννυμφοι 308. σφυράς 494 . στρατηγός 170 . συνώνυμος 705. σφυρίς 494 . στρατός 215 . σύρβα 226, 685 . σχάζω 199, 242, 246, 493, στρέβλη 517 . σύρβη 226, 384 , 685. 612. στρεβλός 517. σύριγμα 357. σχάω 242 , 246. στρέγγομαι 384. συριγμός 357. σχεδάριον 246 . στρεύγομαι 384. συριγξ 289, 357, 414. σχέδη 246. στρέφω 384. συρίζω 357, 661. σχεδία 246, 493. στρηνής 213, 712 . συρίσσω 661 . σχεδίην 631 . στριγμός 684 . συρφετός 297. σχέδιος 617 . στροβέω 517. συς 245, 385, 414 , 474, σχεδόν 193 , 632. στρόβιλος 148, 517, 668. 548, 638, 708. σχέδoς 493 . στρογγύλος 384. συφακίζω 458. σχελίς 494. στρόμβος 517. σύφαξ 458 . σχενδύλη 494. στρότος 215 . συφεός 587. στρουθος 687, 689. σχέραφος 494 . σφαγίς 624. σχέσις 193 . στροφάλιγξ 517. σφαδάζω 247 . στόφις 627. σχήμα 193. σφαδασμός 247 . σχήρ 200 . στρύζω 684 . σφάδδω 607. σχίδαξ 246. Στρύμη 355. σφάζω 607, 662 . σχίδη 246. Στρύμων 354. σφαιρίζω 435 . σχίζα 246, 604. στρώμα 215. σφαλερός 375, 6 44. σχίζω 145, 246, 494 , στρωμνή 215 . σφάλλω 375 , 376, 386 , 600, 603, 635 . στρώννυμι 215. 494, 497, 683, 686 . σχινδαλμός 246. στυλος 216. σφάλμα 375 . σχολή 193. στύμα 215 . σφαλός 376. σχυρ 200. στύμμα 216 . σφαραγέω 185 . σωάδδει 599 . στυπάζω 225, 684. σφάραγος 185, 186 , 712. σωγάσσαι 599. στύπη 216. σφάττω 662 . σώζω 382. στύπος 216, 528 . σφέ 245, 396, 435, 583, Σωκράτης 626. στύραξ 213 . 588, 590 , 617, 684 , σωκος 382. στυρβάζω 226, 684. 688 , 690 , 702, 712 . σώμα 382, 685 . στυφελός 216. σφεδανός 247, 650. στυφλός 216. σώμαι 573. σφενδονάω 247. σώος 382. στύφω 216 , 502. σφενδόνη 204 , 247, 494. Σώπατρος 601 . στύψις 216. σφέτερος 435 . σως 382 . στύω 216. σφήν 494. σωτήρ 382. στωμύλος 215. σφίξ 385, 386, 494, 688. Σωτηρίς 622 . σύ 218, 414, 434 , 685. σφίγγω 186, 690. σύαινα 385. σώφρων 382 . σφίγκται 186. σώχω 414, 685 . 465 GREEK INDEX. Indogerm. t 205, ταχύς 195, 498. τέραμνον 215. fromIndogerm. k 479. ταώς 487. τέραμνος 468. ταγός 666. τέ 138, 479. τέρας 206, 574, 684. ταινία 216. τέγγω 219, 447, 523, τέρετρον 222, 719. τακερός 218. 701 . τερέω 222. ταλαεργός 553. Τεγέα 185. τέρην 113, 222, 223. ταλαίπωρος 332. τέγη 185, 684. τέρθρον 221 . ταλαντον 220. τέγξις 219 . τέρμα 221 , 547. ταλαός 176, 220, 553, τεγος 58, 185, 684. τερμιόεις 221 . 573. τέθηπα 218, 516. τέρμιος 221 . τάλαρος 220. τεθμός 255. τέρμων 221 . τάλας 220. τείνω 67, 216, 217, 255 , τερπνός 223, 264 . ταλαύρινος 553. 461 , 648, 652. τέρπω 223, 502. ταλις. 222. τείρεα 206. τερπωλή 223 . ταμεσίχρως 176 . Τειρεσίας 628. τέρσαι 224. ταμία 606. τείρω 62, 113, 222. τερσαίνω 223. ταμίας 221, 628. Τείσπης 491. τέρσομαι 223. ταμίη 221, 230 . τειχεσιπλήτης 278. τέρτος 225. ταν 675. τείχος 182 , 219. τερύ 222. ταναός 176, 216. τεκμαρ 60, 61 , 219, 582. τερύνης 222. ταναυποδες 553. τεκμήριον 219. τερύσκετο 222. τανθαρίζω 495. Τέκμησσα 219. τερύσκω 222. Τανταλίς 624. (τεκνίτης 418. ) τέρψις 223. Τάνταλος 220. τέκνον 219 . τέσσαρες 27, 286, 480, τάνυμαι 67, 216, 640. τέκος 219. 653 . τανύπεπλος 67. τέκτων 60, 61 , 156, 219, τεταγών 217, 684. ταπης 525. 687. τέτανος 216. τάπις 525. τελαμών 220. τεταργανωμέναι 384. ταρ 675. Τελαμωνιάδης 628. τέταρτος 480. Τάρας 221 . Τελαμωνιάς 628. τέτορες 480. ταράσσω 224, 473, 655, Τελαμώνιος 616, 628. τετράζω 224. 719. τελέθω 66. τετραίνω 222. ταρβαλέος 265, 473. τέλειος 221 , 594. τετράκις 480. ταρβέω 473. τελείω 70, 328. τέτραξ 224 . τάρβος 473. Τελεμησσης 720 . τετρατος 480. ταργαίνω 473. τέλεος 594 . τετράτρυφος 696. ταργάνη 384. τελευτή 221 . τετραχθά 663. ταριχεύω 719 . τελέω 221 , 237 , 238. τετράων 224. τάριχος 719. τέλος (end) 220, 221 , τετρεμαίνω 224 . ταρσιά 223 . 237, 480, 547, 574. τέτρηχα 719. ταρσός 223. τέλος ( object) 220. τέτριξ 224. ταρταρίζω 495. τέλσας 480 . τέττα 224. ταρφέες 223. τέλσον 480. τετύκοντο 60, 61 , 219, ταρφος 223. (τέλω 418. ) 497. τάρχη 655 . τεμαχος 212, 221 , 721. Τεύκρος 219, 497. ταρχύω 719. τέμενος 221, 500, 684, τεύχω 60, 219, 497. τάσις 216. 721 . τέφρα 36, 492 , 493, 502. τάσσω 662, 666. τέμνω 220, 637, 666. τέφρος 492 . ταύνας 225 . τεναγος 219 . τέχνη 219, 493. ταύρος 218, 553, 684. τένδω 221 . τεχνήτις 622. ταύς 225. τένθης 221 . τέως 564. ταφή 502. τενθρηδών 238. τη 67, 216, 217. ταφήϊος 633. τέννω 652. τηγανον 218, 437, 523 . τάφος 218, 502, 516, τένων 216. τηθαλλαδούς 255, 618. 665. τέο, τέω etc. 593. τήθη 252, 255. τάφρος 502. τεός 218, 562, 568, 570. τηθίς 255. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 30 466 GREEK INDEX. Τηθύς 253. τμήμα 221 . τρία 225. τηκεδών 218, 637. τμησις 176, 637, 695 . τριακοντούτης 208. τήκω 63, 218, 437, 523. Τμώλος 546, 721. τρίβω 222, 223. τηλεθάω 137. τοις, τούρ 445. τρίενος 536. τηλεφανής 291 . τοίχος 182 . τρίζω 684 . τηλόσε 482. τόκα 480. τριήρης 345. τηλύγετος 482 . τοκεύς 219, 596. τρίναξ 492 . τήμερον 397. τόκος 187, 219, 252, 305. τριοπίς 457 . τήμος 582. τόλμα 220. τριοττίς 457 . Τήν 606 . τολμάω 220, 698 . τρίς 225 . τηος 564, 582 . τολμηρός 698. τρισσός 225. τητάομαι 213. τολυπεύω 220. τρίτος 225. τητες 208, 397. τολύπη 220, 720. τρίχα 663. τι 27, 440, 481 . Τόμαρος 721 . τριχθά 663 . τιθασός 253 . τομάω 315, 321 . Τροία 221, 614. τίθημι 253, 254 , 698. τομεύς 221. Τροιζήνιοι 614, 641 . τιθήνη 252. τομή 220. τρομερός 224. Τιθωνός 458. τονθορύζω 257. τίκτω 60, 219, 664, 703. τoνθρύς 257. τρομέω 224 . τιμάορος 349. τρόμος 224. τόνος 216, 217, 684 . τρόνα 492. τιμάω 480. τοξάζομαι 613. Τρόπαιος 574. τιμή 480, 481 . τόξον 60, 219. τροπείον 188, 461 . τιμήεις 481 . τοξότης 613 . τροπή 188, 461. τίμημα 480 , 481 . τόπος 684. τρόπολις 461. τιμήορος 349. τορεύω 222. τρόπις 461. τιμητής 480 . τόρνος 222, 719. τροπός 554. τιμωρός 349. τoρόνος 719. τρόπος 54, 461. τινάγματα 482 . τoρός 222 . τρόσσεσθαι 462 . τιναγμός 482. τόρος 222. Τινάδιος 616. τροφαλίς 516. τορύνη 222. τινάσσω 482, 715. τρόφι 223 . τόσσαις 219. τρόφιμος 668. τίνυμαι 480 . τότε 480. τροχαιος 633. τινύω 719. του 218. τίνω 480, 719. τρόχειλος 668. τούν 218. τρόχις 195, 627. τίπτε 675. τόφρα 675, 676. τρόχος 195. τίρ 445. τρανής 222. τροχός 195. τίριος 504, 509. τράπεζα 386, 603. τρυγάω 586 . Τίρυνς 486. τραπέω 461. τρυγηφάγος 713. τίς 445, 481, 490. τράπω 461 . τρυγονάω 492. τίσις 480. τρασιά 223. τρύζω 684. τιταίνω 216. τραύμα 222. Τίταν 328. τρυμα 222. τραφερή 223 . τίτθη 252, 253. τρυπα 223 . τράχηλος 196. τρύπανον 77, 223. τίτθος 252. τραχύς 719 . τρυπάω 62, 223 , 704 . τιτράω 222. τρέ 80, 383, 447. τρύπη 62. τιτρώσκω 222, 700. τρείς 225 . τρύσκω 222, 700. Τιτυός 225. τρείω 224. τρυφή 223, 665. Τίτυρος 458. τρέμω 224. τίω 480, 481 . τρύχω 222 , 223, 700 . τρέπω 54, 461 , 554. τρύω 62, 222, 700. τίω , τίoισι 482, 593. τρέφος 223. Τλασία.Fo 398, 442, 591. τρέφω 223, 416, 502, τρώξ 462. τρώκτης 462. τλήμων 220. 516. τλήναι 220. τρέχω 195. Tτηνα 606, 662 . τλητός 215 . τρέω 224. Τμάρος 721 . τύ 218, 434, 685. τρηρός 224 . τμήγω 220, 721 . τυγχάνω 60, 219, 497. τρήρων 224. Τυδαν 226. ττ See σσ. 467 GREEK INDEX. τύμμα 226. υμνος 297. Τύδας 225. υαλος 397, 551 . υλάω 374. Τυδεύς 225, 226, 684. Yάνθεια 561 . ύλη 108, 376 , 638. τύκος 60, 61 , 219, 497. υανία 551 . υλήεις 376 . τύλη 225. " Υβλα 521 . ύλημα 376. τυλος 225. υβός 518. υλία 376 . τυλόω 225 . υβρίζω 613. ύλλος 248 . τύμβος 516. υβρις 291, 528, 529. υμείς 286, 399, 404, 675 . τυμβοχοέω 516. υγγεμος 598 . 679 . υγεία 187 . υμνέω 706. τύμπανον 55, 57, 226. υγιάζω 186 . Τυμφρηστός 227 . υγιαίνω 186. υνις 385, Τύμωλος 546, 721. υγίεια 186. ύννη 385. Τυνδάρεος 235. υγιηρός 186. υός 397. Τυνδάρεως 225 . υγιής 186 . υπαί 291 . Τυνδάρης 225, 226. υγραίνω 186. ύπαιθα 323 . Τυνδαριδαν 226. υγρός 30, 186. υπάρχω 189. Τυνδάριχος 225. υγρότης 186. υπατος 291 . τυγνός 486. υδαρής 248. υπείρ 290, 291. τυννούτος 486. υδαρός 248. υπένερθε 309 . τύπανον 55. Υδατοσύδνη 638 . υπέρ 290, 291 , 528, 529 , τυπάς 226. υδερος 248. 677 . τυπη 226. υδέω 247 . υπέρα 290, 291 , 529. τύπος 226, 490, 665.. υδης 247. υπεράφανος 291. τύπτω 226, 596, 663, υδνέω 248. υπέρβιος 469 . 665, 684. υδνη 638. Υπερβόρειοι 350, 474. τύρβα 226, 685 . υδνης 244, 248. υπερβώια 573 . τυρβάζω 226, 684. υδος 73, 248, 405 . υπερηνορέη 593. τυρβασιά 226. ύδρα 248 . υπερηφάνεια 291. τύρβη 226, 384, 684, υδραίνω 248. υπερηφανέων 291. 685. υδρεύω 248. υπερήφανος 291. τυρεύομαι 226. υδρία 248. υπερθεν 290. τυρίσδω 357. υδρος 248. Υπερίων 136 , 529. Τυρμίδαι 226. υδρωψ 248. υπερον 529. τύρος 226. υδω 247, 248. υπερος 290. Τύραιος 616, 617. ύδωρ 75, 248, 286, 512, υπέρφευ 305 , 708 . τυτθός 253 , 486 . 677 . υπερφίαλος 708. τυφεδανός 227 . ύει 397 . υπερφυής 708. τυφεδών 227. Τέλη 362 , 550 . υπερώιον 206 , 573. τυφλός 99, 227. υελος 397 . υπήνη 306. τυφος 227. θεσις 37 ) , 551 . υπηρέτης 344, 345. τύφω 52, 62, 227, 259. υεστάκα 551 . υπνος 63 , 247 , 290, 297. τυφών 227. ύεστις 551 . υπό 35, 291, 529, 677, τυφώς 227 . 716 . τύχη 229 . υετός 397. υποβρύχιος 705. τώνα 606 . υηνία 55 1 . υπόβρυχος 705. υηνός 551 . υποδδείσαντες 645. υ, its pronunciation 413 ; ύύλος 512. υποδενδρυάζω 238. υ from orig. a 704 f.; υτήν 551. υπόδρα 133 , 546. orig. 1 556 ; υ υλιδεύς 630. υποθέναρ 255. from j 597 ; υ from F υλιδους 618, 630. υπoίζεσθαι 640. 550 ff ., 632. υίλη 551 . υποκρίνομαι 155. ύαινα 285 . υετής 208 . υ υιόν ( wild vine ) 551 . υπολίζων 373, 605 . υάκινθος 279, 561 . υιός 397, 638. υπομαστίδιος 253. υάλη 550, 563. υλωνός 394. υποπετρίδιος 700. υαλόεις 397 . υλακόμηρος 332 , 374. υπόπτερος 700. υαλομαι 550. υλακτέω 374 . υπόφαυσις 297. 30 * 468 GREEK INDEX. υφή 297. υποχείριος 199. φαλιός 298. φηγών 187 . υπόψιος 630. φάλκης 169. φηλητής 376. “Υππάγρα 709 . φάναι 114. ψηλός 376, 683. Υππασιά 709. φανερός 297, 298. φηλόω 376. υπτιος 285, 291. φανή 297 . φήμη 207. ύραξ 357. φανός 297. φημί 67, 297. ύρειγαλέον 551 . φανος 494. φήρ 296, 422, 477. Υβράδιος 616, 617, 618, φάος 112, 297, 298 , 587, φηρίον 477. 627 . 641 . Φήστος 509. ύρχη 351 . φάραγξ 299. φθαίρω 671 . ύς 245, 385, 414 , 474, φαρέτρα 114, 220 , 300. φθάνω 612 , 694. 548, 551 , 638. φάρκες 301 . φθείρω 592, 594, 652, υσμίνη 65, 399, 583 . φαρκίς 299. 670. ύσπληξ 227. φάρμακον 301 , 392, 492. φθέρρω 555, 594, 652, υστάτιος 663 . φάρξαι 303 . 670. ύστατος 227, 663 . φάρος 107 , 301 . φθίδιος 617. υστέρα 227. φάρος 299. φθινύθω 66, 241 , 665. υστερος 227, 677 . φαρόω 299. φθίσις 695. υφαίνω 63 , 297, 521 . φάρσος 299 , 359. φθόη 695. υφάω 297. φάρυγξ 186 , 299 , 524. φθύσδω 688. φαρυμός 256, 477. φί 435. υφήφασμαι 297 . φάρω 299. φιάλη 498, 499, 506. ύφος 297. φάσηλος 299. Φιαλία 599. υψηλός 291 , φάσις 297 . φιαλόω 499 . υψιβρεμέτης 519. φάσκω 297. φιαρός 403, 499, 506, υψιπέτηλος 211 . φάσμα 297. 587. υψιστος 291 . φάτις 207, 297, 622. φιερός 587. υψού 291 . φάτνη 493. φικιδίζω 186 . φατός 300 . Φίκιον όρος 186. Φ - Indogerm. bh 293.; φατρία 699. φίλαξ 443. φ from gh 474 f .; φ φαύος 68, 297, 298, 587, Φιλήμων 417. from F396, 435, 530 ff ., 641 . Φίλιννα 637 . 587. φαυσίμβροτος 298 . φίλιος 576. φαβος 298, 587. " φαων 298. Φιλομήλα 330. φαγας 298. φέβομαι 299 . φιλομμειδής 330 , 682. φαγείν 30,113,187 , 298. φέγγος 297 , 298, 495, φίλος 576. φαγόνες 244, 298, 299 . 587 . φιλόσοφος 689 . φάε 297, 298. Φειδίας 628, Φιλοττος 629. φαέθω 66, 297, 298. φέννος 587 . φιμός 186 , 690. φαεινός 297. φέρβω 299, 301, 361. φιμόω 186 . φαείνω 297, 298. φέρε 301 . φίν 396 , 684, 690. φάεννος 297 . φέρενα 719. φίνακα 443. φαεσίμβροτος 298 . φέρετρον 300. φίντατος 443 . φαίδει 641 . φέριστος 301 . Φίξ 186, 690. φαίδιμος 298 , 641. φέρμα 300. φίτυ 305, 519. φαιδρός 298, 641 . φερνή 300, 719. φίτυμα 305. Φαίδων 641 . φέρτατος 301. φίτυς 149 , 305, 374, φαικός 641 . φέρτερος 301 . 708. φαίνω 67, 114, 297, φέρω 54, 96, 103, 283, φιτύω 305, 370, 708. 298. 300 , 432, 544, 695. φλασμός 301 . φαιός 298, 641 . φέσπερε 587. φλάω 477. φαιρίδδω 435.. φεύγω 188, 514. φλέβα 303. φακός 299. φή 396, 435 , 690. φλεβάζω 303. φαλακρός 298. Φηγινέος 187. φλεγέθω 66, 187, 546. φαληριόων 298 . φήγινος 187. φλέγμα 187. φαληρός 298. φηγός 187 , 299 . φλεγμονή 187. 469 GREEK INDEX. φλεγυρός 187. φορμός 300. φυίω 305. φλέγω 34, 187 . φορός 300. φυλή 305. φλέδων 302. φόρος 54, 300, 433. φύλλον 306, 487, 685. Φλεύς 302. φόρτος 300 . φύλον 305. φλεύω 409. -φόων 298. φύλοπις 276 . φλέψ 303, 577 . φόως 641 . φυμα 305, 584. φλέω 302. φράγμα 303. φύξιμος 188. Φλέων 302. φραγμός 303 . φύξις 188. φληναφος 302, 488. φράγνυμι 303. φυσα 499. φλιαρός 475 . φράζω 109, 114, 660. φυσαλίς 499. Φλίας 302. φρακτός 303. φυσαλλίς 499. φλίβω 477. φράσσω (shut in) 114, φυσάω 499, 500. φλιδάνω 302. 303, 596, 651, 661 . φυσιάω 499. φλιδή 302 : φράσσω ( φράζω) 660. φυσίγναθος 499 . φλίδω 302. φράτηρ 303. φυσιγξ 524. φλιμέλια 302. φράτρα 303 . φύσις 305 . Φλιους 302. φρατρία 303, 699. φύσκα 499. φλοιός 302. φρατριάζω 303 . φύσχη 490. φλοίσβος 302, 575, 714. φρατρίζω 303. φύσκων 499. φλοίω 302. φράτριοι 303 . φυτεύω 305. φλόξ 187. φράττω 660. φυτόν 376, 584. φλόος 302. φράτωρ 303 . φυτός 305. φλύαξ 302 . φρέαρ 245 , 304, 486 . φύω 96, 103 , 305 . φλύαρος 302. φρήτηρ 304. φώγανον 188. φλυδάω 302. Φρήτρη 303. φώγω 188. φλύζω 302. φρίκη 353. φώζω 188. φλύκταινα 302 , 584. φρίξ 353. φωκτός 188. φλυκτίς 302. φρίσσω 353, 663. -φών 298. φλύος 302 . φροίμιον 492. φωνή 297. φλύω 302, 499, 520. φρόνος 422, 477. φώρ 107, 300 , 301 , 332. φόα 305 . φροντίς 622 , 623 . φωρίδιος 616. φοβερός 299. φρούδος 308, 492. φως 297, 298. φοβέω 299. φρουρά 349, 492. φώς 305. φόβη 383 . φρουρός 349, 492. φόβος 299 , 361. φρύγανον 188. κ : Indogerm. gh 189 . Φόβος 120. Φρύγες 417. χάβος 198 . φοιβος 641 . Φρύγετρον 188 . χάζομαι 200. φοίνα 477. φρύγω 188 , 662, 704. χάζω 242, 246, 493. Φοίνιξ 417 . φρυκτός 188. χαίνω 196, 200. φοίνιος 300. Φρύνη 304 , 305. χαιος 198. φοιτάω 305. φρύνη 304 . χαιρηδών 637. φοιτος 14 , 23. Φρύνιχος 304. χαίρω 6, 120, 198. φολκός 169 . Φρυνίων 304. χάλαζα 196 , 197 , 545, φονάω 321 . Φρυνος 304 . 603, 720. φονεύς 300. φρύνος 304. χαλαζαν 196. φονή 300 . Φρυνώνδας 304 . χαλαρός 200. φόνος 255, 300 . φρύσσω 662 . χαλάω 197 , 200, 612. φοξέχειλος 188, 189 . φυγάς 188, 627. χαλεπός 665. φοξός 13 , 188. φύγεθλον 303 . χαλέπτω 665 . φορά 300, 301 . φυγή 188. χαλινός 377, 497. φορβή 301, 430. φυγίνδα 633 . χάλιξ 417. φορεύς 432. φύζα 188, 484 , 605 . χαλίφρων 200. φορέω 300, 595, 596. φυζακινός 484, 605 . χαλκευς 597. φόρκες 299. φυζαλέος 484, 605 . χαλκεύω 597. φόρμιγξ 280, 519, 524. φυζηλός 605 . χαλκός 197. φόρμικα 340. φυή 305. χαλυβδικός 638 . 470 GREEK INDEX. χηρ 200. χηρα 200. χαλύβδιος 638. χήν 200 . χόριον 498. χάλυψ 197, 638. χορός 200 . χαμάδις 17, 633 . χόρτος 200. χαμαζε 197, 614. χηρεύω 200. χραίνω 63, 182, 204 , 701 . χαμαθεν 197. χήρος 200. χραισμέω 484, 669. χαμαί 197, 536, 663 . χηρό» 200. χράομαι 200. χαμαιεύνης 625. χηρωστής 200, 613. χραύω 182 , 204, 515. χαμηλός 197. χητος 200. χράω 182, 200. χαμός 198. χθαμαλός 197, 490, 536, χρεμετάω 203. Χαμύνη 197. 663 , 705, χρεμετίζω 203 . χανδάνω 137, 196. χθές 201 , 286, 490, 635, Xρέμης 203 . χάννη 196. 662 , 664, 702, 713 . χρεμίζω 203. χάος 196, 497 . χθεσινός 201 . χρέμπτομαι 63, 663. χαρά 120, 198. χθιζός 201, 603, 635 , Χρεμύλος 203 . χάραξ 363. 702 . χρήσιμος 669 . χαρίεις 120, 198. χθόνιοι (θεοί) 197. χρησμός 613. χαρίζομαι 120, 198. χθών 197 , 536. κρίμα 203. χάρις 120, 198. χίλιοι 199. χρίμπτω 63, 204, 665, Χάριτες 120 . χίμαιρα 202. 701 . χάρμα 198. χίμαρος 202. χρισις 203. χάρμη 198. χίμεθλον 201 .. χρίσμα 203 . χαροπός 198. χιος 321 . χρίω 203, 476, 703. χάρων 198. χιτών 416. χροά 204 . χάσκω 196. χιών 201 , 536 . χροιά 204. χάσμα 196 . χλαίνα 366, 536. χρόμαδος 203 , 221. χατέω 200. χλαμύς 366, 536. χρόμη 203 . χατίζω 200. χλανίς 366. χρόμος 203. χατίς 200, 201. χλαρός 202 . χρόνος 110, 200. χαυνος 68, 196 . χλιαίνω 640. χρύσειος 595 , 703 . χέζω 199 , 603 . χλιαρός 475, 640. χρυσίον 204 , 638. χεια 196, 716. χλιδανός 640. χρύσιος 703. χειμα 201 , 388. χλιδή 640, 641 . χειμάζω 201 . χρυσοραγές 185. χλίω 640. χρυσοκόμης 628 . χνιμαίνω 201 . χλόδη 640, 641 . χρυσός 204, 486, 547 χειμερινός 201. χλοερός 202 . 638, 704, χειμέριος 201 . χλόη 202, 345. χρώζω 182 . χειμών 201 , 368, 388. χλοιδάω 640. χρώμα 113, 204. χείρ 199 , 541. χλοιδή 640, 641. χρώς 113, 182, 204. χειρηδών 637. χλόος 202. χυλός 204. χείριος 199. χλουνός 204, 547. χύμα 204. χείρων 140 , 199. χλωρός 202 , 545 . χυμός 204. χελιδών 199, 545 , 702. χνούς 493 . χύσις 204. χέλλιοι 199. χόδανος 199 . χύτρα 205. χελύνη 199. χοή 204. χώννυμι 565 . χέλυον 199. χοίνιξ 141 . χώομαι 204 , 564. χέλυς 199 . χοιρος 202. χώρα 197. χελών 199. χολάδες 202, 546. (χωργά 597.) χελώνη 199. χολάω 203 . χωρίζω 200. χερείων 199 , 337. χολή 203 . χωρίς 200. χέρης 199, 231. χολικός 203. χέρνιψ 318, 658 . χόλιξ 202, 546. ψαλίς 688. χερσαίος 625. χόλος 203, 476. ψάλλω 720. χεσείω 199 . χολόω 203. ψάμαθος 308, 685. χευμα 204. χονδροκοπείον 459. ψάμμος 308, 685. χέω 201 , 204, 708. χόος 204. - Ψαπφώ 689. χημη 196. χορδή 202, 203, 546. ψάρ 357, 693. 471 GREEK INDEX . όμος 341 . (ψαρόνι 357. ) ψυγεία 518. ώλένη 377, 544. ψαρός 357. ψύη 688, 713 . Ώλενος 377. ψατασθαι 693 . ψυθίζομαι 518. άλλόν 377 . ψατήσαι 694. ψύθος 518 . ώλξ 136, 553, 563, 566. ψαύω 320, 692. ψυθών 518. ωμοπλάτη 341 . ψάφα 694. ψύλλα 377. ωμός 341. ψάω 320, 692. ψύλλος 377. ψέ 688, 689. ψύττω 286, 688. ωμότης 341 . ψείρω 693. ψυχή 692. ωνέομαι 322, 676. ψέλιον 688. ψυχος 692. ώνη 322 . ψένδυλος 688. ψυχρός 692. ωνος 322. ψευδής 518. ψύχω 518, 692, 700. ώοιοί 550. ψεύδομαι 518. ψώχω 414, 685. ωόν 394, 593. ψευδος 518. ώρα 99, _349, 598. ψέφας 694. w from F556 ff. ώρα 357, 358 . ψεφηνός 694. ώα 576. ωραίος 357. ψέφος 694. ώα 573. ώρανος 351 , 570. ψεφός 694. ώαιαι 550. ωρασι 357. ψηλαφάω 720. "Ώανις 561. ώρος 357, 358, 598. ψήν 688. ωβά 206, 442, 573 . ωρτο 348. ψήχω 320, 692, 700. ώβεα304, 563, 573, 593. ώρυγή 351 , 714. ψια 214 , 693. ωγή 573 . ώρυγμα 351. ψιάδδω 713 . ώδυσίη 244. ώρυθμός 358. ψιάζω 713. ώθέω 260, 595. ωρύω 351, 358, 648, ψιδών 518. ώιον 394, 563 . 714. ψίθος 519. ώκή 647. ως 398, 589 f. ψίθυρος 518, 519, 708. ωκίδες 131. ψίσις 693. ωκυπέτης 210. ταν 675. ψίττακος 685. ώκύς 130 . ωτίον 405 . ψόα 688, 713. ώλαξ 136, 553, 566. ωχρίας 628. ψόλος 689. ώλέκρανον 377. ώψ 456. ωσχος 580 . III. Italian Index. ( Latin not distinguished , Oscan denoted by brackets, Umbrian by an asterisk. ) a 80, 263. adsecla 453. albugo 294. a- ( Osc . Umbr. 307). adspicio 98. Albula 293. (aasa 381.) adspiro 306 . Albunea 293. ab 39, 80, 263, 387. adulo 361 . albus 186, 293. abdoucit 134. adulor 361 . alcedo 132. abs 39, 80, 263, 294, 387. adultus 359. alces 132. absonus 357. aduncus 130. alea 209. absurdus 357. advorsum 434. alesco 538. accendo 456. aedes 250. * alfu 293 . acceptor 210. aeger 180, 300. algor 719. accipiter 210. Saequor 278 . algus 719 . acer 131 . Aesculapius 718. alibi 359. Achivi 362, 707. aesculus 187. alid 359. acies 131 . aestas 250.. alienus 359. Aciles 417 . aestus 250. alimentum 358. acinus 650. aetas 388, 389. aliquis 359. acrus 131 . aeternus 388. alis 359. actio 170. aevum 388. alius 89, 310, 359, 652. actor 170. af- 263. ( allo 359.) actus 170. almus 500. aculeus 668. agilis 170, 171 . alo 358. (acum 170. ) agina 170. Alpes 293 . acuo 70, 131 . agine (Marsian) 170. alpus (Sabine) 293. acnpedius 131 , 603. agmen 170 . alter 359. acus 131. agnus 578. altus 358, 359, 538. ad 265. ago 71 , 89, 170, 190. alumnus 358, 433. adagio 400, 401 . agonia 170. alveus 471 . adagium 400, 401 . agonium 170. am- 294. adbito 466. agricola 628. amarus 341 . adeps 266. aidilis 250. amb- 294. adfatim 201. aisos ( Sabine) 404. ambages 294. adimo 598. * aitu 400, 401 . ambiguus 572 . adluo 371 . ajo 400, 401 . ambo 294. adluvies 371 . Ajus Locutius 159 . ambulo 466. adolesco 358, 538. ala 131 , 583. amentum 501 . ador 239, 250, 251 . ( Alafaterna 293 , 717, (amfr 294.) adorea 251. 719. ) amnis 463. adoreus 250. Alba Longa 293, 294. amplector 165. adoriosus 251. Albis 294. amplus 277. adosiosus 251 . albor 186 . *ampr, ambr 294. ager 170. ITALIAN INDEX. 473 ango 190. . amputo 263, 281 . aranea 343. audax 389. amsegetes 83. araneo 343. audio 33, 389. amtermini 83. aranenm 343 . augeo 67, 186, 187. amurca 183. araneus 313. augmentum 186. an- 294, 307, 431 . aratio 344. augustus 187 , 389. (anafriss 341, 517.) arator 344. aura 390. anas 317. aratrum 344 , 492. auris 389, 404 " * ) . ancus 130. arbiter 466. aurora 401 , 402, 679.

• ander 309. arca 132. ausculto 404, 405.
• anferener 649. arcanum 272. Auselius 401 , 402.

anfractus 294. arceo 132 , 260. Auster 400 . (anget, angit 170. ) arcera 132. avarus 389. angina 190 . Archelauns 707. ave 389. Angitia 190. arcus 377 . aveo 249, 389. ardea 348. avidus 389. angor 190, 510. ardeo 198. avilla 393, 578. anguilla 56, 193. argentum 171 . avis 394. anguis 56, 193 . argilla 171 . avus 390. angulus 130. arguo 171 . axamenta 401. angustus 190. argutarier 171 . axilla 131 , 583 . anhelo 307. argutus 171 . axis 386. anima 106, 306 , 692. aries 344, 347. axo 401 . animal 95. arma 342. animus 76, 89, 306 . armentum 344 . annulus 294 . armus 342. baculum 63. annus 294, 536. arna 344. baeto 466. anquiro 307. aro 344, 544. balatus 392. anser 200. ars 342 . balbus 291 , 545 . ante 89, 205 . articulns 342. balbutio 291 .

• antentı 216. artifex 342. blo 292, 692.

anter ( Osc . Umbr.) 309, artio 342. bassis 139. 310 . arto 342 . bellum 448. anterior 205. artus ( limb) 49, 342. ben ( Osc. Umbr.) 466. antes 205. artus ( narrow ) 342. bene 702. antidea 205 . arvorsum 434. benignus 702. antiquos 205. arvum 344 , 555. benust ( Osc . Umbr.) 67 , anus 381 . arvus 344, 555. 466 . anxius 190, 630. arx 132 . beto 466. asa ( 0.- Lat. Umbr.) 381. bibo 281 . aperio 540. asigna (Sab .) 310 . bibulus 240 . apicula 33, 437 . asinus 108 , 404. biduum 235 , 236, 606. apio 501 . * asnata 320. bifariam 631 . Apiola 463 . aspernor 289. biga 358. apis 265. assaratum 400. bilis 203. apiscor, 34, 36, 501 . asser 400. bimus 201 . apor 265. assir 400. bini 238, 559. Appulus 463. astasint 307. bis 39, 238, 476, 559. aprugnus 578. astataries 307. bito 466. aptus 36 , 501. astrum 206. Bituriges 152, 470. apud 265. astu 131 . bivira 39. aqua 42, 118 , 412, 462. astutus 131 . blandus 331 . aquaticus 233. at- 207 . blendius 650 . ad 466. atavus 74, 207. Boblicola 281, 458. ara 381 . atta 207. Bononia 443. (aragetom 171. ) atticisso 660. bonus 448, 476. (aragetud 717. ) au- 263, boo 470. aper 142. ar ITALIAN INDEX. 474 ! capax 141 . bos 90, 324, 471, 555. calpar 148. caupo 141 . bovinator 470. calumnia 139, 552. caupona 141 . bovinor 470. calva 142. cauponor 141 . bovo 470. calvor 139, 552 . causidicus 134. brevia 292. calvus 86, 142 . brevis 292, 510. cautes 159. calx (heel) 364 . cautus 97 , 151 . brevitas 292. calx (chalk) 144. cavea 159. Bruges 417, 430. camara 140. caveo 97, 151 . brutus 468. camera 140. caverna 145, 159. bubile 572. Campani 148. cavi ( subst.) 157 . bnbo 292. campestris 233. cavus 156, 157, 159. bubulus 471 . campus 148. -ce 457, 460, 620. bulbatio 292. camurus 140. ( cebnust 466. ) bulbosus 292. cancer 143. cedo 242, 494. bulbulus 292. candela 138. bulbus 292 . celer 146. candelabrum 301 . Celeres 146. bulla 292, 303 . bullatus 292 candeo 138, 456, 511. celeritas 146. . candidus 1.8. bullio 292. cella 139. candor 138. cello 148, 364, 482, 572 . bullo 292 . canis 158, 601 . celo 113 , 139, 233, 527 , Burrus 417. cannabis 140. 547, 720. cano 140, 177. celox 146. canorus 140. C Lat. for x 417 ; be- cantus 140. celsus 138, 152. fore e, i 478. Celtae 152. cena 242. caballus 434. cachinpus 475 caper (Lat. Umbr.) 142. centum 135, 434. . capillus 148. caco 138. capio 141 . cera 149. Cacus 138. cadaver 350. capis 141 . cerebrum 142. Capitodium 266 .. Ceres 154. cado 430. cerno 109, 155, 702. caduceus 430. Capua 148. caducus 430. cernuus 142. capulum 141 . cadus 137 .

• cersna 242.

- capnt 143, 148, 437. certo 155. caecus 42 , 168. Cardea 143 . caedo 246. certus 155. cardo 153 . caeduus 495. cerus 154. carina 144. cervus 146, 573. Caelius 157 . carino 148 . caelum (sky) 156, 157. carmen 445. cicer 144. caelum (chisel ) 246. Carna 143 . ciconia 140. cieo 149. caelus 157 . carnivorus 470. caepa 148. cilium 156. caro 154, 155. cingo 153, 546. caerimonia 154 . carpo 143, 264. cingulum 153. caeruleus 535. carptim 143. caesius 535. cinis 298, 493. calamus 138. carptor 143. cio 149. casa 168. calcar 364. circa 157. cassis 168. calceus 364. circum 157. e Castor 457. circus 157, 545. calcitro 364. ( castrous 168.) cis 310, 460, 620. calco 364. castrum 168 . citra 460, 620. calculus 144. * castruo 168. calendae 138, 139. castus 138, 509. citus 149. caligo 146 civis 145 . . Cato 159. callis 146. civitas 626. catus 159, 509. clades 154. callus 144. caulae 156. calo 138, 139. clam 62, 272. caulis 156, 157 . clamo 139. cepe 148. capra 142. ITALIAN INDEX. 475 corgo 185. clamor 139, 358. conjux 57, 181 , 356. cubo 518. clarus 330. conlegium 453 . cuculus 152 classicum 139 . conspicio 98, 167. cudo 648. classis 139. consterno 696. culex 377 . Claudius 353. consuetudo 251 . culina 459 . claudo 149. consul 240, 538 . culmen 152. claustrum 492. consulo 538. culmus 138. Clausus 353. contubernium 269. culter 147, 547, 572. clavis 149 , 572. contus 698. cum 319, 395 ,441, 533, clepo 62, 149. convicium 452, 453 . 685, 704 cliens 150. copa 141 . Cumae 145. clingo 157 , 546. copia 500. cumbo 518. clino 149 . coquina 459. -cumque 480. clitellae 149, 150. coquino 470. cumulus 156. Cliternum 150. coquo 459. cunctor 698. Clitumnus 150. coquos 459. cunctus 698. clivus 149, 572. cor 142, 544. cuneus 159. cloaca 151 . corculum 142 . cunnus 158. clueo 150 . cordatus 142. cupa (Falisc. ) 518. clunaclum 150. cûpa 158. clunis 150, 544. corium 498. cupiendus 650. cluo (hear) 150, 324, corniculum 209. cupio 114, 195. 544. cornix 153. curia 158 . cluo (purgo ) 151 . cornu 18 , 146, 147. curis ( Sabin. ) 147. clupeus 62, 527, 665. cornum 147 . curro 63 . co- 395, 533. cornus 147 . curtus 147, 292. coalesco 358. corona 157 . curvus 157, 495, 545. coaxo 560. cortex 147 . custos 259, 260. cocles 168. corvus 41 , 153 , 700. cutis 168. coemptio 598. cos 70, 159 . cygnus 695. cognomen 321 . cossim 153. cohors 200. costa 209. collis 152. coxa 153, 700 . dacruma 133, 434 . colo 146 , 464, 668. coxendix 153, 700. -dam 621 . colonus 464. cracentes ( O.- Lat. ) 152, damnum 236, 610. color 113, 204. 545. danunt 236. columna 152 , 433. crapula 143 , 668. dapino 232, 668. com- 533 . crastinus 388. daps 62, 113, 232, 332. commentarius 312. credo 254. (dat 233. ) commentum 312. creduas 254. dator 76, 236, 705. comminiscor 312. creo 154. daturus 705. communis 324, 325. creperus 695. de 233. compes 244. crepo 528. Deana, 506. compesco 165, 268. crepundiae 528. decem 89, 133 . compos 283. Crepusci 695. decet 134. comprehendo 94. crepusculum 695. declino 149 . computo 282. cresco 154, 157. decorus 576. con- 185, 395, 533, 704. cribrum 155. decus 134. concilium 138.. crista 153 . *deçen 29. concumbo 518. crotico 522 . *decenduf 133. condicio 134. crudelis 156. defendo 255. Confinium 533 . crudus 156. defluo 326. confluges 302, 584. cruentus 154. defruo 486. confuto 204. cruor 154, 155, 156. defrntum 486, 520. congenuclat 179. crus 150. degu ( s)nere 176. coniveo 319, 584. crusta 156. ( deivai 503, 508.) 476 ITALIAN INDEX . equa 455. erga 185. delectus 366. dolus 236, 237. * ehveltu 539. deleo 368. domesticus 233. (eítuns 665. ) delibutus 368. domicilium 139 , 233. elementum 358, 359. delinio 453. dominus 231 . elogium 362 . -dem 621. Domitius 233, 234. * emantur 598. dens 243. domitor 231 . emem 532. denseo 232. domitus 231 . emendo 80. denso 232 . domo 68, 231 . emo 141 , 598. densus 232 . domus 233. *en- 309. denuo 315. dono 612. endo 233, 309. depso 67 . donum 76, 236, 431 , 602. eneco 80. depuvo 269. dormio 232. eo 254, 403. descendo 166. dorsum 234. Epidius 455. descisco 109, 145. dorsus 234. Epona 455, 458, 462 . detudes 226. dos 76, 236, 626 . deus 81 , 235, 503 ff. dubenus 231 . eques 455. devoro 470. dubius 238. equito 455 . dexter 234. ducenti 135 . equus 25, 449, 455. dextimus 234. duco 134, 170, 181 , 583. êr 200. di- 39. dudum 558, 606. eres 672. Diana 235, 506. duellum 448. dicio 134. duint, duam etc. 236, ergo 185. dicis 134 . 254. erigo 184 . dico 114, 134, 181 . duis 39, 476. erinaceus 200. dictator 134. dulcedo 360. eritudo 356. dies 235, 236, 558, 575, dulcesco 360. erro 546. 603, 621 . dulcis 360, 484. error 546. differo 104, 301. dum 676 . erugo 181 . digitus 78, 114, 133. dametum 232. ervilia 346. dignus 134. dumus 232. ervum 346, 573, 719. diligens 366. duo 39, 238. esca 76, 239, 249. diluculum 160. duonus 448 , 476. Esquiliae 464. diluo 371 . duplex 165 , 238. ( esuf 378, 379.) diluvium 371 . * dupursus 244. * esunu 404, 509. dimidius 334 . * dur 238. esario 239. dingua 194. dusmus 232. esus 239. Diovis 235, 601 . dux 134. et 74, 207. dirus 234 ( bis ), 235. etiam 207 . dis- 39, 238. etiamnum 319. disco 229. e 185, 387 . ex 36, 80, 290, 294, 387 , dispesco 268. ebrius 382. 539, 676. distinguo 214. ec- 80, 387. exagium 36. diu 558, 606, 621 . ecce 457. examen 170 . Dius fidius 262. eccere 457. exbures 281 . diutinus 319, 388, 631 , ecfatus 387. excello 138, 152. 705 . ecfero 387 . excito 149. divido 241 . ecfutio 204, 205. excrementum 155 . divus 235, 505. edax 239 . exdutae 621 . -do 233. edo 48, 239. exemplum 273. do 236. effingo 182 . exigo 170 . doceo 229. egenus 190. exiguus 170. doctus 229. eximius 617. dolabra 231 . ego 89, 308, 514. experior 273. dolium 231. * ehe, eh 387 , 539 . Exquiliae 464. dolo 231 . ( ehtrad 387.) exsterno 696 . ( dolud 236. ) * ehvelklu 539. extremus 387. egeo 190 . ITALIAN INDEX. 477 extrico 462 . fatisco 201. figulus 181. extro 221 . fatum 297. figura 181 . exuo 621 . faustus 298. filia 252. exurgeo 180. faveo 188, 298. filius 252, 253, 258, 398. exuviae 621 . favilla 188,259, 297, 298. filum 186, 187, 262. favus 259 . fimus 259. fax 297 , 298. fingo 105 , 164, 181 , 182. F Italian 477 , 486 ; Lat. febris 300 . fio 254, 305 . for gh 476, different Februlis 304. fircus (Sab. ) 132. from 9 417 . februo 304 . firmas 257 , 521 . ( faama 254.) februus 304. fixus 186 . faba 299. fecundus 252, 302, 305. flabrum 301 . faber 255. (feíhúss 182. ) flagellum 278, 477. fabula 297 . fel 203, 476 . flagito 477. facetus 297, 298. fela 252. flagro 187, 442. facies 297, 298. * feliu 252, 253. flamen 187, 301 . facilis 323 . fellitus 203. flamma 187. facinus 305 , 720. felo 252 . flatus 301 . facio 64, 109 , 254, 305, femina 252, 253, 305. flavus 187, 202 664. fendo 255, 300, 648. flecto 169, 664. facultas 323. fenum 305 . flemina 302. fagineus 187. fenus 187 , 252, 305. fleo 252, 302 , 305. faginus 187 . -fer 300 . fletus 302. fagus 187 . fera 256, 477. fligo 477. fagutalis 187 . ferax 300. flo 301. falco 169. ferculum 300. Flora 301 . falcones 169. ferendus 649. Florentia 250. falla 375, 376. feriae 509. floreo 301 . fallacia 375. ferio 256, 299. flos 173, 301 , 302. fallax 375. ferme 257. fluctuo 302. fallo 375, 376, 494, 683, fero 96, 104, 300, 544, fluctus 302. 690. ferox 256. fluito 302 . falsus 375, 509 . fertilis 300. flumen 302. falx 169. ferus 256. fluo 302, .584 . fama 297 . ferveo 188 , 300, 304, (Fluusaí 301 ) . (famel 254. ) 435, 486, 572. fluvius 302. fames 201 , 299. fervo 486. fluxus 302. familia 254. fessus 201 . fodio 467. famulus 203, 254. festino 255. foedus 262 . fanum 602. festivus 363. foeteo 259, 287. far 300, 301 . festum 509. folium 306, 685. farcimen 303. festus 509. follis 487. farcio 114, 303, 596 , 651. Festus 509. folus 202. fari 297. fetns 252, 305. fons 204, 205, 304 . farina 300, 301 . fiber 305. foramen 299. fariolus 203. fibra 301 . foras 258, 708. fartilis 303 . fictilis 181 . forbea 301, 430. fartor 303. fictor 181 . forceps 486. fas 297 , 301 . fides ( lute- string) 247, forctis 257. fascino 520. 690 . forctus 257 . fassio 139. fides 262. fordus 300. fastidium 256. fidicen 247. fore 305, 708 . fastigium 713 . fidicina 247 . fores 258. fastus 256. fido 262. forfex 299. fateor 297. fidus 262. foris 258. fatigo 201 . figo 182 , 186, ' 690. forma 257 . 478 ITALIAN INDEX. Formiae 356. fugax 188. gener 174, 536. formica 339, 340, 441, fugio 188. geniculatus 179. 689. fugitivus 188. geniculum 279. formidus 485, 486. fugo 188. genitor 76 , 174. formucapes 486. fni 305, 378. genitrix 174, 623. formus 485 , 486. * fuio , fuia 305. genius 174. fornax 485. fulgeo 34, 187 , 442. gens 76 , 174 . fornus 485. fulgur 187 . genu 179, 433, 555. foro 299. fulmen 187. Genua 179, 555. forpex 486. Fulvia 305 . Genucius 179 . fors 300, 301 . fulvus 187 . genuinus 308. fortis 257 . fumeus 650. genus 76, 77, 174, 233, (fortis 301. ) fumidus 650 . 536. fortuitus 300. - fumus 62, 114 , 259, 422, germen 472. fortuna 295, 300, 301. 477, 500. gero 96, 649. fostis 486. funambulus 466. gigno 174, 175 , 536 . foveo 188. funda 204, 247, 494, 690. gilvus 202, 203. fragilis 531 . fundo 96, 204. glaber 59, 177 . fragmen 531 . fundum fieri 262. glabresco 177 . fragmentum 531 . fundus 263. Glabrio 177. fragor 531 . fungus 384, 494. glabro 177 . fragosus 531 . funis 262. glacies 173, 478, 655. frango 511 , 531 . funus 259, 477. gladius 153. frater 303. fur 107, 300. glamae 542. fraternus 303, 304. furca 299. glans 467.

• fratreks 304. furia 256. glis (humus tenax) 368,

fratria 303. furnus 485. 369. fraus 223. furo 256. glis (dormouse) 371 . fraxo 303. furvus 304. gliscerae 641. fremitus 519. fuscus 304. glisco 641 . fremo 340, 519. fustis 255, 262. glittus 369. fremor 519 . fusus 247 . glocio 151 , 604. frendo 203, 221 . futavit 305. gloria 150, 151 , 154. frenum 257. futilis 204, 205, 252, 421. glos 173. frequens 114 , 303 . futis 204. glubo 59 , 178, 693. frequenter 114. ( Futreí 305.) gluma 178. fretus 257 . futtilis 204, 421 . glus 370. fricae 203. futuo 286, 305, 708. gluten 370. fricium 203. futurus 305. glutinum 370. frico 203. glutio 360, 471 . frictio 203 . gnarigo 178. frigedo 637. Gabii 173. gnarus 178, 179. frigeo 353. gallina 637. gnascor 174, 175. frigesco 353. gallns 177 . gnavus 179. frigidus 353, 637. garrio 177 . gnosco 90, 178 . frigo 188, 353. garrulus 177. gnotio 78 . frigus 353 . gracilis 152. frio 203, 476, 703. gaudeo 66, 172. gradior 693. frons (brow ) 296 . gandium 172, 660. gramen 471 , fructus 584. gavisus 172. gramia 541 . fruges 584 gelu 173 . gramiosus 541 . fruor 183, 186, 584. gemitus 174. grandinat 196. frustra 223. gemma 112, 174. grando 196 , 545. frustum 223. gemo 112, 174 . granum 113, 176, 222. fuam 305 . gemursa 174 . grates 198. fuga 188. gena 108, 308, 514. gratia 198. gau 172. ITALIAN INDEX. 479 gratus 198. hir 199 . indigeo 190. gravedo 468. hira 203, 546. indigitamenta 401 . gravidus 468, 540. hircus 132 . indu 233, 309. gravis 468. hirpus ( Sab. ) 161 . indulgeo 191 . gravitas 468. hirudo 199. infensus 255. gravo 468. hirundo 199, 545. infestus 255. gremium 472. hisco 196. inficio 185 . groma 695. holus 202, 545. ingemisco 174. gruo 175. homo 197, 198. ingluvies 471 . grus 175. homuncio 692. injuria 151 . gula 470. homunculus 395, 692. inlustris 160. gumia 174. horctum 257. inops 500. gurges 470, 471 . hordeum 155, 353. inquilinus 464. gurgulio 470. hornus 358. inriguis 190. gusto 176 . horror 198. inrito 342. gustus 176. hortus 200. insece 461 . gutta 205. hostis 486. insectiones 461 . guttur 205 . humerus s. umerus. insequis 461 . | humî 197. insexit 461 . h 672 ; pronunciation humilis 197 , 245, 536, instanro 211 . 417. 705. instigo 214. habeo 434. humo 197. instinctus 214. haedus 202 . humor s. umor. insubidus 384. hamus 198. humum 197 . insula 375. hara 200. humus 197, 254, 536. insuper 291 . hariolus 203. intellego 366. haruspex 203, 546. inter 309. hasta 196. ibi 676. Interamna 462. hedera 196. ico 114, 454. intercalaris 138. helus 202, 545. ictus 454. interdiu 235, 558. helvola 202. ignis 107 , 668. intereo 310. helvus 202. ignominia 321 . interior 309. hemones 197 , 198. ignoro 178. interpres 660. hêr 200. illico 245. interpretor 660. hera 118, 199, 301 . illustris s . inlustris. intestinus 309. herba 278, 282. im 399. intra 309. herbilis hanser 200. imber 341 , 517. intrare 221. hercisco 200. imbito 466 . intrico 462. herctum 200 . imbuo 281 . intrô 309. hereditas 199. immanis 329. intumus 309, 437. (Herentatis 198. ) immunis 324. intus 309. heres 199, 200. impedio 244. invenio 210. ( herest 198. ) impetus 210. invito 452, 453. heri 201 , 323 . impleo 277. invitus 108 , 135.

• heriest 198. impos 283. ir 199 .

(heriiad 198. ) in 309, 310, 703. irpus ( Sab. ) 160, 161 . herinaceus 200. yin- 307, 431. 1s 399 , 532. herus 199, 231. incanto 470. istega 185. hesternus 201 , 323. inciens 150, 156, 157 . ita 323. hiatus 196 . incito 149. Italia 208. hibernus 201 . inclino 149. iter 403. hice 532, 620. inclutus 150 itio 403. hiems 201 . incola 464. itus 403. hilla 203. incolumis 168. hinsidiae 673. incumbo 518. j becoming (dj) d 648 f. hio 196. indico 134. jaceo 456, 608, 609. 480 ITALIAN INDEX jacio 64, 254, 403, 455, lacuna 159. lepor 266. 456, 647, 664. lacus 159. lepus 266. jam 620, 648. Laeca 364 . letum 368. janitor 602. laedo 642. Leucesius 160. janitrices 308, 595. laetus 202. levigo 367. janua 602. laevus 364, 587 . levir 230. Janas 602. lama 159. lévis 191 , 292, 468 . jecur 27 , 454, 598. lambo 365, 544 . lêvis 367. jejunus 598 . lamella 443. lēvitas 191 . jento 598. lamina 715. lêvitas 367. Jovis 554, 601. lana 366. levo 191 . judex 134. laneus 366. lêvo 367 . jugerum 181 . langueo 182 . lex 183, 367 . jugum 181 , 610, 648, 664. languidus 182. libatio 368. jujubae 610. languor 182. Libentina 370. jumentum 181. laniciam 366. liber 178, 528. jungo 57, 181 , 241 , 596, lanterna 266 . lil er 370, 488, 919 , 499. 648, 664. lanugo 366 . Liber 368. junix 153, 575. lanx 164, 279. libertas 488 .

• Jupater 601. lapis 542. libet 370, 376, 709 . Juppiter 270, 457 , 601. laqueus 136. libido 370 , 637.

jus ( right ) 151 , 301. lascivus 363. Libitina 370 . jus (broth ) 338, 609, 611. latebra 543. libo 368. juvenca 575. lateo 421. liceor 455, 456 juvencus 575, 589. later 279 ( bis) . licet 455, 456 . juvenis 230, 575. laterna 266. Licinius 367. jnvenix 575. Latium 279. licinus 367, 650. juxta 181 . latro (bark) 642. lictor 183. latro ( robber ) 365, lien 290. * Kapir 141 . (Kapva 148.) lâtus (broad ) 215, 279. lignum 367. ( kevs 145.) lâtus (part. pass .) 215, ligo (bind) 183, 708. (kúm -bened 466. ) 220, 356. (ligud 183, 367.) lătus (side) 271, 279. ligurio 194 . labea 365. lautumiae 542. (likitud 455. ) labecula 372. lautus 371 . limen 368. Labeo 365. Laverna 365. limes 368 . labes ( spot) 372. laverniones 365. limpidus 266. labes (fall ) 372. lavo 45, 113, 371 , 555. limus ( crooked ) 367 . labium 365. lax 368. limus ( slime) 368. labo 372. laxo 182 . linea 369. lăbor 293. laxus 182 . lineus 369. labor 372. lectica 193, 295. lingo 194. laboriosus 293. lectio 366. lingua 194. laboro 293. lector 366. lino 368, 714 . labos 293. lectus (bed ) 193. linquier 368. labrum 365. lectus (chosen ) 366. linquo 455 , 456. lac 172, 173. legio 366. linter 280. lacer 159. lego 89, 366. linteus 369. lacerna 159 . legulus 366 . linum 369 . lacero 133 , 159. legumen 366, 367. lippus 266 . lacinia 159 . lendes 242 . liqueo 267, 456. lacio 136, 368. lenio 453. liquidus 456. lacruma 78, 133, 434, lenis 113. liquor 456. 437. lentus 113. litus 364. lacte 172. leo 369. litus 368, 437 . lactes 182. lepidus 266. liveo 271 , 273. ITALIAN INDEX. 481 lividus 271 , 373, 650. madesco 326. memor 101 , 109, 331 , Livius 650. madidus 326. 332. livor 271 , 373. madius (Mid . Lat.) 608. memoria 101 , 331 . lixula 367. maestus 582. memoro 331 . locus 33, 211. magis 283, 329. Mena 334, 402. Locutius 159. magister 329, 336 . menda 337. loebesum 370, 488. magistratus 329 . mendax 312, 313. longinquus 182. Magius 329. mendicus 337 . longitudo 182 . magnus 329 , 682 . Menervai 313. longus 182, 191. (Mahiis 329.) mens 101, 312. loquax 159. major 329, 401 . mensa 328. loquela 159. mala 326. mensis 334. loquor 159, 544. maleficus 372. menstruus 334. lorum 554 . malignus 372. mensura 328. Lua 371 . malitia 372. mentio 312. lubet 370, 376, 709. maltas 326, 327. mentior 312, 313. lubricus 370 , 708. malus 372 , 373. mentula 337. luceo 112 , 160, 442. mamma 335 . meo 324 . lucidus 160, 650. mancipium 199. merces 199, 332. Lucius 650 . mancns 337 . merenda 332. lucru 365 . mânê 329. mereo 68, 332. lucta 183. maneo 101, 312. mereor 332 . luctus 182. Manes 329. meretrix 332 . luculentus 266 . manifestus 255. mergae 183 , 545 . lucuns 367. (manim 329. ) merges 183. lues 183, 371 . mano 326 . meridies 334 . lugeo 182 . mănns 329, 335. merx 332. lugubris 182. mânus 329. mesene ( Sabell.) 335. lumen 80 , 112 , 160. mappa 441 . messis 209, 323. luna 80 , 160, 402. marceo 333, 545. messor 323 . lunter 280 . marcesco 333. metellus 260. luo 45, 113 , 370, 371 . marcidus 333. metior 242, 260, 328 . lupus 81 , 160, 161 , 380, Marcipor 288. meto 323, 328. 458, 462 , 554, 704 , 726. mare 333. metor 328. lusciniolus 442. marmor 554. metuo 286 . luscus 160 . mas 101 , 313. mens 328, 617. lustrum 151 , 160, 371 , massa 660. mica 682. 640 . mater 335, 623. micidus 682 . lûtens 202, 204. matercula 623. mictus 194 . lutor 371 . materies 329. micula 682. lûtum 202, 204. matus 326. migro 324 . lutus 371 . maxilla 326. mihi 360, 533. (lúvfreis 488.) maximus 329. milium 583 . lux 112, 160 . me 328. Minerva 312, 313. luxo 367. ( meddix 243.) mingo 194 . Inxus ( sprain ) 183, 367. medela 242. minimus 336. medeor 242, 312, 313. minister 336. maccus 338. medicus 242, 312. minor 336 . macellum 328. meditor 242, 312, 313. (minstreis 336.) maceria 326. medins 89, 334, 577, 653. mintrio 337. macero 326. (mefiai, mefiu 334, 4 10.) Minucius 336. macte 161 , 374. * mehe 328. minuo 336. macto (make great) 161. mejo 194, 401 . minurrio 337. macto (slaughter) 328. mel 203, 331. minus 336. madefacio 326. melius 581 . minutus 336 madeo 326. memini 101 , 312. miror 330. CURTIUS , Etymology. II. 31 482 ITALIAN INDEX. mirus 325, 330, 640. mulco 327 , 456. miscellaneus 336. mulctra 183 . miscellus 336. mulctrum 183. misceo 336, 437. mulctus 183 . miser 582 . mulgeo 183 , 545. mistio 336 . mulier 327 mistura 336 . mulsus 331 . mistus 336. mungo 161, 164. mixtio 336. munia 325. mixtura 336. municeps 324. mixtus 336 . municipium 324. moderor 65, 242. munimentum 324. modestus 233, 242. munio 303, 324. modius 65 , 242 . munis 324. modus 65, 242 . munus 324. moenia 324, 325 . murmur 337 . moerus 324. murmuro 337 . mola 113, 339. murus 324. molaris 339. mus 340. molendinum 339 . musca 339. moles 327 . muscerda 167 . molitor 339. muscipula 340. mollio 326. musculus 340, mollis 326, 327 , 586 . mussito 338. mollities 326, 327. mur80 338. molo 339, 578, 579, 704. mutilus 708. momar 341. mutio 338. momentum 324. muto 324. moneo 101, 312. muttio 338. Moneta 312. mutus 338. mons 303 . mutuns 324. monstrum 312, 371 , 640. mora 101, 109, 331 , 332. morbus 278, 333. nae 317 . mordeo 243, 327, 681. nanciscor 309. morio 340 . Nar 320. morior 68, 113, 333, 596. nares 405. moror 101. narro 178. morosus 340 . Nasica 364. mors 333 . nasus 320, 355, 405. mortalis 333. nates 320. mortuus 324 , 333. natura 174 , 175. morus 340, 341. nausea 313 . mos 324, 329 . nauta 313 . motacilla 146. navigium 313. motus 324. navigo 313. moveo 324 . navis 313 . mucedo 161 . navita 313 . muceo 161 . ne 317, 334. mucor 161 . -ne 317 , 319. mncro 536. ne . 317. mucus . 161 . nebola 295. mugil 161 . necesse 309. mngio 338, 351 . neco 161 . (muiníkú 324, 325.) necto 356, 664. mulceo 327 , 456 . nefas 317 . neglego 366, 437. nego 401 . nei 317 . (neip 439. ) nemen 316. nemus 314, 315. neo 316. nepos 267, 526. neptis 267. Neptunus 295. * ner ( acc . pl. nerf) 308. nerio (Sab .) 307. nero ( Sab.) 307 .

• nertru mani 310.

nerviae 316. nervosus 316 . nervus 271 , 316, 348, 356, 392, 468, 554 , 573, 681 . netus 316. nex 161 . nexus 356. ni 317. ni- 317. Nicepor 417 . nico 584. Nicomacus 417. nidus 43 . niger 372. nimbus 295. nimirum 317, 330. nimis 328 . ningit 318, 475, 681 . ninguis 318, 475. ninguit 318 . ningulus 395 . nisi 317. ( Ninmsieis 314.) nix 318. nobis 320 . noceo 162 , noctis 162 . noctu 162 . noctua 162 . nocturnus 162 . noenu 317. noenum 317. nomen 321 , 370 . nomenclator 138. nomino 321 . non 317 . nonaginta 311 , 534 . nongenti 311 . nonus 311 , 526, 534. norma 178 . nos 320, 533. ITALIAN INDEX. 483 opes 500. notio 78, 178 . oculus 42, 58, 99, 456, ovilis 393 . notus 178. 457 . ovillus 393. nountius 316 . odi 260, 261 . ovis ( Lat . Umbr. ) 54, novalis 315. odium 260. 90, 393. novellus 315. odor 48, 243. oyum 394. novem 79, 311, 534. odoror 243. noverca 315, 316. offendimentum 262. novicius 315, 629. offendix 262. p for k 458, 462 ; p for noviens 311. offendo 255. g 417, 498. Novius 315 . oinos 320, 321 . pabulum 271. novo 315. oitier 706. pacio 268 . novus 315. *okri 131 . paciscor 268, 523. nox 162, 626, 704. oleo 243. pactio 268. noxa 162 . olesco 359. paedor 245 . nubes 254, 295. oleum 361. paenitet 281 . nabilus 254, 295. olfacio 243. pagina 650 . Nuceria 293, 315. olim 272 . palam 271 , 272. nudius 235, 236. oliva 361 , 553. palea 289. num 318 , 319. olo 243 . Pales 271 . Numa 314. olus 202. palleo 271 . * nume, nome 321, 322. omnis 294. pallidus 271 . numen 319 . oncia 321 . palma 269. Numerius 314. operio 540. palmus 269 . numerus 314, 481 . operor 70. palpo 720. Numitor 314. palumba 271 . nummus 315. opimus 276. pâlus 268, 523. nunc 318, 319. opinio 637. palûs 248 , 275, 276. nundinae 235. opiparus 271 . palustris 275. nuntins 315, 316. oportet 283. pampinus 502. nno 319. oppedum 245. pango 268 , 523 , 637. nuper 315. oppido 245. panis 271 . nurus 35, 320, 681 . oppidum 82, 244, 245. pannus 276. nutrix 319. opportunus 265. pannuvellium 276. nutus 319. opprobrium 301. *panta 460. (Núvla 315.) panus 276. optumus 437. papaver 288. opulentus 500. papilla 502. ob 83, 265, 276. opus 36, 70, 117, 276. papula 502. obauro 265. orbifico 296. Parca 165 . obdo 265. orbis 82. obeo 265. orbitas 296. parcus 271 . obliqnus 367. orbitudo 296. parentes 283. obliviscor 271 . orbo 396. paries 274 . oboedio 265. Orbona 296. pario 271 , 282, 596 . obscoenus 276. orbus 296. paro 271 , 273, 282. obscurns 168. ordo 8 . observo 540. Orfius 296. obtusus 152, 226. origo 348. parumper 269, 395. obviam 265 . orior 49, 348, 596. parvus 271 , 348, 554. occulo 62, 113. orno 261. pascor 271. 529. ocior 131 . ortus 348, 349. pastor 271 . ociter 131. ós (bone) 44, 209. pateo 210 . Oriculum 131 . ôs (month) 306, 378, 379. pater 33, 270, 431 . ocris 131 . osseus 209. patina 210 , 211 . octavus 162 , 525. 08su 209. patior 421, 691 . octo 90 , 162. ossam 209 . patrius 270, 618. ops 500. parco 271 . pars 282. parum 271 . 31 * 484 ITALIAN INDEX. pes 244. patruus 270. Patulcius 210. patulus 210 , 211 . pancus 271 . paulisper 269, 395 . paulus 271 . pauper 271 . pavimentum 269. pavio 269. pavo 487. pax 262, 268 . paxillus 523.

• -pe 460, 480 .

pecco 164 . pecten 16 :3, 664. pecto 163 , 664 . pectus 368. pecu 268, 281 . peda 245. pedes 244 . pedester 244. pedica 244. pedico 245. pedissequa 453 , pêdo 80, 245, 286. pédo 244. pêdor 245 . pedule 244. Pedum 83, 113, 244. pedum 83, 245. -pei 460 , 480 .

• peihaner 649.

pejero 80. pejor 164. pellicio 368 . pellis 271 . pelvis 623. penates 271 . pendeo 247, 456, 494 . penes 27 penetro 271 . penis 272, 683. penna 210. penuria 272. penus 271 , 305 . per 269, 273. per- 274. -per 285. perbito 269. percello 146 , 572. percipio 269. percontor 698 . perdix 447. peregre 273. peregrinus 442. perendie 273. pereo 269. plangor 278. Perficus 154. planta ( sole of the foot) perhibeo 269. 279. periculum 273. planus 164 , 279, 440. peritus 273. plautus 279. perjurium 269, 273. plebejus 616. perjuro 80. plebes 76, 218, 225, 277, permagnus 274. 278.

• pernaio 285. plebiscitum 109 .
• perne 285. plecto 165 , 278, 664.

pernicies 162. plenus 277. perperam 272, 273, 631. pleo 225, 544. perplovo 280. pleores 282. ( pert 273.) plerique 282. Pertunda 226. plico 165 , 395. (perum 269.) plisima 282. perverto 269. ploirume 282. pervicax 106, 135. ploro 280 . plotus 279. pesna 210. plous 282 . pessulus 523. plousima 282. peto 105, 210 . pluit 280. (petora 480.) pluma 280, 440. Petrejus 458, 616. plumbeus 373. petrones 197. plumbum 373. * petur 480. plurimus 282 . piandus 649. plus 282. pica 167. pluvia 225, 280. pictor 164 . poculum 281 . pictura 164. podex 245. picus 167. poena 281 , 282, 324. ( -pid 27, 460, 480, 481. ) poesna 282 . pignus 268 . Poinos 417. Pilemo 417 . polio 368 . pilleus 277 . pollen 289. pilum 192, 277. polliceor 456. pilumnus 277. pollingo 30, 286. pilus 277 . pollubrum 371 . pingo 34, 161 , 164, 182. polluo 113, 371 . pinguis 276, 510. polteo 273. pinso 277, 489, 653. Pompaedins ( 16. pinus 163. Pompejus 458, 616. pis, pid (Osc. Umbr.) 481. pomum 288 . piso 277. pondus 220 . Piso 277 . pone 706 . pistor 277. pono 286. pisum 277 . pons 270. ( pitpit 481.) pontifex 270. pituita 280, 286. Pontius 458. pix 163. popina 459 . plăga 165 . popularis 176. plâga 278. populiscitum 109. planca 164 . pópulus 225, 277, 278, planctus 278. 588 . plancus 164 . pôpulus 180 . plango 278 . por 288. ITALIAN INDEX. 485 porca (ridge) 165. porcus 165, 718, porricio 286. porrigo 184 . porro 285. port- 286. porta 82, 273. portio 282, 283. porto 282. Portunus 295. portus 273. pos 706. ( posmos 706.) possideo 286 . possum 283. post 706 . posterus 706 . postremus 706 . Pota 283. potens 283 . potestas 283 . (potiad 283. ) potio 281 . potior 282, 283. potior (adj .) 283. potis 283. potissent 283. poto 281 . potor 281 . potus 281 . prae 285. praebenda 332. praeda 196 . praedium 196. praedotiont 285. praefica 297 . praepes 210. praeputium 288. praes 196, 219. praesaepe 161 . praesens 207. praestolor 212. praesnl 240 . praevides 249. prandium 285.

• pre 285 . prehendo 196.
• preplotatu 280.

pretium 274 . primus 76, 285, 578. prior 285. pris- 285. priscus 285, 472. pristinus 285, 472 . pro 285. probrum 301. procella 146. purus 281 , 288 . procerus 154. pus 287. Procina 718.

• pus 706 . procul 482. pusa 288. prod- 285 . pricinus 287.

prodigus 572. * pust 706 . proles 358. * pustru 706 . prolubium 370. pustula 499, 500. promenervat 313 . pusula 499, 500 . promo 598. pusus 288. pronus 307. putamen 263. proprius 696. putator 263. prosapia 383. puteo 287, 421 . Prosepnais 266. puter 287 . Proserpina 266. * puterei 718. prosper 694. putidus 287.

• pru 285. puto 263, 281 .

prudens 324. * putrespe 460 . pruina 285. * puturus 718. prina 287, 288 . puturuspid 460.) pubes 218, 288. putus (pure) 263, 281 , publicus 437. 288, 509. puer 288, 575 . putus (boy) 288. puera 288. * pufe 459. pugil 287, 514. quadraginta 437. pugillaris 287. quadrimus 201. pugillus 287 . quaclringenti 395. pugio 287. quadru- 480 . pugna 81 , 287 . quaero 346 . pugno 81 , 287 . qualis 460. pugnus 81 , 287, 514 , 704. quam 459. pulcher 8. quando 459. pulex 377 . quantus 460 . pullus ( gray) 271 . quartus 480 . pullus 288, 575, 629. quater 480 . pulmo 280 , 281 . quattuor 27 , 276, 437, pulvinar 271 , 272. 457, 480. pulvinus 271 . -que 138, 460, 179, 480 . pulvis 289 , 350 . Theo 464. pumilio 288. queror 560. pumilus 288 . quid 27, 440, 481. ( pumpaiians 616.) quies 145.

• pumpe 480 . quiesco 145.

pungo 57, 287, 648. Quinctilis 458. punio 281 . Quinctius 234 . punitio 282. quinque 458, 510, 701. pupa, 288. Quintius 458. pupilla 288. quintus 158. pupus 288. quis 481 . * pur 286. quisque 460, 480. * purdovitu , purtuvitu quisquiliae 168, 697 . 236 . quo 459. * purka 165 . quod 459. purpura 417 , 430, 440. quoquo 459. purulentus 287. quot 460. 486 ITALIAN INDEX. quotannis 460. quotidie 460. quotus 460. sapa 458. rigo 190. sale 538. rigor 353. salebra 537. rivus 355, 368. Salii 537. robigo 251. salinum 538. robur 355. salinus 538. robustus 208. salio (salt) 538. rogo 184. salio ( leap) 506, 537, rogus 184. 596, 651 , 652, 702 . Roma 355. saliva 375, 599. Romulus 355. salix 136. ros 173, 347. salsamentum 538. rosa 353. salsus 538. rota 345. salto 537 , 702 .. rotundus 345. saltus 376, 537. ruber 146, 251 , 255, 304, salubris 374. 421 , 440. salum 375, 538. rubeta 304. salus (rocking) 375, 538. rubeus 650. salus (health) 374, 572 . rubia 650. salveo 374. rubidus 650. salvus 374, 540, 562, 572 . rubigo 146. sam 397. ructo 181 . sancio 170, 382 . ructus 181 . sanctus 382 . rudis 354, 519. sanus 382, 602. rudo 648.

• rufru 251 , 421 , 440. sapiens 458 .

rufus 251 , 255. sapinus 458 . sapio 434, 458, 462, 502. rugio 351 . rugitus 351 . sapor 458, 527. rumen 354. sapsa 397. Rumen 354. sarcio 666. Romina 354. sarmen 264. rumino 181 . sarmentum 264. rumito 358 . sarpo 264. Rumo 354. sas 397. rumor 358, 632. satis 283, 390 , 632 , 674. rumpendus 650. satur 390, 632, 674. rumpo 183, 264, 267. Saturnus 383. ruo 355. satus 382. rutilus 252, 421 . Sauracte 541 .

• savitu 397 .

saxum 108, 145. (saahtum 387.) scaber 166. sabulum 686. scabies 166, 668 . sacer 170, 382. scabo 166. sacerdos 236. scaeva 165. saeclum 383. scaevitas 165. saepe 114. Scaevola 165, 364. saepio 114, 154, 161 , 458. scaevus 165, 680, 685. Saeturnus 383. scalpo 59, 63, 165, 177. sagio 170. scalprum 165. Saguntum 602. scamnum 166. sal 538. scando 166. salacia 538. scandula 246. salax 537. scapres 166. ruga 473. radius 354, 657 . radix 353, 354, 702. · ramus 354 . rapa 352. rapax 264, 522. rapidus 264. rapina 264. rapio 264 . raptor 264. rapum 352. ratis 345. raucus 41 , 358. ravis 41 , 358. ravus 176. re- 286. -re (passive) 294. Reate 355. rebito 466. reboo 470. rectus 184. red- 286. Rediculus 168. refertus 303. refuto 204 . regina 637. regio 184 . rego 184 , 711 . relicuus 455. religens 366. religio 257, 366. religiosus 257. relinquo 455. reliquus 455. reluo 370 . remedium 242, 312. remigium 345. reminiscor 312. remus 49, 345, 544 . repens 352. repente 352. repentinus 352. repo 266 , 356. resero 355. restauro 211 . rete 173, 343, 356. revereor 349, 574. rex 184. Rhodus 446. rideo 607. rigeo 353 . rigidus 353. sapo 458. ITALIAN INDEX. 487 sopor 290 . Scaptensula 376. sentio 97. socius 453. scapus 166. septem 54 , 265. socors 371. scaurus 165. septum 509. socrus 135. scelestus 389. septumus 265. sodalis 251 . scelus 376. sequor 118, 453, 454 . sodes 251 . scindo 57, 65, 246, 637, sera 355, 356. sol 401 , 402, 541 . 697 . serenus 541 . solea 240, 377 . scindula 246. series 355. solidus 510. scintilla 495 , 686 . serius 576. solium 239 , 240 (bis ). scio 109, 145, 481 . sero (put in a row) 313, sollemnis 294. scipio 166. 355, 674 . sollers 540. scirpeus 354. sero ( sow) 383, 403. sollicitus 540. scirpo 354 . serpens 266. solliferreus 540. Scirpus 354, 501, 693. serpo 266, 356. sollistimus 540. scisco 109, 696 . serpula 266. sollus 510, 674. scoculus 168. sertum 355. solum 113, 240, 377. scopae 166. serum 350, 674. solvo 370, 371 , 544. scopio 166. servitudo 356. somnus 136, 290, 578. scopus 166. servo 510. sons 207, 378, 379. ' scortum 498. servus 355, 356. sonticus 207, 378, 379. scribo 179. sese 532 . sopio 290. scrobis 179 , 693. Sestius 131 . scrofa 179, 693. severus 576. Soracte 541 . scruta 693. * sevum 540 . Soranus 541 . scrutator 693 . sex 387, 388. sorbeo 296 . scrutinium 693. sextus 387. sorbilis 296. scrutor 693. si (80) 397. sorbillo 296. sculpo 59, 177, 178, 693. sî ( if) 396. sorbitio 296. scutum 168 . sibi 533. sorex 357. se 388. sic 397 . soror 356. seco 145 . siccus 396. sorptus 296. sector 453. sido 239. sos 397 . secundus 453, 649. sidus 246 . sospes 382. secuta est 461 . sigillum 105 . souos 396. sedeo 89, 239 . signum 106, 215. spargo 275. sedes 239. sileo 383. spatium 272, 686. sedo 239. silva 108, 376 . specio 167, 663, 686 . sedulus 240. silvaticus 233, 376. specto 167. silvestris 233, 376. specula 98, 167 . seispes 382. silvosus 376. speculum 98, 167, 684. sella 239, 240 . simia 323. semel 395 , 703. similis 9 , 323. speres 694. semen 382 . simitu 323. sperno 289 , 666 . sementis 397 . simplex 395, 703. spero 694. semi- 24, 325. simul 323. spes 694. semis 325. simulo 323. spica 683. semper 311 , 395 . simultas 323. spiculum 683. senatus 311 . sincinia 395 . spina 352, 683. Seneca 311 . singillatim 631 . spiritus 306 , 499, 692. senecio 311 . singuli 395, 703. spiro 499, 500. senecta 311. sino 403, 666. spolium 168, 685, 686 . senectus 311 . sisto 211 , 403, 697. spondeo 262, 697 . senesco 311 . Sisupus 417 . sponte 272 . senex 311 , 377 , 667. * -snata 320 . sporta 494, 705. senilis 311 . sobrius 382. sportula 705. senium 311 . socer 28, 135 . spuma 499. seges 9. specus 167. 488 ITALIAN INDEX. spno 286, 499, 688. strigilis 384, 546. susque 291. spurcus 275. strigmentum 384. sustuli 291 . spurius 289. stringo 384 (bis ). susum 304. sputum 286. strues 215 . susurrus 357. squalidus 145. struices 215 . sutela 385. squalor 145 . struo 215, 584. sutor 385. squatina 145. studeo 687, 689. sutura 385 . squatus 145. studium 687 . sutus 385. stabilis 211. stultus 212, 216. suus 251 , 570. stabulum 211, 711 . stupa 216, 528. (svaí 396. ) stagnum 219 . stupeo 216, 218. stamen 211. stupidus 216 . stapia 214. sturnus 357 , 693. tabeo 218. statim 211. Suada 228. tabes 63, 218, 368. statio 211 . suadela 228. tabesco 63, 218. Stator 211 . suadeo 228. tabum 63, 218. statu 211 . suadus 228. tactio 217 . statuo 211. suavis 228. tactus 217. status 211 . sub 290, 291 . ( tadait 217.) stega 185. sub dio 235. tagax 217 . stella 206 . subfimen 259, 499. tago 217 . stercus 28, 166, 167 , 523, subfio 259. talpa 165, 689. 686, 689 . subidus 383 . tam 620. sterilis 213. subolesco 358. tango 217. sterno 215. subter 291 . tarmes 222. sternuo 696 . subula 385 . tata 224. sterquilinium 166. sucerda 167 . taurus 218, 689. stilla 213. sucula 383. tauta etc. (Osc. Umbr. ) stilus 214. sucus 350, 457, 636, 674. 225. stimulus 214. sudarium 241 . tectum 185 . stinguo 215, 690. sudo 241 . tegimen 185 . stipa 216 , 528. sudor 241 . tego 58, 185 , 684, 689 . stipatores 214. suesco 251 . tegula 185 . stipes 214, 216. suetus 251 . tela 219. stipo 62, 214. suggrunda 196 . telum 219. stipula 214 . suinus 385. temere 534. stipulor 214. sulcus 136 . temo 219. stiria 213. sum ( am) 103, 378. templum 221, 373, 684. stiva 211 . sum (accus.) 397. tempto 68, 217. stlatarius 215. summus 291 . tenax 216. stlatus 215, 279, 545 . sumo 598 . tendicula 216. stlocus 211 . 810 376, 385 . tendo 68 , 216, 217, 255, sto 211, 361 , 403, 697. super 290. 648. stolidus 212, 216. superbia 528. tenebrae 360, 533, 531 . storea 215, 684. superbus 469. teneo 68, 216, 217, 534. strages 215. supercilium 156 , 157 . tener 216, 222. stramen 215. superus 291 , 529 . tenor 216. stramentum 215 . supinus 291. tentio 216. strangulo 381. suprâd 291 . tento 217. stratus 215, 545 . supremus 291 . tentus 216. strenuus 213, 712. surdus 357 . tenuis 67, 216, 222, 327, strictim 381 . 468 , 510 , strictura 384 . sursum 291, 304. tenus ( cord) 216. strictus 384 . sus- 291 , 294. tenus ( adv. ) 216. strideo 684. sus 385 . tepeo 492. striga 384. suscipio 291. tepidus 492 . surgo 291 . ITALIAN INDEX. 489 turbo ( subst.) 226. turdus 689. turgeo 689. turma 226.

• Tursitu 224.
• turu 218.

turunda 222 . -turus 295. tus 259. tuticus ( Osc. Umbr.) 225. tutus 509. tuus 218, 570. ter 225. torris 223. terebra 222, 534. torus 215, 684, 689. ( teremenniú 221.) torvus 473. Terentius 222 . tosto 223. terentum (Sab .) 222. tostus 223, 224 . teres 222. totondi 265. tergo 384. totus 225. tergum 196 . * traf 221 . termen 221 . traho 191 , 672 . terminus 221 . trames 221 .

• termnu 221. trans 80, 221 , 222.

termo 221 . trapes 462 . tero 62, 222. trapetum 462. terra 224, 474 . Trasimenus 221 . terreo 224 . * trefu 226. terror 224. tremo 225. tertius 225. tremor 225 . tesaurus 417. tremulus 225, 240. tesqua 224. trepidus 462. testa 131 , 148, 219, 224. trepit 462. testu 131 . tres 225. Tettius 224. tria 225. texo 219 . * tribriçu 165 . textor 219. tribula 222 . textura 219. tribulis 176. tibi 360, 533. tribulo 222 . Tibur 442. tribus 225, 226. tignum 219, 367. tricae 462. Tigris 214 . tricor 462 . tilia 211 , triduum 558. timor 481 , 534. trimus 201. tinctilis 219. triremis 345, tinctio 219 . tripodo 244, tinctura 219 . tripudium 244 . tinctus 219. tristis 224. tingo 219, 523, 701 . triticum 222 . titulus 481 . trua 222. ( t) latus 220. tu 218, 434. tolerint, toli 220. tuber 225. tolero 220 . tudes 226. tolleno 220. tudito 226. tollo ( verb .) 220. tugurium 185 . tollo ( subst .) 220. tuli 114, 356. tolutim 220.. Tullius 220 . tonare 216. Tullus 220. tondeo 221 . tulo 220. tonitru 216. tum: 319, 676. torcular 461 . tumeo 225. torculum 461 . tumidus 225. tormentum 461 . tumor 225. torpedo 637. tumultus 223, torpeo 213 . tumulus 225, 516. torqueo 461 , 462. tunc 319. torques 461 . tundo 226, 684, 689. torrens 223. turba 226 , 689. torreo 223, 224. turbo (verb. ) 226. uber (udder) 261 . uber (rich ) 261 . ubi 459, 676. udor 248. udus 248. ulcero 136. ulcerosus 136. ulcus 136. ulna 377, 544. uls 310. ulterior 227. ultimus 227 . ulucus 374. ulula 374. ululabilis 374 . ululatus.374. ululo 374. umbilicus 295, 322. umbo 295. umecto 186. umerus 341 , 673. umidlus 186. umor 186, 205, 673. umquam 319 . uncia 321 , 703. uncinus 130. uncus 130. unda 248. unguis 322, 424. ungulus 130. unguo 614. unicus 320. unio 320. unus 320, ( upsannam 649.) pupa 265 , 689. urbs 82. urceus 351 . urgeo 180. urina 351 . urinator 351, 352. urinor 351 , 352. 490 ITALIAN INDEX. urna 351. Veliae 362. vices 135, 648. uro 351 , 400 . velites 468. vicesimus 134. urruncum 350. Velitrae 362. vicia 346, 575. ursus 132. vello 9. vicies 134 .

• us -tentu 216. vellus 347, 546, 579. vicinus 162 , 176.

ustio 400 . velo 192. vicissim 135. ustor 400. velox 468. Victoria 135 , 283. ustulo 400. velum 192. victus 469. uter 460. vendo 322. vicus 162 , 176. uterque 460. venenum 443. video 241 . uterus 227. veneo 322. vidua 38, 39, 623. utor 105, 706. venio 67, 174, 466, 474, viduvium 623. uva 187 . 534. vieo 392, 551 , 580. uveo 186, 248. venter 173, 174. vigeo 180, 186 , 187 . uvor 186. ventus 390 . vigil 179, 186 , 187 venum 322. viginti 39, 133, 134, 437. venustus 208. vigor 186, 187. ver 44, 391 . villus 347, 579. vacca 580. verber 353. vimen 392, 397, 551 , vacillo 698. verbum 218, 345. 580. vadimonium 249. verecundus 349. vinco 106 , 135 , 441 . vado 466, 583, 674. vereor 99, 319, 574. vinibua 281 . vador 249. * verfale 345. vinum 393, 551 . vadum 466, 583. vergo 473. viola 391. vae 550. veritus 349. vir 576. vah 550 . vermiculor 550. virga 184, 353. valeo 581 . vermis 542. virgo 184. valgus 473. verna 207. viridis 202. vallis 362. vernus 391 .

• virseto 241 .

vallum 363. vero ( Osc. Umbr.) 258. virus 391 . vallus 362, 363. verres 348. vis 392, 577. valva 577 . verro 155, 351 . viscum 688. valvola 361 . vertebra 534. viscus 688. vapidus 141 . verto 351 , 574. visio 229. vapor 141 . verve 458 . visium 229. vaporo 141 . vesanus 38. viso 241 . vespa 385, 386, 494, 584, visus 241 . varus 157, 336. 688. vita 469. vas ( vădis) 249. vesper 380, 675 . ( Viteliů 208.) vas ( vāsis ) 380. vespera 380. vitex 392 . vasto 584, 609, 618. vespertinus 380. vitiligo 294 . vates 474. Vesta 400. vitis 392, 393, 551 . ve- 38, 195, 238. vestibulum 195 . vito 135 . vea 192. vestigium 38, 195. Vitoria 135 . vecors 38, 142. vestio 379. vitrum 241 , 565. vectis 192 . vestis 23, 379, 551. vitta 392. vectura 192. veto 453. vitula 208. vegeo 186 , 187. vetulus 208 . vitulus 208, 702. vegetus 180 , 186 , 187. Veturius 208. (viů 192. ) vehemens 193. vetus 208. vividus 186. vehendus 649. vetustus 208 . vivo 469, 584. vehes 192 . vexillum 192 . vivus 186, 469. vehiculum 192. vexo 192. voco 452 veho 35, 104, 192. via 192. volgus 588 Velabrum 362. vibro 300. volnus 374. ( 539, 572 ( Velestrom 362.) Vica 283. volo ( wish) 62, 359 , 435, vappa 141 . ITALIAN INDEX. 491 volo ( fly) 468. volop 264. volucrum 554. volumen 360, 554. voluntari 539. voluntas 539. volup 264, 539. volupis 62, 264, 539. voluptas 264, 539. voluta 360 . volutim 360. voluto 360. volva 360, 361 . voto 453. volvo 360, 361, 551 , 554, votum 509. 562. vos 588. vomer 325. vox 263, 452. vomica 325. vulpecula 360. vomitio 325. vulpes 160, 360, 435, vomitus 325. 584. vomo 325, 596. vorago 470, 471 . vorax 470. voro 63, 174, 470, 474. Zabolus 602. vorsus 278. zeta 602, 606 . IV. Sanskrit index. ( The nouns are as a rule given in the nominative.) a- 307. adanam 76, 239. apa-tras 224. aça 131 . adma 76. apa -mâ 3:24 . acaharas 200. admaras 381 . apara 263. asas 341 . a -dja 235. apa - vadh 260. ahatis 190 . adjam 76. apa - var 539. a has 169, 190 , 510 . adha 424. apas 36, 70, 276. ahîja (n )s 190 . adhi 34. apaskaras 155. ahus 190 , 516 . an 42, 70, 76, 106, 306, api 34, 37, 263, 265, 394. akras 130 . 317 , 391 , 720 . api-ang 34. aksh 131 , 457. an- 307, 431 . api-gas 265. akshan 456 . ana 307. apitvam 265. aksham 115 , 456. analas 106 . api-dhanam 265. akshas 386 . anas 306 . api-masg 34 . akshi 99, 456, 687. anilas 76 , 307 . api-var 539. agnis 107 , 143, 668. anikas 306 . apnas 500. agram 437. anu .307 , 316. apnasvân 500. agham 190. anudras 248. apnah - sthas 500 . ankas 130 . anu -mluk 64. apj-ang 33. ankuças 130. anu- lip 266. apjas 463. ak 130, 309. ant 205 . abhi 34, 37, 38, 39, 42 , ag 42, 71 , 107, 169, 170. antamas 309. 294. 171 , 437 . antar 309. abhi- ghrâ 515 . igakâ 171 . antaras 309. abhi- ğñu 179 . agas (actor) 169. antara 309. abhitas 294. agas (hircus) 171 . antaritas 310. abhi-mâtis 313. agâ 171 . antas 205 . abhi-râğ 31. agikâ 171 . anti 205. abhi- sag 36. aginam 171 . antikam 205 . abhram 341, 517, 521 . agiras 171 . antikas 205 . abhvas 500 . antidévas 205. am 42, 70, 536. antram 309. amatram 323. agras 170, 171 . andhas 250. amas ( impetus) 70 . ank 309. annam 76 , 239. amas ( crudus) 341 . ang 644 . anjakas 359, 662. amâ 209 . at 205, 207. anjatrâ 310, 359. amivam 536. ati 42, 73, 74, 207. anjatha 310. amivâ 536. ati-mâtras 74 . anjas 310, 443. amſtam 333 . ati- râtras 74. anjônja 359. amrtas 333. attâ 207. ap 118, 311, 412, 462. ambaram 517. atj-ahnas 207. apa 34, 263, 265, 291. ambu 341 , 517. atha 207 , 424. apa -ập 34 . amblas 341 . ad 42, 76, 239, 381 . apa -kitas 481 . ambhas 341 , 517. adakas 239. apa -trap 462 . ambhras 521 . agma 169. agmas 169. SANSKRIT INDEX . 493 amlas 341 . aç (edere) 113, 187 , 668. â- plu 280 . amli 341 . ac (penetrare) 309, 457. âmas 341 . ar (åpapioneiv) 49, 66, açanam 668. amiksha 336. 342, 540. açâ 130. âjavanam 611 . ar óovývai) 66, 348, açnas 699. a-jas 380 . 540, 546 . açmantam 583. âjus 389 . aratis 345. açmaras 131 . â - rabh 293. aratnis 377 . açmâ 29, 131 , 582. ârdras 228. aram 74, 342 . -acras 130 . a- li 368. aras 342 . açris 130. â -varaṇam 363. arâlas 377, 544. açru 133. âvis 387 . aritâ 344. açvataras 455. â- çir 147 . aritram 344 (bis ) , 345, acvas 25, 82 , 449, 455, âçus 130 . 544. 615. âs ( õ8) 378, 379. aritras 344. açvâ 449, 615. âs (sedere) 381 , 677. aris 342. açvjas 455. â - sad 240 . arushas 119. ashtan 162 . âsanam 381 . arushis 119. ashtamas 163. âsam 381 . arkas 136. ashtậu 162. a -sphâlanam 375. argham 189. as (esse) 38, 378, 381. asjam 378 . arghjas 189 . as ( jacěre) 206, 383, 403. âha 400 . ark 136. asan 400 . ahanas 291 . arkis 136. asnras 378, 379. â - hâvas 205. arkh 546. asus 378, 379. arg 184, 719. asrg 400. i 23, 46, 67, 389, 403. arganam 184. astam 378, 381 . ing 180. argunas 171 . astar 206. ingas 180. arılh 250, 518, 519. asthan 209 . ikkhâ 404. ardhukas 250. asthi 44, 209, 494. itis 403. arbhakas 296. asmat 677. iddhas 250 . arbhas 296. asram 400 . idh 250 . arjas 74 , 342. ah 401. idhmas 250. arvăn 119 . aham 308, 401 , 514, 678. indh 250. arç 63, 132. ahis 56, 193. indhanam 250. arsh 344. ijar 540. arh 189 â 37, 326. i-rag 184, 711 . arhas 189. akuñkitas 463. i- radh 711 . arhân 189. â -kûtis 151 . ish (sucus) 403. alakas 359. a -kshi 156 . ish (mittere) 404. alaka 359. âgas 169, 433. ish ( avere) 404, 509. algas 182 . âghrâ 515. ishiras 403. av (favere) 389, 393. agis 169, 170. ishns 78, 404. av ( flare) 394. âtis 317. ishtas 404. av ( vestire ) 393. âtma 65, 317, 391 . ishmas 404. ava 35, 37. à - dar 134 , 234. ava-ghrâ 515. â -drtjâ 234. î becoming ij 623. ava -nêgjam 318. âdjas 239. îksh 30, 456. a- vacas 135. ânat 309 . îkshanam 456. avas 389. ânanam 306 . îr 348, 540. ava - skaras 155, 167. ânas 306 . îrmas 342 . avikas 393. ấp ( pigeor) 34, 36, 37, ishmas 404 . avikâ 393. 501 . avis (propensus) 389. ấp ( qu ) 43, 428. nksh 29, 30, 186 , 581 . avis ( ovis) 393, 576, 578. âpa -gâ 463. ukshâ 186, 580 . avjajas 393. â-prk 164. ugras 186, 187. avjas 393 . à - pytas 273. út 35, 389. 494 SANSKRIT INDEX. Igras 184. rças 131 . uttamas 227. uttaras 227. ut - pat 105 , 210 . ud 227, 248, 512 . udakam 248 . udan 75 , 248. udam 248. udaram 227 . udras 248 . un -mish 338. upa 291 . upatjas 291 . upa -nam 314. upamas 291 . upa -mluk 64. upa-ram 325. uparas 291, upari 290. upa -star 215. ubh 63, 295 . ubhajas 294. ubhâu 294, 295. ura- 347 . Uranas 347 . ura -bhras 347. urâ 347. nrngâjam 348. urukakshas 348. nrus 74, 348 . ulnlis 374. ulûkas 374. nlûkhalam 361. alvam 361 . uçant 135. ush (urere) 400. ush (mane) 402. ushas 402. usha 402. ushâsâ 402. nshņas 400 . usras 402. usrij & 402. êg 180. ûrna 347. kam ( név) 56. ûrnâjus 347 . kamp 140, 501 , 518. ûrtika 351 . kampanâ 140 , 463. ûrmis 360 . kar (facere) 48, 154 , 237, ûh 691 . 385. ûhas 691 . kar (effundere) 155. karakas 144. ỉkshas 132, 687. karankas 144. rgns 184 . karanas 154. karabhas 513. rñg 184 . karambas 147 . rtis 342. karambha 517. rdh 35, 353. karas 513. rddhis 250 . karkatakas 143. rbhumat 293. karkatas 143 . rbhus 293. karkaras 143 , 144. karkas 143 . rçjas 131 , 362 . karņakas 144. rshabhas 344, 362. karņas 146 . șshjas 362. kart 147, 395. kartaris 147 . êka 42, 321 . kartarî 147 . kartâ 154. êgatkas 180. karma 154. êgathus 180. karç 152 êdh 261 . karsh 155, 480 . êdhas 250. kal 146. êna 321 . kalankas 145 . êma 403. kalamas 138. êmas 403 . kalpakas 143 . êva 42. kalpanam 143 . êvas 388, 389 . kaljas 544. Asha 382. kaljâņas 139 . kavis 151 . og 187 . kas 145, 459. öğas 186, 187 . kâ- 41 . ôgasvn 186, 187. kâkanam 153 . ôgijan 186. kamamậtas 324. kârajê 155. ka- 41 , 153, 154 , 440. kâravas 41 , 153. kakshas 153. karas 147. kakh 475. kârshma 480. kankanî 140. kâlas 145, 146, 545. kaņapas 140. kirága 41 . katamas 459. kim 27, 41, 460, 481 . kataras 459. kîrņas 147. kati 459. kakshas 153. kathâ 459. kukshis 153. kada 459. kuk 463. kapatî 141. kuñk 463. kapanâ 140. kutas 459. kapalam 148. kup 114 , kapalas 42, 148 , 437,501 . kumpas 463. kapilas 141 . kumbhas 157, 517 . kapis 114, 141 . kuç 158. kam (amare) 48, 50 . kus 158. îî becoming uy 623. ûdhan 261. ûdhar 261 . ûdhas 261 . ûrus 583 . ûrg 184 . ûrgas 184. úrgasvân 184. ârgâ 184 . ûrgitas 184. ûrnanabhas 343. ûrņam 347. ûrņavâbhis 63, 297 . 495 SANSKRIT INDEX. 176 , kuha 459 . kuhû 260, kû 152 , kúpas 158. kúrd 153 . kúrılanam 153 . kûhas 260. kâhâ 260. kṛttis 147. krtjaká 148 . k!Danis 143. krmis 542, 578 . krcas 152 . kôkas 140 . kôkilas 152. knû 614. kmar 140 . kratus 154. krad 720 . krand 720 . kram 42, 155. kravis 154. kravjam 154 . krijâ 154. krî 451 . kruç 153, 522. krûras 154, 156 . krôças 522 klid 151 , 640. kva 459. kvan 140. kshatas 156 . kshatis 156. kshad 42 , 246. kshan 156, 687 . kshap 694. kshapas 694. kshapa 694 . ksham 197 , 490, 663. kshajas 156, 695. kshar 694. ksharas 694. kshi 156, 687, 695. kshitis 156, 694 . kshur 688. kshuras 688. kshmâ 197. khalam 139. guñgitam 179. khalas 139. gadh 259 . khalinas 377 . gur 198. · khalînas 377 , 497. gurus 468 . khalug 146. gulâ 174. khalvátis 142. gnljam 360 . kld 242, 244. guh 259 . khẩdans 244. guhâ 259. guhjas 259. gatas 465. gûrtas 198. gatis 465. grñganas 174. gadhas 466 . grha 115. gabhas 466, 467. grhâkshas 115. gabhîras 466, 467. gâi 474. gam 42 , 64, 68, 162, gôkaras 463. 465 , 534, 537. gôpas 271 . gambha 466, 467. gölam 174. gajas 162. gôlas 174. gar (clamare) 48, 177. gôlâ 174. gar (glutire) 63, 470. gôhas 259. gar (vigilare) 179. gâuras 202, 203. -garas 470 . gâus (bos, terra) gariman 468. 471 , 555. garījân 468. gâus (sermo) 470. garut 468. gnâ 174. garutâ 468 . grabh 471 , 484. gargaras 470. gras 471 . garbh 149. grah 471 , 484. garbhas 471, 483. grâvâ 542. garvaras 468. glapajámi 527 . garvas 468. garh 149. gha 514. gal 467. ghan 300. galanas 467. ghar ( lucere) 197, 198, galas 471 . 204, 304, 485, 641. gav 172. ghar (clamare) 199, 202. gavajas 471 . ghar (adspergere) 203. gavalas 471 . ghargaras 199. ga vjas 471 . ghargarâ 199. gavjâ 594, 637. ghargharitam 202. gah 467 . gharmas 425, 485. gâ (venire) 63, 67, 162 , gharsh 202, 203. 440, 465 . ghi 514. gâ ( cantare) 474. ghu 198. gâtu 474. ghetan 203. gâdh 466 . ghrshtis (aper ) 202. gâdham 466 . ghrshtis (frictio) 203. gâh 466, 467. ghrshvis 202. gâhas 466. ghôshas 404. gir 177. ghransas 486. girâ 177. ghrâ 204, 515. girikâ 471 . ghrâņas 515. giris (glis) 471 . giris (mons) 350. ka 138, 479. kakras 157 , 705. guñg 179. kakshas 348. 7 kh for k 497 . khang 383, khangas 383. khanga 383. kham 497 . kharas 144 . kharparas 148, 149. khalatis 86, 142. gn 470, 496 SANSKRIT INDEX. garan 175. gâ 175. gi 469. katur 480. garanas 175 , 176 . tatratjas 616. katurthas 480. garanadrumas 176. tan 216. katvâras 27, 480. tanavan 216. kand 511 . garas 175, 176 . tanutê 67 . kandras 511 . garâ 175 , 176. tanus 67, 216, 222, 468. kapalas 142 , 501 . garâjus 176 . tantis 216. kam 48. gargaras 175 . tantus 216. kaj 149 . galam 173, 467 . tantrî 216. kar 48, 63, 146, 237, gas 174, 560. tanjatus 216. 273, 463, 464. ga -hâmi 196. tanjus 216. karamas 482. tap 36, 492 , 502. k'aras 146 . gâgartis 179 . tapas 492. karpatas 513. gâgrvis 179 , 496 . tam 221 , 533. kal 482. gâtis 76, 174 . tamas 221 , 533, 534. karakas 463. gâtjas 175. tamasam 533. kâras 463. gânanam 76. tamasas 533. karus 140, 482. ganam 76 . tamalas 221 . ki 481 . gânu 179, 433. tamisram 533. kit 481 . gâmâ 536. tar 221 , 237 . -kit 481 . gâmâtâ 309, 536. taraņas 221 . kiras 482. gâspatis 284. tarantas 221 , 655. kur 144. taralas 222, 655. givris 176, 300. taras 221 . khagâ 171 . ģi-hâmi 196 . taris 221. khattram 168 . gînv 469. taruņas 113, 222. khad 168. gîv 469. taruņî 222 . khal 376 . gîvathas 469, 470 . tarkas 462. khavis 113. givas 469. tarkus 461. khá 65, 145. gîvâtu 469. targ 473. khâja 167 . givitam 469 . targanam 473. khid 57, 246, 624. tarp 223. khidis 624. ģush 176. khinnas 246. tarpaņam 223. gushtis 176 . tarman 221 . khur 200. tarsh 223. khêkas 386. gô -gu 470. tarshas 223. khô 65. gôshas 176. talanas 222. talunî 222. gaghanas 700 . gnâtis 178. talpas 684 . gag 81 . gñanam 178. tavas 218. gatharas 173 gñas 178. taskaras 37. gan 48 , 54, 76, 174, 175. gjâ ( superare) 469. tâgat 217. ganakas 76. gja ( potentia ) 469. tâtas 224 . ganas 76, 77 , 174. sjâ (nervns) 470. tânas 216, 217. ganitâ 76, 174. gjâjân 469. târá 206. ganitrî 174. tâvat 582. ganitvas 76. ghala 486. tậvận 460. ganima 76, 175 . tiktas 214. ganis 76 . tak 498, 684. tigmas 214 . takus 196, 498. tig 214, 680. ganus 76 , 174. takma 219. tittiras 224. gabh 173 takvá 498 . tittiris 224. Sim 536, 537. taksh 60, 219, 220. tiras 221 . gampatî 536. takshanam 219. tiram 221 . gambhas 173. takshâ 60 , 156, 219, 687. tu 225. gambhjas 173 tatas 216. tuk 60. gar 47, 113, 175, 176. tatra 616. tug 217. gur 176. gû 646. gñâ 178. ganî 174 1 SANSKRIT INDEX. 497 tud 226, 684. dadhi 252. div ( lucere) 65, 235, 582. Tudas 226. dantas 243. div ( ludere ) 65 , 230, 235. tap 226. dabh 236 , 502. div (caelum ) 235, 558. tuph 226 . dam (domare) 68, 231 , divam 235, 558. tubh 663. 537. divasas 235 . tumalas 225. dam (domus) 233. divjás 235, 508. tumulam 225. damanas 231. diç 134. tumulas 225. damas 233. diçâ 134. tump 226. -damas 231 . dishtam 134 . tomras 225. damitas 231 . dih 30 , 181 . tnr 226 . damjas 231. dî ( terrere) 234, 235. turas 226 . dampatî 233, 284. dî (splendere) 235, 507 , tul 220 . dambhas 236. 559. tnlâ 220 . daj 229. dînas 235. tuljas 220. dar (respicere) 134. dîp 236 . tuvi 225. dar (scindere) 231, 234. dîrghas 191 . tûnas 114 . darç 98, 99, 133. du 230, 231. tûtumas 225. darh 191 , 257 . dudh 259. trkvá 462. dalbhas 236 . dur- 238. třksh 195 . davathus 230 . dur 258. trnas 492. davas 230 . dur - dharshas 256. trtijas 225. daç 67 . durmanâs 238. trpalas 462. daçan 29, 133 , 434. durjas 258. trptis 223. daças 134 . durjâs 258. trpras 462. dasjus 230, 284. duvanjas 649. trsh 223. dasras 229. duvas 233. tř 222. dah 230, 367, 475 . dush 239, 244. têgas 214. dahanâ 475. dus- 238 . tókas 60 , 219 . dâ (dare) 46, 62, 64, duh 35, 258. totram 226 . 76, 145, 236 . duhitâ 81 , 258, 308, 506 . tôdas 226. dâ ( ligare) 68, 233. drtis 234. tólanam 220 . dâ ( secare) 230 . drç 133. trap 462 . clita 70, 236. dêv 235. trapas 462 . dâtis 230 . dêvaras 230. tram 222 . dâtram 230 . dêvas 235, 236, 403, 503, trajas 225, 711 . dâtrî 623. 507, 508 . tras 222 , 224 . dụnam 76, 236, 431 . deva 230. trasas 224. dâp ( dare) 70, 113. dêhi 181 . trasuras 224 . dâp (partiri) 62, 232. lô 62 . trasas 224. dâma ( donum ) 76, 236. dju ( lucere) 235. tris 225. dâma (ligamen) 233. dju (dies ) 558. tvaksh 220. dâmá 233. dju (adoriri) 646. tradijas 617. dajakas 76. djut 65, 236. tvam 218, 588, 675. lâja 62. djâus 235, 601 . tvar 226 . dâjas ( dans) 76. dram 237, 697. tvarâ 226. dâjas ( sors) 229. drâ (dormire) 66, 232. tvish 235, 646. dâru 163, 237 , 433. drâ ( fugere) 237 . tvêshas 646. dârunas 237. drâgh 191. dârus ( largus) 76. draghimâ 191 . davas 230. drâghîjân 191. daç 67, 132 , 133. dâç 64. draghman 191 . dacas 132 . Dâsapatnî 284. dru 237 . daçma 132. dâsas 230, 233, 364 , 616. Drupadas 624. dåksh 234, dâsējas 616. drumas 237 . dakshas 234. dinas 235. drus 237. dakshiņas 234. dip266. drâ 66. CURTITS, Etymology. II . 32 498 SANSKRIT INDEX. drâi 66. dhrtas 716. nâma 321 . Draupadi 624. dhrshtas 256. nâmjas 321 . dva 238. dhênus 252. nâças 161. dvajas 238. dhmâ 501 , 535. nâshtrâ 161 . dvar 258. dhmâtas 535. nâsâ 320. dvâr 258. dhjā (dhjâi) 34, 253, 596. ni 35, 42, 43, 135 , 310. dvâram 82, 258, 506 . dhrag 191 , 195. nig 318, 472, 658. dvi- 559. dhran 257, 258. niñg 318 . dvit 244. dhrâgh 191 . ninjas 310. dvitîjas 225, 238. dhrâgis 191 . ni-drâ 232 . dvish 235, 239, 244, 247, dhruti 222. ni- dhanas 255. 582, 645. dhruvas 257 . nind 642. dvis 238. dhvar 258. ni -bandh 262. dvêshas 244. ni-majas 324. dvâu 238. ni-mish 338. na 317. nir -bandh 262. dhanam 255 . nak 162 . ni - vas 35. dhanî 255. nakis 481. niç 162 . dhanus 255. naktam 162 , 431 . niçã 162 , 431 . dhanva 255. naktis 162, 704 . nis- 307. dham 390, 535, 695. nakham 322. nidam 43. ha manis 390. nakhas 322 , 424, 496, nidas 43. dhar 191, 257, 542, 716. 704. nîlas 43. -dharas 257 . nath 424. nîhâras 295 . dharima 257 . nad 243. nu, nû (nunc) 318. dharuņam 257. nadas 243, nu (movere) 319. dhartâ 257 . nadî 243. nnd 536. dharmas 257 . nadh 317, 424. nûtanas 319, 388. dharsh 256 . nanandâ 230. nûnam 318 . dharshas 256. nand 230, 715. nộtamas 307. dhavas 38, 507. napât 267 . nrmņam 307. dhâ ( lactare) 252. naptâ 267. nêd 317. dhâ (ponere, facere) 251 , naptî 267. nô 317, 254, 502, 509, 609. nabh 296, 649. nâu 320. dhâtâ 254. nabhanjas 649. nâuka 313. dhâtus 254, nabhas 295. nâus 313. dhâtrî 252 . nabhasjas 295. dhâp 502. namas 314. paktis 459. dlma 261 , 254, 433. nar 307. pakvas 459. dhârus 253. narakas 310. pak 67, 459 . dhâv 256. naras 307. pagras 268. dhî 477 . narî 623. pankathas 458. dhîras 257. narjas 307. pankan 458. dhîs 507 . navati 311 . dhur 257 . navan 79 , 311, 584. paņas 273 . dhurjas 267. navamas 311, 534. panjas 273. dhû 62, 141 , 259. navas 315. pat 105, 210, 245. dhớp 62, 227, 259, 502, navjas 315. patatram 210 , 699 . 516. naç 161 , 309. patitvanam 636. dhûpanam 227. nas ( incolere) 315. patis 283. dhứpas 227 . nas ( nos) 320. pattis 244. dhûmas 62, 114, 259, nah 317. pattram 210, 211 . 422 , 425. nâ (vir) 307. pattrî 210 . dhûr 256. nâ (non ) 317. patnî 283. dhûry 222 . nâbhis 295, 322 . patma 210. dhûlis 259 . nâbhilas 295. patjê 283. paņ 273. SANSKRIT INDEX. 499 patram 699. pâkas 459. pathas 270. pågus 268. pad (adire) 113 , 244, 245. pâgras 268. pad (pes) 244. pânis 269. padam 83, 113 , 244. pâtas 210. padâtis 244. pâtram 281 . panthan 270 . påtham 270. pajas 639. pâthas 270 . par ( implere) 82, 269, padas 244 . 277 , 283, 544 . padukas 244 . par ( emere) 272, 273. pânam 281 . paratas 269 . papas 34. param 269 , 273. pâjus 281 . paramas 273. pâram 273 . paraçus 163, 655 . pâras 273. paras 270, 273, 275. pârshộis 489. parâ 269, 270 . pâlas (rex) 283. parâ -i 269. pâlas ( pediculus) 377. parâ - dâ 269. pâvakas 287. parâri 358 . pâças 268 . pari 269, 274. pâshâņas 430. pari- dî 234, 235. pi 265, 394. pariparî 278. pikkhâ 163. pari- laghus 274. ping 34 , 36, 164 . pari - vêıla 274 . piñgaras 34. pari-spand 247. pitâ 270, 431 . parut 275 . pitubhag 298. paruttnas 275. pitrejas 270. parê 269, 273. pitrjas 270, 618. parêņa 269. piny 163 , 276. park 164, 165. pipása 82. parth 210. pippalas 502. pard 245. piv 163 . pardanam 245. piç 164 . pardas 245. piçunas 29, 163 . parçus 163. pish 277 , 489 , 653. parsh 275 . pishţika 277. palalam 276. pî 276. palas 289. pitadârus 163. palalas 289. pîtas 281 . palâvas 289. pitudárus 163. palitas 271 . pîthas 639. palvalas 276 . pînas 276 . pavanam 490 . pîvaras 276, 499. pavantê 287 . pîvarî 276. pavis 269. pîvas 276 . pavîram 269. pîvå 276 . pavîrus 269. pu 281 , 288. paç 98, 167, 523, 663. puñgas 287 . paçııs 268, 281 . pundarîkas 430. packas 706. pntras 288 . paçkimas 706. pupphulam 499. pasas 272. pupphusas 499. pâ ( tueri) 42, 46, 270, pumân 288. 281 , 283. på (bibere) 281 . pura 288. param 282 . puras 270, 431 , 616. purâ 270 , puris 282 . purî 82, 282 . purus 277, 282. pul 277 . pulakas 377 . pulas 282 . pulus 277, 282. push 288 , 465. pû 66, 287, 490 . pâgas 287. pâti 287 . pậtikas 287 . pûtis 287. pûtudârus 163. pûjas 287 . pâjâmi 66. pûrņas 277 . pûrvas 285. pûl 277 . přktis 164 . prthukas 283. prthus 210, 279, 497. prcnis 274. prshatas 275. prshatî 275 . prshan 275. pêçalas 164 . pêças 164 . pêçaskârî 164. pôtakas 288. pôtas 288. pâurastjas 616. pjâi 276. pra 285, 389, 472. prati 80 , 285. prati-vadh 260 . prath 210, 279, 497. prathamas 76, 285, 437. prathas 279. prathîjan 279. prathukas 283. pradhanas 255. pra -pat 105, 210. pra - bhû 529. pramanthas 337. pra -minâmi 337 . pra -mrnâmi 327 . pra - jam 598 . prajas 472 . prajastas 380. pra - lî 368 . pra - vad 109. praçnas 164. pur 282. 32 * 500 SANSKRIT INDEX. pra -skand 166 . bhag 30, 42, 113 , 170, -bhruva 296 . pra -stump 226, 684. 187, 188, 254, 298. bhrûs 296, 711 . prâņas 277. bhang 530, 531 . prâtar 285 . bhan 67, 297 . ma 328 . prâsakas 209. bhan 297 . makaras 161 . prijas 284 . bhajam 299. makshas 338. prî 284. bhar 36 , 54, 300, 301, makshikas 338. prîtis 284 . 544, 617 . mak 326. prush 284, 288, 304, bharaṇam 300. matas 312. 499 . bharas 300 . matis 101 , 312. prema 284. bhargas 187. mattas 326. plavas 49, 280 . bharg 188 . math 323, 337. plîhâ 290 , 680 . bhartâ 304. mathanam 337. plu 279. bharma 300. mad (metiri) 69. plush 284, 288, 499. bhavas 305. mad (medicari) 312. phal 302. bhavân 305. mad (delectari) 326,511 . phalam (fruit) 302. bhastra 500 . madas 326. phalam (plonghshare) bhà 67, 68, 171 . madîjas 617. 302. bhaganam 188, 254, 297. madh (medicari) 312 . phâlas 302. bhagas 113. madha 312 . phút 499. bhânus 297. madhu 260, 331. phull 302 , 497. bhamas 297 . madhus .260. phullas 302. bhâras 54, 300, 433. madhjamas 334. bhalas 298. madhjas 334, 440, 645, badh 691 . bhavas 305 . 669 . bandh 261. bhâsh 297, 363. madhjê 334. bandhakas 261 . bhâs 297 . man 66, 101, 312. bandhanam 261 . bhâsas 298. manas 101 , 312, 403. bandhas 261. bhishakti 36. manâk 337 . bandhurâ 261 . bhishag 36. manus 313. bandhus 261 . bhî 299, 623 . manth 66, 337. Babhravî 305. bhîmas 299. manthas 337, 497. babhrus 304. bhîs 299. manjus 101, 312. barbaratâ 292 . bhugnas 188, 513. · mar (mori) 68, 333. barbaras 291, 292. bhug 188, 514 . mar ( conterere) 327. barh 292, 704 . bhugas 188 . marakatas 526. balam 581 . bhund 263. maraktas 526. balishtas 581 . bhur 304. maras 333. bahis 195. bhurig 299 . marut 333. bahamalas 373. bhû 177, 197 , 263, 305, marus 333. bahucas 702. 496, 584, 623, 696. marg 183 (bis). bâdh 260 , 691. bhûtis 305 . marņ 68, 327. bahas 194 . blumi 197 , 300, 403. mard 111, 113, 229, 243, bâhus 194 . bhûs 425. 330, 511 , 681 . buddhis 262. bhrtis 300. mard (marl) 327, 331 , bndh 102, 262. bhrtjas 617 . 339 . budhnas 263, 516. bhrças 303. marmaras 337 , 704. bradh 263. bhệshtîs 713. marjakas 582 brû 345. kheshagam 36. marjas 582 . bhôgas 188. març 327 , 456 . bhaktam 298. bhragg 188 . marçanam 456. bhaktas 188. bhram 340, 519. malanam 339 . bhaksh 30 , 298 . bhrâný ( splendere) 34, malam 372 . bhangas 530. 42 , 187 , 442. malas 372. bhangis 531 . bhrág (splendor) 187 . malinas 372. bhanguras 531. bhrâtâ 303. mah 335, 515. SANSKRIT INDEX. 501 rag 711 . raganî 473. agus 170. mahas 335. mrtjas 333. judhma 65, 69, 399 . main 329, 401, 515. mrdutâ 229. juvân 230 , 575, 576. mâ (metiri) 68, 70, 242, mțilus 112, 229 , 327. jushmê 399. 328. mrlai 330. jûsham 611 . mâ (mutare) 324. mộlîkam 330. jûshas 611. må (un) 334. uê 324. jûs 611 . mâkis 481 . mêghas 194. matâ (mensor) 328, 335. mêdas 338. raktas 185 . mâtâ (mater) 250, 335. mehanam 194. raksh 29, 67, 132 , 184, mâtram 328, 329 . mêhas 194. 386, 719. mânam 328. mộkshanam 161 . rakshakas 386. mânas 328. môkanam 161 . rakshanam 386. majâ: 328 . mnâ 312 . raghus 191 . mâris 333. mrad 353. más 334 . mruk 64. ragakas 185 . mâsas 334. mlâ, mlâi 327 , 333, 526, ragatain 171. mâh 335. 545 . ragatas 171. mi 336 . mluk 64. miksh 336. ragas 172 , 473 . miņmiņas 337 . jakřt 27, 454 . rang ( shine) 137 mithas 208 . jag 42 , 169, 170. rañg (dye oneself) 185. mithu 208. ratas 326. mithunas 208. jagñam 170. ratis 326 . mid 338, 709. jagjas 170, 617. rathas 345. mindâ 337 . jat 398, 610. ran 326. mi-miksh 336. janta 534. rabh 293. mil 331 . jam 314, 381 , 534, 598, ram 325, 326. miç 437. 610. ramanas 325. micras 336 . javas 609. ravas 41 , 153, 358. mish 338. Javasas 609. rasas 347 . mil 194 . javíján 576. rah 192 . mîras 333. jaças 134. râ (râi) 642. mîv 324, 332 . jas (os) 25, 398, 399, râgas 185 . mu 338. 590, 675. râgis 184. mukham 338. jas ( 880) 380, 609. râgh 189 . mukharas 338. jâ 64, 403, 404, 582, râg 42, 137, 172, 184. muk 161. 590, 592, 607, 610. rấgâ 184 . mug 338 . jâk 610. râdh 355. mud 641 . jägas 170, râdhas 355. mudiras 641 . jât 398, 399. râmas 325. mur 324 . játâ 308, 309, 317. râvis 41 . mush 339, 340 . jatus 357 . riktas 455. mushkas 340 . jânas 602. rikh ( Ved. ) 714. mushtis 81 , 287. jâma 582 rik 455. mû 324 : jamata 309. rip ( Ved .) 266. mûkas 338. jâva 615. riç 63, 132, 373. mûtas 324. jâvat 399, 582 rih 194. mûras 332, 341 . ju ( jungere) 57, 64, 69, rî 368 . mîsh 340. 399, 611 . ru 358 , 648 . mûshakas 340. ju (arcere) 392. rukmas 160. múshas 346. juk 181 . ruk 160, 442 múshikas 340. jugam 181, 597, 610, rug 182 mrd 330, 331 . 619 . rugâ 182 . mrņmarus 554. jngjam 181 . rudh 354, 364. mrtas 333. jug 64, 69, 71 , 181 , rudhiras 251 , 440. mrtis 333. judh 65, 69, 399. ruçant 160. 502 SANSKRIT INDEX. vap 454. rush 543. vasanas 379. ruh 30, 354, 364 . vabh 63, 297 . vastram 379. rôpajami 30. vam 325, 340, 596 . vasnam 322 . rôhitas 251 . vamathus 325. vasnas 322, vamanam 325. vasma 379. lag 183. vamrâ 340. vasjâ 442 . laghishtas 191 . vajas (wings) 394 . vah 35, 104, 192, 475. laghîjân 191 . vajas (strength ) 392 . vahanam 649. laghus 191 , 468. vajâ ( twig) 392. vahanijas 649 . langh 182, 515. var ( tegere) 113, 347 , vahis 195, 387. lañgâ 182 351, 361. vâ ( texere ) 63, 392. lap 159, 544 . var (velle) 539. vâ ( flare) 247 , 390, 394. lapanam 159 . var (arcere) 539 . vâ ( 7) 435. labh 520, 521 . vara 347 . vâkjam 452 , 453. lamb 372. varaņas 539 . vâk 379, 452. lavitram 370. varas (eximius) 343, 539, vâg 187. lash 363 . 581. vâgas 187 . las 363. varas (circumference ) vagin 187 . labhas 520 . 360 . váñkh 691 . lâlasas 363. varas ( choosing) 539. vâņas 390. lip 266. varishtas 343 . vâtas 390 . lipis 624 . varis 624. yâdas 247. liç 373, 523. varíjân 74, 343. vâdh 260, 595 . lih 194 . Varuņas 351 , 570 . vâjus 390 . li 368. varutram 361. vâras (xolpos) 358. lu ( lú) 370, 544. vark 456 . vâras (multitudo) 539. lup 183 , 264, 267 . varg 180 . vâri 333, 351. luptas 267 varņas 113, 261 , 347. vâsanam 380. lubdhas 370 . vart 351 . vasaras 400 . lubh 370 . vartakas 351. vâstavjas 206. lêpanam 266. vartaká 351 , 523. vâstu 82, 206, 433. lepas 266 . vartukas 351 . yâhanam 192 , 619 . lêças 373. vardh 31, 83, 263, 518, vâhas 192 . løk 160. 538, 575 . vâhini 192 lok 112 , 160. varpas 581 . vi 35, 38, 39, 238. lôkanam 160. varvaratâ 292. viati 134 . lôpâças 360 . varvaras 292 , 347. vi-gal 467. lôbhas 370 . varsh 191 , 344, 317, 351. vik 135. varsham 347. vi - gñâ 39. vak 698. varshas 347, 565 . vidvarâha 373. vaksh 29, 67 , 386, 475, varh 292. vid 241. 565, 580. val 360. vidjå 637 . vak 452. - valajas 360. vidyân 552. vakanam 452 . valmîkas 340 . vidh (vindh) 38, 567 . vakas 452. vidhavâ 38. vag 187. vas ( vestire) 23, 15, 379, vind 57, 99, 241 . vagras 187 . 380. vijatis 394. vatsaras 208 . vas (habitare) 35, 82, vi- jâ 39 . vatsalas 675 . 206, 207, 379 . vi-ru 358. vatsas (annus) 208. vas (lucere) 207, 400, vi - lapâmi 159 . vatsas ( vitulus) 208, 675, 582. vilishtas 373. 702 . vas (vos ) 588. vi- 17 368, vad 247, 324, 512, 577. vasatis 380. vi - vâ 39. vadh 260, 691 . vasanam 379. vivitsati 241 . vadhas 260. vasantas 44, 391 . vi-vid 241 . van 551 . yasas 207. viç ( intrare) 137 . vaç 135 . SANSKRIT INDEX. 503 çvas 560. çar '147 . çaças 515. viç (domus) 162 . viças 162. viçpatis 162 . viçvas 382. vish (efficere) 392. vish ( separare) 382 . vish (faeces) 373. vishapushpa 391 . visham 391 . vishas 391 . vishás 391 . vishu 381 , 565 . vishuvant 381 , 382. vishuvam 381 . vis 394. vi-spand 247. vi-sphurg 185. vihajas 196. vî 35, 108 , 393. vitikâ 392. vîtas 108: vînas 691. viras 576. vrk 456 . vřkas 81 , 160, 726. vrganam 180. vrginas 180, 473. vrddhas 538. vrdh 35, 353 , 538 . vrshabhas 344, 362. vrshas 344, 318. vrsha 344, 348. vêtasas 392 . vetras 392. veda, vêdmi 99. vêdas 241 . yênas 393. vênis 393. vêcas 162 . vêçma 162: vôhu -nad 312 . vjâ 392. vj- â -naçis 309. vj-à -pâras 274. Vjâsa 592. vrag 180 . vragas 180. vranam 374. vratam 539, 574 . vrad 353. vrack 159, 161 . vrâdhan 538. vrihi 561 . çakrt 28, 166 , 167. çvaçrús 135 . çakrn -műtram 161 . çank 698. çvâ 79, 158, 435, 551 . çanka 698. çvi 156. çankus 698. çankhas 86, 151 , 495, shash 387. 497 . shashtas 387 . çanam 140. shțîv 286, 375, 687. çatam 135. çam 48, 104. s defaced 28 ; becoming çajanam 145. r 446. sa 25, 397. çarkarâ 144 . sa- 35, 36, 118, 346, çalkam 144. 394, 533 . çalpas 264. sakrt 395. çaljam 148. sakhis 453. çavas 157, 158: sagarbhjas 395, 471 . çaç 142, 515. sa - gha 515. sak 453, 454. çanas 159 . sakivas 453. çâlâ. 139. sakis 453. çâlâram 139 . sag 106. çi ( jacere) 29, 145 . sañg 106 . çi (acuere) 149 . sat 207, 378, 379. çıram 142 satjam 207. ciras 142, 147 . satjas 207, 379, 508, ciri 147. 595 , 674. çiçus 156. satvam 207, 379. çîrsham 142. sad ( sedere) 43, 239. çuâ 158, 551 . sad (adire) 113, 240, 674 . çudh 128, 432 . sadas 239, 284. çuptis 518. sadaspatis 284 . çush 144, 396. sadma 240. çushis 158. sadrus 240. çushkus 396. san 312. çanas 156 . sanag 311. çûnjas 146, 147 , 594. sanas 311 . çûratâ 158. sanâ 311 . çûras 158 . sap 453,, 454, 530, 576 . crngam 146 . saptan 265, 440 ckandras 511 . saptamas 265. cânas 535 . sam 35, 394. cjâmas 535, 597. sam -at 205 . cjåvas 535. samam 323. cjâlas 173. samajâs 323. çrad - dha 254. samas 323 . çravas 150, 151 . sama (õua) 323. cravasjá 150. samâ (annus) 536. çrâ 147 . samudrasja 256. çri 150 . sam - nas 315. çru 29, 150, 544. sam - vat 208. çrutis 150. sam- vas 35 . çrôņas 150. sar 349, 537. çrônis 150, 544. Saranjûs 346, 674. çvaçuras 28 , 29, 135 , sarat 355. 560. saram (aqua) 349, 351. ç for k 434. çak 703. 504 SANSKRIT INDEX. sarp 266. sarpas 266. . saram (sal) 538. sêkas 137 . snâ 318. Saramâ 349 . séktá 137. snâjus 316. Saramêjas 349. sêkanam 137. snâsâ 316. saras (aqua) 349, 362, sêv 576. snih 318. 375. skand 166, 511. snu 319 . saras (opós) 350. skabh 166, 514. snutas 319. saras ( sal ) 538. skambh 166, 686 . snusha 35, 320. sarit (flumen) 349 , 375. skar 167 . snehas 318 . sarit ( filum ) 355. sku 113, 157 , 168 . spand 247, 494. sarg 385. skhad 65, 246 , 497 . sparitâ 289. skhal 376. sparç 275 , 697 . stan 42, 112, 213 , 217. sparh 195 . sarvas 374 , 510, 669, stanajitnus 213. spaç 167, 186. 674. stanas 112. spaças 98 , 167. sal 537. stabh 63. sprhâ 195 . salam 375 . stambas 517. sphar 289, 376, 494. salilam 375 (bis) , 538. stambh ( fulcire) 212, sphal 375 , 376 , 494, 497, savam 397. 517, 686. 686. savas 382. stambh ( stupefacere ) sphik 688, 713. savjas 165 , 680 , 685 . 218. sphur 289. sah 180, 193. stambhas (postis) 212. sphurg 185 . saha 603. stambhas (perturbatio) sphul 375, 376. sahanas 193. 218. smat 209. sahas 193. star 206, 215, 684. smajas 640 . sahuris 193. staras (stellae) 206 . smar 101 , 331 . sahjam 382. staras (stramen) 215 . smaraṇam 101 , 331 . sahjas 382. starimâ 215 . smaras 331 . sâ , sjá 383. stari 213 . smi 330, 640. sâ ( ú ) 397. staviras 218. smitam 330. sakam 533 . sti 213. smetis 101 , 331 . sâdhus 240. stigh 195 . sjâlas 173 . sámi 325 . stibhis 212. sjûtas 385. si 356, 396 . stîrnam 213. sjútis 385. sik 137 , 383. stu 215, 216. sravantî 354. siv 385. stubh 227 . sravas 354. sî 385. stumbh 227 . sru 354, 632, 681 . sîd 239. stúpas 216. srôtas 354. sîmantas 396. strksh 195 . sva- 396 , 583, 588, 617. sîmâ 396 . stênas 213. svad 36, 228. su ( EV ) 35, 38 , 244 , 378. stêjam 213. svadhâ 251 . su , sů (gignere) 376, 385 , sthag 185, 494, 684 . svan 140. 397. sthal 212. svap 63, 187, 247, 290, su ( tundere) 375. stahlam 211 . 297. su (exprimere) 397. sthavis 211 . svapnas 136, 290. sutas 397 . sthâ 68, 211 , 214 , 424, svajam 396 . 494 , 497, 697. svar (caelum ) 119, 541, suptas 290. stlấp 62, 213, 214, 684. 717, sur 541 . sthâjî 617. svar (splendere) 236,376. suras 236. sthåvaras 211 . 551. sûkaras 385. sthitis 211 , 431 . svar (sonare) 289, 357. sûnas 397 . sthiras 213. svaras 357 . sûnus 320, 397, 638. sthûņa 212, 216 . sval 551 . sûmam 397 . sthûras 218, 684. svas 396. súmas 397 . sthậlakas 216. svasâ 356, 618. sûras 541 . sthûlas 216, 218. svastis 378. sûrjas 541 . snavas 319. svasrîjas 618. sup 187. SANSKRIT INDEX. 505 svâd 35, 37 , 228. haranam 199. hil 641 . svådanam 228. haras 485 . hu 205, 259 . svâdus 228 , 570, 626. hariņas 202. hrd 29 , 142 , 544 . svid 241 , 592. harit 120, 202. hrdajam 142, 143 . sviditas 245, 685 . haris 202, 545. hêmantas 201. svedanî 215 . harmutas 199. hnu 319. svédas 241 . harsh 198. hjas 201 , 286 , 490 , hastas 196 . 662. hâ 196, 200, 201, 514. hjastanas 201 . hąsas 200. hånis 200 . hradas 197 . hąsî 200. hi 201 . hradinî 197 . ha 514 . hitas 433. hrad 197 . had 199. him 201, 536 . hradinî 196 , han 255 , 300 . himas 201. hraduni 196 . hanus 308, 514 . himânî 201. hrikus 197 . har ( gaudere) 198, 199. hiraṇam 204, 431. hlâd 202. har (rapere) 198, 199, hiranjam 204 . hlikus 197 . 200 . hirà 202 . hvar 258. 1 1 V. Eranian Index. (Zend undistinguished , Old - Persian in brackets, Modern - Persian with an asterisk. ) astana 163.

• asparag 494.

ahmi 378 . â -kshi 156. âyu 389. âh 381. kô 459. ( kshatra - pa 713. ) (kshatra - pâvan 713.) i 403. ir 348. i-rith 368, 712. ish 404. ishus 404. a 396. qap 290. qafna 290 . qaretha 541 . qarenanh 541. qaçura 135 . khumba 157 . khrûra 156 . khshap 694. khshapan 694. khshar 694 . khshi (dwell) 156. khshi ( spoil) 695. khshvas 387 . aêva 321. aiti 207. ainika 306. aipi 265. aibi 294. airima 325 . airya 312. aiwi 294 . anhu 378 . aka 130. aku 130 . akhsh 456 . aghana 190 . ÜZ 169 . azem 655 . azra 169, 170 . azhi 193 . (adam 655. ) an 307. ana 307. anazãtha 307. anuçant 135 . anya 310. ap 462. apa 263. apana 263. apara 263. apa - var 539. (abish 294.) ayare 582. ar 342 . arej 189. arejanh 189. areta 342. ared 250. arshan 344. av 389 . açta 209. açtar 206. açti 209. açpô 455 . açpya 455. açman 131 . ashi 456. astan 163. udra 248. upa 291 . upairi 290 . upanam 101. upaman 312 . upara 291. uba 291. uru 348. u - rud 712 . ush 400. usha 402. ushanh 402. ereghant 191 . erezata 171 . erezii 181 . erethé 342.

• ênder 316.

gaeth 465. gairi 350. gaosha 404. gami 465. gar ( extol) 177 . gar ( grow ) 179. gar ( subst .) 468 . garanh 468. garema 185 . garew 484. garewa 471 . (garb 484.) (garmapada 485. ) gâ 465 . guz 259. gyâo 201 . grantô 203 . ca 479. ( caispis 491) . cathware 480. ci 181. citha 481 . cithí 481 . cisca 481 .

• cûcah 140. ghena 174.

katâra 459. kamara 140. kameredha 140. karesh 480. jam 465.. ji 469, 483 . jî 469. jîv 469. jîvya 469. ERANIAN INDEX. 507 ( žanak 667.) . zairi 202. zairina 202. zaothra 205 . zaurva 175 . zad 199 . żan 174. zar 199 . zaranu 204. zaranya 204, 431 . zaredhaja 143. zi 201. zim 201. zima 201. zem ( zâo) 197 . zyo 201. zrád 196. zrvan 200 . zrvâna 200 . zhnu ( plur. zanva ) 179 . thru 354. nad 715. thwa 218. napat 267. thwi 235. napta 295 . naptar 267. napti 267 . daenu 252. naptya 267. daêya 235 . nar 307. dangra .229 . nara 307 . danh 220. nava 315. danhista 229. pac 459. navan 311 . danhupaiti 284. nacista 161 .. dakhsh 229. naçu 161 . dañtan 243. (ni-pis 164.) dar ( cut) 234. nunate 314. dar (hold ) 257. nû 318. dareghô 191 . nemanh 314. darez 191 , 257. nổ 320. daresh 256. daçan 133 . paeçanh 164 . dashina 234. paiti 285 . dâ (ponere, facere) 254. pairi 274 . dâ ( give) 236 . pancan 158. då (know) 178, 229. dây 229. ( patish 285. ) dâuru 237. pathana 211 . dâtam 254. pad 244 . dâtar, data 236. padha 244. dâthra 236. par ( bring across) 272. dâna 236 , par ( fill up) 277. dânu 229. para 269, 270. dâman 254 . (parus 282. ) dây 220. paresh 275 . diz 181 . parê 269, 270. didahê 229. parô 270. dîv 235. du 254. pacca 706 . dughdhar 258. paçnê 706 . dunman 259. payu 281 . dush 238. pita 270 . dushiti 239 . pivanh 276. dush -mananh 238. piça 164. dema 233 pukhdha 458. derezra 257 . pû 287 . dru 237 . pûiti 287. dva 238. perena 277. dvaetha 645 . dvar 256. fra- , frâ 285. dvarem 258. (fra 492.) frathaih 279 . dharshi 256. framan 101 , 312 . frî 284. frya 284 . na 317. nairya 307 . baệshaza 36. nakhturu 162. bakhsh 298. nakhtru 162 . baghas 298. tancista 498 . tac 498. taka 498. takhma 498. tan 216. tanya 216. (tafedhra 493.) (tafnu 493. ) tarec 224. tarep 223. tarô 221 . tarshna 223. tarsti 224. tavan 225. tash 219. tasha 219. tasta 219, 224. tighra 214. tighri 214. tu 225. tuc 219. tûm 218. temanh 533 . temanha 533 . paç 268. thraf 223. thrafanh 223. thraota 223. thri 225. thritya 225 thrishva 325. thris 225. 508 ERANIAN INDEX. baz 298. bar ( cut) 299. bar ( carry ) 300. bâzu 194. bânu 297. bâma 297. bi 238. bitya 238. bî 299. bud 262. buna 263. bû 305 . brâtar 303 . brvat 296 . ma 328. maidhya 334, 669. maoiri 339. makhshi 338. maga 329 . mazañț 329. mat 208, 209. madh 242. madhas 242 . madhu 260. madhema 334. man 312. manaňh 312. mar (meminisse) 331 . mar (mori) 333 . marez 183 . mareta 333 . maretan 333, 582. mareti 331 . mared 243, 327, 332. maệnh 161. macita 161 . mâ (metiri) 328. mâ (mensura ) 328. mâ (negat.) 334. moih 334. mâonha 334. mâcis 481. mâtâ 335. mîzhda 260. myazda 260. mrû 345. yaoih 611. víçaiti 134. yâre 357. viçpaiti 162 . yactô 611. vouru 348. yudh 399 . yevin 609. çatem 135. raokshna 160. çara 142. raji 184. çarana 464. rap 266. çarańh 142. ram 325 . çad 246. râma 325. çûra (spit) 147 . ric (pour out) 267, 456. çûra ( strong) 158. ric (abandon) 455, 456. çtairis. 215 . rud (grow) 354. çtaora 218, 553. rud (flow ) 355. . çtar 215 . rup 264. çtare 206 . ruç 160. çtawra 211 . çtu 216. vaêçmen -da 233. çtûi 216. vaêti 392. çtûna 212, 216. vanh (dwell) 206. çna 316. vanh ( clothe) 379. çnâd 319. vanh (shine) 400. çnâvare 316. vanhana 379. çnizh 318. vanhra 391. spar 289. vaz 186. çparegha 494. vazdvare 186. sparez 195. vazyañt 186. spaç ( look verb) 167. vazra 187. çpaç ( spy subst. ) 167. vad 260. çpâ 158, 435. vadare 260. çru 354. vam 325. sjâva 535. var 539. vara 539. (sandal 476.) varatha 539. varez 180, haurva 669. vareza 180. had 239. vared 538. hadhis 239. vareda 538. han 312. varena 574. hana 311. vareça 366. haptan 265. vardana 82. hama, hâma 323, 325. vaçtra 379. har 349, 537. vâ 390. hita 396. vâdhay 260. hiç 137. vâra 351 . hiçtâmi 211. vâreñti 351 . hu ( x0) 244. verez 180, 649. hu ( pig) 385 . verezenya 649. hu (beget etc.) 397, 398. verezyami 180. hunu 397. vehrka 160 (huwa 396. ) vi 394. hush 396. visha 391 . *hest 673 vi- snå 145 . hva 396. viç 137, 162 . hvare 541, 717. ya 398. yaz 170. yazıı 170. yava 609 . yavan 576. yaçna 649. yaçnya 649 . VI. Teutonic Index. ( All the branches of the Teutonic family are here united . c and ch are to be looked for under k, High -Germ . v under f, High -Germ . w under v .) arg 191 . aba 263. abraba 500. abrs 500 . absperren 289. âd 250. aedm 391 . af 263. afaika 401 . afar 263. aflifnan 455. agga 130. aggvja 190. aggvus 190, 516 . Agir 193. agis 190. aha 457, 462. ahjan 457. ahsa 386. ahsala 131 . ahtau 90, 162. ahva 118, 412 , 462. aihvatundi 455. ainaha 320. ains 320. airtha 344. aírzjan 546. aithei 207. aiv 388. aiveins 388. aivs 388. aka 89, 170 .. akrs 170. achten 457 . al 193. alacra 132. alah 718. alan 358. aleina 377 , 544 . alêv 361 . alêvi fairguni 361. älf 293. alhs 132 , 718. alja 359. arbaiths 293. aljan 358. arbi 296 . aljar 359. arbinumja 200. aljathrô 359. arbja 296. alilanti 359. ardhr 344 . alis 89, 310, 359. arfaru 273. aliths 358. alles 359. arjan 344 , 544. alp 293. arms 342. alt 358, 359. arn 350. âme 323. aro 350. ampher 341 . ars 350. amsa 341 . art 344. ana 307 . asilus 404. anabindan 262. asni 404. ana silan 383. asts 580 . anbiodan 262. ata 239. and 89, 205. âtam 65, 391 . andalauni 365. atbaírhtja 187. andanahti 205. athom 391 . andavaúrd 205, 345 . atisks 239, 251 . andeis 205. " atta 207. ando 306. augodauro 115 . âne 307. angjan 456. angnl 130 . augô 99, 456. angust 190 . auhns 699. ancha 580. auhsa 186. anstrengen 384. anka 186, 187. ansts 306 . aulamm 393. anthar 310. auso 404. antseffan 458. äusserer 227. ant - trunneo 237. austr 402. ânn 307. auwi 393. anut 317. avêthi 393, 394. -ar ( suffix) 75. avistr 54, 90, 393. ar 344 . avô 390. är 345, 544. ara 350 . bad 467. arabeit 293. bồn 467 . aram 342. baejen 467 . araweiz 346, 573, 719. bagms 584. arbaidjan 293. bahhu 188, 459. $ 510 TEUTONIC INDEX. bai 294. bajóths 294. barra 300, 544 . baírga 303. bairgahei 303. baírhts 187. balgs 487, 488. balco 169. bandi 261. banja 300. bano 300 . bar 300. bâra 300. baris (stem ) 301. barizeins 300, 301. barms 300. barn 300. barr 301. banains 305 . bauan 305 , 584. baúrei 300. baúrgs 303, 718. baúrthei 300 . be- 265 . beide 294. beom 305 . bërc 303. bere 300 . bêrusjôs 300. besprengen 289. bettistreuui 215. bía 265 . bibên 299 . biege 188. biene 265 . bigairdan 200 . bigitan 196 . bilaiban 267, 455. bilaigôn 194. biliban 455 . bim 305 . binda 261 . biraubon 264 . biru 283 . bismeitan 338. binga 188. bium 305 . blan 301 . blâs 301. blâsa 301 , 302. blåtara 301. latter 301. blázu 292. bleiben 36 , 456. blichu 187 . blødern 302. blóma 301 . deich 182. bloth 302. dekju 185, 684 . blóz 302 . demar 533 . blubbern 302. dennan 652 . bluojan 301. denu 255. bluot (bloom ) 301. derru 223. bluot (blood ) 302. dewan 218. bodam 263 . dîar 507. bôg 194. digans 181 . bôce 187. digju 219. borian 299. dishel 219 . botn 263. dimpten 227. brandr 230 . diups 502 . brane 296. dius 256. bräutigam 197. divan 534 . brâwa 296. dolêm 220. bregen 520. dôm 254. brëstan 531 . dôms 254, 255 . brikan 531 . dona 217. bringen 301 . donar 217 . brim 519. donen 256. brinnan 304, 499. dorf 266. brort 713. draga 191 . brôthar 304. drâjan 222, 461 . brothra hans 304. drakma 418. brôthralubô 370 . drec 167. bruch 159. droenen 258. brukjan 584. drum 221 . brunna (n ) 304. drunjus 258. brunno 304. drusseln 661 . brûn 304. dsa 609. bruodar 304. du 233. brûthfaths 283. dubo 227 . bull 302 , 303 . dultu 220 . bulla 302 . dumbs 227 . buohha 187 . dûmo 225. buoc 194. dûn 256. burdî 300. duncon 219. düne 256. d dropped before j 647 ; dunen 256. d not " shifted ” 246. dunni 217. daddja ( lacto) 252. durh 221 , 322 . daddja = tâju 609. dust 259. dâhâ 218. daigs 181 . e thinned from a 89 ; damf 493. 0.-H.-G. e older than daubs 227. Goth . i 431 . daúltar 258. ealhstede 132 . dauns 259. ebar 142. daúr 258. eggja 131 . daúravards 349. ëhu 449, 455. danths 534. ei 394. dauthus 534 . eigir 394 , 598. dëhsa 219. eimber 606 . dëhsen 219. eisca 404. deiga 181 . eiscôn 404 , 667. TEUTONIC INDEX. 511 eit 250. fathm 210. eiten 250. -faths 283 . elaho 131 , 132. fatt 270. elamm 393. faúhô 360. Elba 293. faúr 270. Elbe 293 . faúra 270 . elbiz 293. faúrbiudan 262 . elgr 131 . favai 271 . elilente 359. feáva 271 . elina 377. fëdah 210 . elinbogo 188. födara 210, 699. elles 359. fêh 164. entrinnen 237. fêhida 163 . eofor 142. fêhjan 163. er- 387. fel 271 . êra 382 . feld 272 . erbse 573. felga 165 . erran 344. fels 271 . ersticken 215, 690 . fendo 270 . erwet 346. fer- 269 . êwa 388. ver- 269. ferno 273 . f Indog. k 480. fersa 283. fadam 210, 217, 431 , vërn 275. 441 . vërnent 275. fadar 270, 431 . vërt 275 . fadhu 270. fesa 277. fagrs 268. fëtah 210. fah 268. few 271 . fahan 114, 268. fêzzar 244. fahs 163. fidurragineis 189 . faihu 268, 281 . fidvôr 27 , 480 . faíhugairns 198. figgrs 113. fair 269. fihu 268. faírnis 275. -fill 271. fairra 273. filleins 271 . faírzna 489. filu 282. falcho 169. filo - faihs 164. fallan 375. filusna 282. falo ( falawêr) 271 . filz 277 . falo ( falwes) 557. fimf 458 . faltha 165. finde 210. fana 276. findu 210. fano 276. fintha 210 . far- 269, 283. fior 480. farah 165, 718. fjöturr 244. faran 273. firzu 245. farawâ ( to colour) 572. visellîn 272. farjan 273 . fiuhta 163 . farspirnan 289. fiuka 500. farveitl 241. fiur 287. farwâzu 247. Alah 164. far -ziru 234. flahs 165. fasal 272 . lahôm 165 . fatar 270. flatr 279. fataro 270. flaum 280. flegil 278 . fleiri 282 . fêkan 278, 279. flewiu 280 . flintu 165 . flins 279 . fliuzu 280 . flödas 280 . fôh 377 . floum 281 . fnast 280 . fnëhan 280. fodeins 270 . fôdjan 270 . fôhê 271 . fol 277 . folc 76, 277 . folma 269. folo 288. fona 263. vora 270 . fôtus 244. fra 269. fraitan 40 . fraliusan 371 . frâo 284. frathjan 660. fraths 660 . frijôn 284. frijônds 284. friosan 353. frô 284. fruma 76, 285 . frumist 285 . fruo 285. fai 287. fûki 287 . fula /n ) 288. fullafahjan 268. fullô 277 . fulls 277 , 544. füls 287 . fuoga 268. fuoz 244. furh 165. furi 270. furiro 285 . furisto 285. fûst 81 , 287, 366 . fyrs 288. g from j 598 ; -g, Goth . suffix 488. ga-, ge- 395 . ga-aggvja 190. 512 TEUTONIC INDEX. gabaúr 300. gabaúrths 300. gabrika 511 . gabruka 531 . gadaúrsan 256. gadêds 254. gadigis 181 . gafagjan 268. gafuogi 268. gaggan 466 . gagrim 203. gajukô 181 . galeithan 488. gallâ 203. galm 177 . galonbo 36. gamains 325 . gaminthi 312. gaminan 101, 312. gần 466. ganagljan 322 ganah 309. ganamnjan 321 . gans 200. gaquiunan 469. gards 200. gariudjó 252. garnir 203. gasinthja 240. gaskapjan 166. gasts 486 . gasuljan 376 . gataíra 234 . gatamjan 231 . gathaúrsans 223. gatils 231. gauh 152 . gavadjon 249. gavagja 192. gavasjan 23, 379. gavaúrdi 345. gavi 177, 197. gavigan 192. gaviljis 539. gawahanjan 452. gërî 198 . gering 192. gerjan 380 . gërôn 198. gersta 155 . gescheit 109. gösteron 201 . get 196. gewinn 322 . gîêm 196. gihu 401 . gín 196 . ginêm 196. giri 198. girî 198. gischt 380 . gistradagis 201 . gitan 196. gitar 256 . ginta 204. giwaht 452. giwar 349. giwizo 241 . gjö 201 . gläd 202 . glaggvus 177. glauben 36. gleáv 177 . gomo 197. grâ 175. graba 179. gram 203. gramizzôn 203. grâwêr 175 . greipan 485. grêtan 197. grim 203. grimetan 203. grimmida 203. grîs 175 . gríss 202 . grôba 179 . grôju 202. grôni 202, 545. gross 359, 538 . grow 359, 538. gruoju 202. gulth 204. guma 197. gund 399. guth 260. gymbr 202 . häfar 142. hafja 141 . hafr 142. haft 141 . hahau 153. hahsa 153. haihs 42, 168 . hails 140, 544 , 669. hailstone 144 . haims 145. hairtô 29, 142, 544 . haírus 147 . hais 144. halam 138. halja 139 . hallus 144. halm 138. halôn 138. halsagga 130. bamar 131. hamarr 131 . hamfs 152 , 501 . hamo 685 . hana 140 . hanc 383. hanf 140. hano 177 . hanpr 140. happa 264. hardus 144. harti 144. harto 154. hatan 261 . haubith 143, 148. haúri 144. haurn 146. hausjan 151 . hauwan 152 . heáfod 148 . heafola 148. hearfest 143. hêdar 138. hefte 141 . hei 14. hein 159. heitar 138. heito 144. heiva 145. hëlan 139. hella 139. heorot 146 . herbist 143 . hëru 147 . hërzâ 142. hilde 139. hilgen 139. ge 201 . geimi 201. geinôm 196. geiz 202. geliberôt 266 . gëllen 177 . gëlo 202. gelonben 36 . geniessen 715. gër 198 . gêr 598. -h (suffix ) 377. -ha (suffix ) 304. hafela 148. TEUTONIC INDEX. 513 juggs 575. % 417. hille 139. hands 158. jau 398. hinke 383 . huon 140 . jehan 401 . hinthan 196. hups 518. jêr 357. hiörr 147 . hv = Indog. k 452, 460, jësan 380, 609. hippe 264. 462. -jo, weak decl. in , 637 . hirni 142. hvaírban 353, 464. joh, joch 181 . hiruz 146. hvairnei 142. John 609. hise 144. hvaiti 293. ju 620. hiare 358. hvalf 62. jugga - lauths 364 . hîwâ 145. hvan 460. hîwo 145. hvapja 141 , 280. juk 181. hizza 144. hvar 460. jukuzi 181 . hjalt 452 . hvas 460, 590 . jung 589. hlains 150 . hvassaba 261 . jus 399. hlaiv 150. hvath 460. juthan 620. hlaupa 143 . hvathar 460. hleithra 150. hwëdar 460. k, not shifted 522 ; k hlifa 149 . hveits 293. Goth . for x 417 ; k hliftus 62, 149. hỹdan 259. Skt. kh 86 ; k in borrow hlija 150. hyr 144. ed words hlinêm 150. kalbô 471 . hliuma 150, 544. i thinned from a 89. call 177 . hlosêm 150, 371 . idal 250. kalla 177. hloufan 63, 143. iddja 67, 403, 609. calo 86. hlût 150 . igil 193. kalp 471 . hlûtar 151 . ik 308, 514, 678. camb 173 . hlutrs 151 . îlan 540. kann 178. hnit 242 . im 378. katr 172. hniz 242 . imbi 265 . kaupôn 141 . holl 364. in 309. kaureins 468 . hof 148. -in ( Suffix) 75 . kauritha 468 . hol 156. inna 309. kaurjan 468 . holm 152. innâdiri 309. kaúrn 176 . holt 376 . innathró 309 . kaurs 468. holz 376. innoma 309. kausjan 176 . horn 18. innh 307 . keinan 174. hort 17 . irren 546. këla 471 . houbit 142. ist 54, 378, 431 . kêlikn 152 . hraban 153. ita 239. kijan 174. hrad 153. ital 250. chind 174 . hraiv 154. itruchan 181 . kinnus 308, 514. hramjan 68, 155. iwih 515. kipfel 517. hrão 156. izu 239. kirru 177 . hrata 153. kinsa 176 . hreo 154 . j, 0.-H.-G. turns to e kjerk 452. hridder 155 . 592; j to g 598 ; j, with knâu 90, 178. hrîm 156. prefixed d 609; j lost kniu 179. hrind 146. in the Scand. lang. chnuat 174. hring 157. 548, 589. koman 466 . hracki 352. ja 609, 620 . kopflauch 148 . hrnkjan 522. jaabi 398. kostr 176. hraoh 153 . jagôn 647 . koufan 141 . hryggr 352. koufôn 141 . hûd 168. jains 620. köpfen 296. holandi 156. jâcuno 647. cran 175 . hand 135. jár 357. chranuh 175 . Curtius , Etymology. II . 33 jai 620. 514 TEUTONIC INDEX. kukja 158 . kuni 76, 174. kunthi 178. kunths 178. chuo 90, 471 . kussju 158. kustus 176 . kvikvendi 469. kwott 452 . 1 , for Indog. r 347. ladon 138. laffan 365. lâga 194. lager 194. lager (laurus) 584, laggei 182. laggs 182, 191 . lagja 194 laian 642 . laiba 455. laikan 515. lacha 159. lassen 456. lathôn 138, 139. lathôns 138. laúhmôni 160. laun 365. laus 370, 371 , 544. lausja 370. lausquithrs 173 . law 367 . lëbara 266 , 267. lëdec 488. leeg 373 . lef6l 365. lefsa 365, 544. lefze 365. legar 194. leihen 456. leihvan 455. leim 368. lein 369. lecchôn 194 . lenken 368. leóma 160. lepja 365 . lepill 365. lesen 367. let 456 . lewo(n) 369. libirmeri 266. lidza ( for liggja ) 657 . liga 194. ligrs 194. lîhhamo 685. lîhti 191 . mann 101 . likkja, lisza 655. mânôt 334. lîm 368. mar 333 lin 369. marei 333 . links 368. mâri 331 . linnr 369 . mari- saivs 397 . lioht 160. mât 323. ljós 160 . manr 339. lioxan 160 . maúrthr 333. lippe 365 . mâven 323. lisa 366, 371 . mâza 242. lisan 387. medo 260. lithus 342. meil 372. linban 370. meina 312. linbên 370. mêki 328. liabs 370. mêl 372. liudan 354, 364. mêljan 372. liuhath 160. melo 339. liut 364. memor 332. lixan 160. mêna 334, 335. 11 , assimil. from lj 652. mênộths 334. loa 45, 371 . meord 260 . lob 370. mêr 329. lobốn 370. mêrjan 331 . lög 367 . metu 260. locken 136 . mëz 242. lôs 371 . mëzan 242 . lotar 365. midjis 89 , 334. lotter 366. miduma 334. low 373. miere 339. luhs 371 . mîge 194. lunga 290. mihhil 329 . lungina 290. mihma 194. lungn 290. mik 328, 515. lustôn 363 . mikiljan 329. lustus 363 . mikils 329, 515. lýsa 160. milds 330 . milith 331 . m , changes to w 577. milchu 183. mâdari 323. milti 330. maere 333. miluks 172 . mag 329, 335 . mimor 332. mago 161. minna 312. mahts 335. minnia 312. maíhstus 194, 287, 366. minnists 336. mail 372. minniza 336. mais 329. mins 336. maist 329. mir Sonth -Germ . mâjan 323. 577. macian 335. mis 328. machôn 335. miskiu 336. malan 339, 578. missô 209. malkus 418. mist 366. malvjan 339. mistr 194. mân 161 . mita 242. manên 312. mitan 65. wir TEUTONIC INDEX. 515 qums 466. ragen 189. miti 209. nefo 267. poran, porôn 299. mitồn 242 . negen niun , niwen puruc baurgs 718. mith 209. 584. mizdô 260 . nein 317. qu = Indogerm . g 465 ff . mohti 670. Nerthus 310. quam 67 , 534 . möndull 337 . -nes 320. quºk 469. môtluba 370. nëst 43. quëlla 467. muggjâ 339. nêthla 316. quẻman 466. mucca 339. ni 317 . quêns 174. muccazan 338. niba 317 . quîgr 208. múla 338. nidar 310. quicken 469. muli 339. niemer 444. quillu 467. muljan 339. niero 316. quiman 466. mund 338. niflheimr 295. quinô 174, 472, 704. mundôn 312. nift 265. quiru 177 . mundrei 312. niftila 267 . quistjan 560. muni 312. nih 317 , 479. quithus 173. muns 312. nima 314, 315. quius 469. muntar 312, 313. njörva 316. munzig winzig 577. nithjis 267 , 366. muor 333. nithjo 267. r, dropped 286. muotar 335. niujis 315 . mûra 324. niujitha 315 . ragin 180. murmurôn 337. niun 311 . raginôn 180. mûs 340. niunda 311 . raíhts 184 . mutilôn 338 . niatan 715. rakja 184 . mý 339. nn, assimil. from nj 652. ram 347 . mylkja 183 . Nóatún 313 . rama 155 . Nord 310. rauds 252. n, für m 441 . na 318. rëgan 190 . nian 316. nutzen 715. réganôn 190 . naba 295. nabulo 295, 296, 524. 0 , 0.-H.-G. 431 ; o from reichen 184. nädala 316. Goth. v 557 . reiks 184 . -naes 161 . oat 239. reccheo 180. nagal 322, 424. oba 291. reem 345. naht 162 . odem 65. rekkja , resza 655. nahtigala 177. ofan 699. renna 349. nahts 162, 431 . og 190. rieme 345 . najan 343 . öglir 193 . right 181 . naca 313 . ohm 323. rign 190 . nacho 313 . ohso 186 . rignjan 190. nâma 314, 315. oli 361. rika 184. namnjan 321 . ôme 323. rimis 325. namô 321 . önd 306. ringi 192, 544. naru 316. ôstan 402 . riquis 473. narwa 316 . ôstar 402. rîterâ 155 . nati 316, 343. oter 248. rjódhn 252. natjan 319. otter 248. rjódhr 252. nane 313. rôd 519. naus 162 . p, not shifted 143 . rohôn 351 . nanst 313. päd 270. rôda 354. navis 162 . pilipan 36. roccettan 181 . ne 317. piotan 262 . rost 252. nëbal 295. pipar 305. rôt 252. nefi 267 . pli 373 . rüebe 352. regen 189. 33 * 516 TEUTONIC INDEX. runne, rune 349. schwül 689. ruodar 345. séar 396. rnota 354, 519. segjan 461 . ryf 267. seid 396. seil 356, 396 . 8 , dropped out 376 ; s seito 247. expanding 371 ; change sêlei 374. to r 444. sêls 374. sa 397. sëzal 239. saf 457. sezzan 239. sagên 461 . sib 383 . sahs 145. sibi 383. saihsta ( n ) 387. sibun 54, 265, 366. saian 382 . sidôn 251 . saíhs 387 . sidus 251 . saivs 397. sigis 193 . salaha 136 . sigor 193 . salîg 374. sîhe 137 . salt 538 . sihte 137 . saltan 538 . sihu 137 . sama 323 . sik 396, 515. samana 323. sich 251 . samant 209. sil 396. samat 209. simbles 395 . samath 323 . simblum 395. samet 323 . simo 396 . sumi 325 . sineigs 311 . sammt 209. siniskalkus 311 . samo 382. sinista 311 . sand 686. sinteinô 312. sannr 207 , 378. sinteins 312 . sarf 264. sita 89, 239. saths 674. sitls 239. satjan 239. situ 251 . satul 239. siud 385 . sauil 401, 541 . sinja 385 . sch 478. sizzu 239. Schaff 166 . scaba 688. schaffen 166 . skadus 168 . schauen 151 . skafa 688. Schaufel 166. scaft 166 . scheb 165 . skaida 246. scheef 165. skal 376. scheib 165 . skap 166 . scheme 167. skapt 166. schîme 167 . scar 541 . schlürfen 297. scarf 264. schnauben 319. skathjan 246. schnauze 319 . skatts 246. schreiten 693 . scauns 98, 151 . schuofe 166. skaus 97, 151 . schwarz 82. skawôn 97, 151 . Schweif 685. scaz 246 . schweigen 685. skearn 167 . schwelen 689. sceffan 166 . schwirren 357. skeinan 686. skeireins 155. skeirs 155. sceit 246. skeran 689. sceliva 165. skídh 246. skilja 155 . sciluf 354 , 501 . skimo 167. scio 167 . skip 166. skiru 147 . scîte 199 . skinra 168 . scîzu 199. screwÔn 693. Scủa 168. skûmi 499 . scûva 168. scûwo 167. ský 167 . slâfan 290 . slahan 328. slaph 290 . slöffar 370. slêpan 290. slim 375 . sliupan 370. sliuzu 149 . sluccan 371. smal 579. smali 579. smart 681 . smeidar 245. smelti 243. smërzan 681 , smidón 245 . smielen 330. smieren 330. smilzu 43, 243. smitzen 275. smîzan 338. smuz 113, 275, 338. snaívs 318, 557 . snara 316, 681. snarahha 316 . snêo 318 , 557 . snîwit 318 , 681 . snor 320. snuor 35, 316. snur 320. snûzan 319. sôkja 454. sôl 541 . sola 376. sôrên 396. TEUTONIC INDEX. 517 sóth 207. steiga 195. svaíhrô 135 . soum 385. steigel 195 . svairba 297. soell 374. stellan 212, 652. swal 289. söhnerin 320 . stelle 684. swalawa ( swallow ) 289, spâhi 167 . stezle 212. 572. spahn 494. stërro 206 . swalwe 289. spanan 272. stibna 215. swam 384. spanna 272. stift 214. svamms 384, 685 . spannan 272. stifulên 214. svan 140 . spanst 272 . stiggan 214. swanz 685 . sparva 687. stiggvan 218. swarb 297. speak 286 . stihhil 214. svarf 297 . spēdan 687 . stihhu 214. svê 396 , 435 . sp © hôm 98, 167. stiks 214. swebjan 290. speiva 286 . stil 212. svefn 290 . sperren 289. stila 213 . sweif 383 . spîhan 286. stilli 212 . sveigja 383. spilôn 720. stingu 214. svein 385. spinnan 272 . stirbu 213 . sveinn 398 . spîwan 286. stirna 213 . sveiti 241 . spor 289. stiur 218, 684. sweiz 241 . sporôn 289. stiure 213 . sweizjan 245. sprehhan 185. stiurjan 211. svelan 376, 689 . spreken 286. stiviti 216. swëllan 375. Aprengel 275. stôls 211 . svês 396 . sprengen 275 , 289. störjan 213 . svete 228 . springen 289. stôzu 226 , 684. svif 383 . spriu 289. str, arisen from sr 354. swîfan 383 . spruojan 289. strahl 206 . swîgen 383 . spuatôn 687. strang 384 . swimman 384 . spuoan 687, 694. strâo 215 . svipa 383 . spuot 694. strauja 215 . swirbil 297 . spurn 289. streng 384. swirbu 297 . spurnan 289. stric 384. svöppr 384 . stafe 214. strỘ 215. svumsl 384. staiga 195 . stronm 354. stainjan 214 . stúfr 226 . stains 214. stumbalón 226. t becoming th in Goth . staírnô 206 . stumpf 226 , 684 . 423. staíró 213 . stumph 226 . tâ 133 . stacchilla 214. stunôd 213. tafn 232 . staks 214. sturm 226 , 684. tagr 133 . stal 211 . stürzen 226. tagrja 133 . stầm 211 . stynja 213. tahja 132 . stamph 212 . sû 385. taíhsva 234. stamphôn 212. suila 385 . taihun 133. standa 211 . sulh 136 . tacan 217. stapfe 214. sulja 376 . take 217. star ( rigidns) 213. sulza 538. tâcor 230. star (sturnus) 357 , 693. suman 395. tál 236 . stara 357. sums 395. tật 264. stat 211. sunjis 378 . tân 252 . staths 211 . sunus 397 , 638. team 231 . stanta 226 , 684. suozi 228 . teig 181 . stearn 357. sûts 228 . teiha 134. stëga 195 . svaíhra 135 . teite 224. 518 TEUTONIC INDEX. têkan 217, 218. tiuha 134. ungr 589. tënar 255 , 256. tívar 235. unsels 374. tennan 652 . Tivesdäg 235. unsih 515. tenni 255. tố 233. unst 76, 306. th, 0. -Norse, a spirant? tobel 502. unviti 241. 418. tohtar 258 . uohsa 131 . thâ 218. tôm 254. úr 351. thatô 218, tor- 238. us 290, 387 . thaírh 221 . tor 258. usalthans 358. thairlô 222. torht 99, 112, 133 . usanan 535 . thak 185, 684. tôto 224 . üsel 400 . thanja 68, 217, 648 . toum 259. "ushulon 156. thaurnus 492 . tradha 237. usilvar 400 . thaúrp 226. tragi 670. uslauseins 370. thaúrsja 223. tracht 301. usskavjan 151 . thaúrstei 223. trauan 584. usskavs 151 . thậvan 218. tree 237 . usthulains 220 . thefjan 493. treno 258. ut 227. theiha 219. trift 171 . ûtar 261 . theins 218. triggvs 584, 587. ûwo 292 . theyr 218. trinnen 237. UZ 227. thidhurr 224. trio 237 . uzana 306. thjarka 473. tritu 237. thiggju 219 . triu 237 . v, passes into g 584 ; thim 533. triveins 237 . v lost in the Scand . thiuda 225. truda 237 . lang. 518 . thórr 218. tuggô 194 . w, hardened to an ex thrafstja 223 . tunst 259 . plosive 572 ; w, changed thragja 195. tunthus 213. to m 577. thrah 195. tuom 254. wâ 460. thracian 473. tus- 238. vadi 249. thrâvan 222. tuz- 238. wâfan 454. threihan 461 . tuz- vêrjan 238. wâga 192 . threis 225 . tvai 238. wagan 192 . thridja 225 . tvaddjê 609. wahan 452. thrömr 221 . tvisstass 238, wahr 379. throsle 689. vahsjan 67, 386 . thrutsfill 271 . u , dulled from a 90 ; vahstus 386 . thrym 226 . half -mute e 569. vaia 390 . thu 218 . ûder 261 . vaihjô( n ) 637. thuk 515. uf 291 . vaik 498. thula 220 . ufar 290. vailamêrs 331. thûma 225. farô 290 . wain 193. thunjan 217. ufbauljan 302 . vaír 576. thuncon 219. ufblêsan 301. vairpa 353 . thunnr 67 . ufrakja 184. vait 99, 241 . thusundei 366. uh 479 . wachan 179 . thvaha 219, 447 . umbi 291. wachar 187 . thyrpaz 226. umpi 294. walî 574. tiber 232. un- 307, 431 . valjan 539. tifer 232. unc 193 , walm 574. til 231. unda 248 . valvjan 360, 551 . tila 252. undar 309. vans 691 . timber 233. undea 248. wanst 174 . timrjan 233. understivel 214. vár 44, 191 . tior 256. ungezibele 232 war 99, 349. u 519 TEUTONIC INDEX. vullareis 347 . wulluh 360. wulsta 360. wunsc 691 . Wuotan 507. wuoz 853 . wurzâ 353. wurzala 353, wara 99, 349. varjan 540. warm 485. varmjan 485. war nemen 99, 349. warón 349 vars visan 349. wart 99, 349. wartên 349. warto 349. vasti 379. watar 75. vatô 75, 248. yaúrd 345 . vaúrkjan 180. vaúrsty 287, 366. vaúrts 353. vaúrms 542. wazar 248. wëban 63, 297. webbi 63 . wed 249. veder 260. vedhja 249 . wefsa 385, 688. weg 193. végôs 192. vêgs 192. wëhha 135. wehren 540. wëhsal 135. veihs 162 . vein 393. veis 577. veitvôds 552 . welch 333. welk 545 . wella 360. wellan (roll ) 360. wëllan (wish ) 539. vêpna 454. wer 590. wërah 180. wërk 180. west 380. wette 249. wetter 260. wetti 249. wid 392 . wîda 392. widamo 249. vidan 392. widde 392 . widerswalm 375. vidja 595 . viduvaírna 38. viduvô 38. vigs 192 . wich 162. wichu 135. wicke 575. vík 135. viljan 539. willjo 539. vindan 392. vindauga 115. window 115. vinds 390. vinnan 322 . vinno 322. wirbel 353. wirz 353. visan 206 . wist 206 . vitan 241 . witma 249. vithra 238 . wizan 241. vôcor 187. vökr 186. völlr 362. volma 269. voma 325, 596 . work 607. væma 325. vraiqus 473. vrika 180 . yrincle 473 . vringan 180. wrong 181 . wrought 607. vruggô 180. vulfs 160. vulla 347, 546, 579. z ( Goth. ) desiderative 546. za 233. zahar 133 . zâhi 132 . zähre 133 . zâla 236. zam 231 . zamôn 231 . zand 243 . zar- 238. ze 233. zëbar 232. zêhâ78, 133. zëhan 89, 133 . zeigôm 134. zeihhur 230. zer- 238 ( bis ). zerlassen 456. zësawâ 234. zëso 234. zëswes 234. zi 233. zigâ 171 . zihu 134. zila 231. zilên, zilôn 231 . zimbar 233. Zio 235, 602. ziohu 134. ziru 234. zisamane 323 . zoraht 133. zuber 606 . zunft 231 . zuo 233. zur- 238. VII. Letto - Slavonian . A. Lettish. (Lithuanian undistinguished , Old - Prussian in brackets , Lettish with an asterisk . ) abejoju 294. abù 294. (aius 320. ) ákas 456. akìs 99, 456, 457 . akmií 29, 131 .

• aknis 454.

akti 99. alējus 361 . alkúnė 377 .

• alwa 373.

anas 307 . angis 56, 193 . ànksztas 190. ankù, àkti ( at-) 456. ànt 89, 205. ántis 317. asztrùs 131, 452 . asztůnì 90, 163 . aszutaì 455. aszva 449, 455 . atkarpai 143. àtmenu 312 . atmintis 312. at-vérti 539. augmű 186. augu 186, 187. ausis 404, 405. auszrà 402. áuszta 402. aúti 621 . avėti 621 . ávinas 578 . avýnas 390. avis 54, 90 , 393. àž 514. brekszta 188. brólis 304. broterelis 304. brotùszis 304. brukù 114 , 303. budinu 262. budrus 262. búgti 188 . bumbuls 292 . bundu, budéti 262. butas 305. bùi 305 . ap- 265. ap -ánksinu 265. ap-vynýs 393. apë 265. (ape 462.) api- 265 . api-lasùs 366.

• apsa 385 .

ápstas 500. apstùs 500 . àr 343. arìmas 344 . arklas 344 . artì 342. árti 344, 544. àrtymas 342. àrtinti 342. ásilas 404. aslà 381. aszarà 133. aszìs 386., aszmű 131 . H badaú 467. bajus 299. bámba 295 . bang ) 531 . Bang -putys 531 . bangùs 188. bébrus 305 . begu 188. bérnass 300. bézdas 229. bezdù 229. bijáu 299. bijóti 299. bite 265 . bitis 265. blizgù 187 , 188 . blusà 377. blužnis 290. (bratis 304.) da- 233. dailinti 231 . dailùs 231 . dantis 243. daraú 237. darbas 237. dažyti 30. debesis 295. dëdas 255. dedė 255. dėdėnas 255. dedù 254. delé 228. demi 254, dënà 235. dervá 238. dészimtis 29, 133, 434. desziné 234 . devas 235 , 508 . dëverìs 230. devynì 295, 311 . devintas 311 . dirbu 237. diriù 234. dýroti 134. dývas 253. LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. 521 dývitis 253 dývnas 253. dovýti 231. drasà 256. drąsùs 256 . dristú 664. dù 238. dubùs 502. dukté 258. dumà 114, 259. dùmai 62, 259. dumpiù 227. dùmples 227. durys 258. du bé 502. düdu 236 . di'mi 236. di'ris 76 , 236. dutis 236 . dvejì 238. dvì 238. gerklė 470 . gerti 470. gérvė 175. gervélė 175. -gi 515 . gìjé 470. gilė 467. gim 536. gimině 174, 441. gimti 68. gimtis 174 . gyrà 177. girna 176. girtas 470. gývas 469. gyvatà 469, 470. gyvenù 469. glindas 242. glitùs 369. globóti 521 . gódas 196. gor 198. ( gorme 485. ) goriíti 198. grábas 179. grábė 179 . grėbti 485 .

• grûts 468.

edikas 239. edìs 76, 239. édmi 48, 239. edu 239 . eimi 403. einù 403. eismė 403 . eitu 665 . élnis 362. ( enkopts 166.) ( enwackêmai 452.) erélis 350. eris 350. erýtis 344, 347. (er-mirit 331.) esaba 378, 379. esmì, ésti 378. esnis 378, 379. ézsmas 668. ežys 193. kadà 460. kai 138, 460. kaimynas 145 . kaistù 144 . kaitinu 144. kaitrà 144. kálnas 152. kálti 148. kàmpas 463. kankinti 138. kápas 166, 680. kapónė 152. kapóti 152 kariù 155. karmà 147 . kárti 68. kàs 460. katràs 460. kaúkti 152 . káulas 156, 157 .

• kauls 156 .

kelias 146. keliauju 146. kèlti 138 , 152 . kemas 145. kenkti 138 . kepėje 459 . kepù 459 . kerpù 143 . kertù 147 . keturì 27, 480. ketvirtas 480. kirmelé 542. kirmis 542. kirvis 147 . klausaú 29, 150 . klētis 139. ( clokis 132. ) klónotis 150. kója 119. korà 147 , 148 . kóris 149. kraipyti 143 . kránjas 154. kregždė 199 . kreipti 143 . kréivas 157. krýpti 143. krùvinas 154 , 155 . kuküti 152. kulnis 364. kulti 364. kumpis 463, 666. kúpczus 141. kùr 460.. kuriù 144, 154. i, 309. ilgas 191 . imù 598. intė 308. ìrklas 345 . ( irmo 342. ) ìrti 345, 544. įsakaú 461 . isz 387. iszkadà 711 . iszkalà 711 . yva 292. gam 536. gaminti 174 . ( ganna 174. ) gàrdas 200. gardūs 360. gàrsas 177. garsùs 177. geležis 197. geltas 202. gembė 173 . gemù 174 , 441. genté 134. gentis 174 , 536. jaú 620. jaunas 575.

• jaut 611 .

javaí 609. jávas 609. javënà 609. jëszkóti 404, 667 . jis, ji, jú , je 398. jùngas 181. jungiù 181. jus 399. júszė 611. justa 611 . 522 LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX . kuszýs 158 . kvapas 114 , 141 . kvepalai 141. kvepóju 141 . kvėpti 114 , 141 . 1lankà 159 . lápė 360 . (lapinis 365. ) lapukas 360 .

• laszit 366

. látras 365 .

• laudis 364

. laúkas 160 . laukis 160 . laukiu 160 . leju 368 . lekas 455 . lëkù , likti 455 . lengvas 191 . lénkė 159 . lenkti 367 . lepsna 266 . lesas 373 . lèsti 366 . lëžiù 194 . lëžuvis 194 . ( likuts 373. ) limpù, lìpti 266 . linaí 369 . lìnas 369 . link 367 . linkes 367 . linkti 367. linta 369 . lìpàs 266 . lýti 368 . liúbyti 370 . liubjaús 370 . liútas 369 . lìzdas 43 . ližus 194 . loba 293 . lobis 293 . lóju , lóti 1 nei 317 . nëkóti 443 . nerù , nérti 316 . neszù 309 . (nevînts 311. ) ( no 307. )

• nomr 314

. nümas 314 . olektis 377 . óras 390 . ožys 171 . ožkà 171 . maiszýti 336 . makaris 161 . malù , málti 339 . màn 328 . mandrùs 312 , 313 . manksztaú 326 . máras 333 . márės 333 . martìs 333 . matóju 242 . matiti 328 . meilė 330 . meilùs 339 . mélynas 372 .

• mels 372

. mélžu 183 . mēnesis 334 . mènkas 336 . mentùrè 337 . mentùris 337 . menù 101 . měnů 334 . mërà 328 . métas 328 . midùs 260 . miglà 194 . mýlju 330 . miniù 312 . minkau 326 . mìnksztas 326 . minù 336 . mirti 333 . mìrsztu 334 . miszinis 336 . mìszti 336 . myžù 194 . móku 161 . mólis 372 . mórai 335 . mote 335 . murmlénti 337 . murmù 337 . musė 339 . pa 291 . pádas 244 . padurmù 256 . pakájus 29, 145 . palaikis 455. pàlvas 271 . pampti 502. pántis 272 . pápas 502 . par 269. , lojóti 642 . lokýs 132 . lugnas 183 .

• lûkôt 160

. lúpa 365 , 544 . luszis 371 . lúžti 182 . lubas 178 . pàrszas 165 . pásaka 461 . pasigendu 196 . paskùi 706 . páskui 706 . pàt 283 . patì 283 , pàts 283 . pazlebetyju 197 . pedà 244, 245 . peíkti 163 . (peku 268. ) pelenaí 284 . pëmií 281 . pénas 271 . penas 281 . penkì 458 , 479 . penktas 458 . penù 271 . pèr 269, 270 . pérdžu 245 . periù 283. perkù 274 , 661 . pèrti 278 . pèszti 163 . pëtus 271 . -pi 265 . pìkis 163 . pìktas 29 , 163 . pýkti 163. pilis 282 . pilkas 271 . ( na 307.) ( nabis 295. ) nágas 322 , 424 . naktis 162 , 431 . námas 233 , 314 . náras 316 . narinù 316 . nasztà 309 . naudà 715 . naujes 315 . naujókas 315 . nè 317 . magóju 335 . mainas 324 . mainýti 324 . LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. 523 revà 542. riaugmi 171. rìmti 325. rìnkti 485. rópė 352. rùdas 252. rūdìs 252 . rūpēti 267. rupus 267. pilnas 277. pilti 277 . pinti 272 . pìrdis 245 . pirm 285. pirmas 285. pisà 272. pisti 272. pisznus 164 . pyzda 272. plakù 278. plasztakà 164 . platùs 279, 497. plaúczei 280. pláuju 280, 563. plaukti 280. plaútis 280. plekti 278. plevě 271 . plytù 279. plókszczas 164. plústi 280. s, sz for orig. k 452. sa- 394 . są- 394 . sakaí 458. sakaú 461 . salà 375. saldus 228. sápnas 290. saúlė 541. saúsas 396 . savàsis 396, 570. savę 396 . po 291 . potà 281 . pra- 285 . pra - kilnùs 152. prantù 660. prekis 274. prësz 285 .

• pretti 285.

pro- 285. prótas 660. púdau 287. púlei 287. pùlkas 277. púrai 288 .

• pûrji 288 .

pusle 499. pústi 499. puszynas 163 . puszis 163 . putà 499. pūvù, púti 287. pulu, pulti 375. sedmi, sédžu 239. sègti 106 . séile 375. sēju 382. sékis 137. sekti 137 . sekù, sekti 453, 454. (sen 394. ) sénas 311 . seneí 311 . sénis 311 . senýstė 311 . septynì 54, 265 , 525. septintas 265 . seris 355. sētas 382. sijóju 382 . sikmas 265. siútas 385. siuvù, siúti 385. skaidrus 138. skaityti 381 . skaitlius 481 . skëdrù 246. skëdžu 246. skèndu 166. skiriù 155. sklempiù 165 . sklysti 151 . skurà 168, 498.

• smeet 330.

smèrtis 333. snaigalà 318 . snēgas 318. snigti 318, 681 . sningti 318. snukis > 19. sodinù 239. sótus 674. spardyti 289. spartas 289, 705. spiáudau 286. spiáujau 286, 489. spingéti 587. spirti 289 . spragù 185. spurgas 494. sraviù 354, 681 . srebiù 296. sriubà 296. srovė 354. staiginis 195 . staigàs 195 . staklės 211 . ( stalle 212.) statyti 211 . statùs 211 . stavaris 211 . stebas 212. stebiủs 218. stëgju 185. steli'ti 212. stenéti 213 . stérva 213 . stýras 213. styru 213 . stógas 185 . stónas 211 . stóti 211 . stóviu 216. strajè 215. sti'lys 216 . stůmü 216. su- 394 . sunkà 457. sunkiù, sùnkti 137, 458. sunùs 397 , 638. surbelis 296. surbiù 296. surūkti 159. súris 350. surma 357. surus 538. suvérti 539. sváras 356. svàrtis 356. sveriù 356. svidàs 216 . svilti 376. svirtis 356. rágas 147. ráginti 190. * rahpt 266. rámas 325. ramdyti 325. ramùs 325. randà 252. rankà 485, 615. rasà 347 . ratas 345. rekiù 159. 5 524 LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. svyriti 356. szēmas 535. szétra 168. szeszélis 167. szeszì 387. szésztas 387. szészuras 29, 135. szikù 138. szìmtas 135. szirdìs 29, 142 , 544. szlaunis 150, 544. szlėjù 150. szlové 150. sznýpszti 319. szu 158 .

• szvilpa 288.

szvilpiné 288 . szvilpiù 288. taisyti 219 . tamsà 533. tamsus 533 . tarpa 223 . tàrpti 223. tàs - gi 515 . taszýti 60, 219. taukaí 225. (auras 218. ttauta 225. ) tavàsis 218. tè 217 . ( teikusna 219. ) tékinas 498. tekýs 219. tekù 498. telyczà 208. tempjù 68, 217. temptyva 217. tenkù 219. tetà 224. teta 224 . tetèrva 224. tetis 224. ( tikint 219.) tikyti 60 , 219 . tìkras 219 . tìmpa 217 . tìnkas 60, 219. veržiù 180. tinkù 219. vész- pats 162, 283 . tolì 482. veže 192. tréczas 225. vežimas 192. trìmu 225. vežù 192. trìnti 222. vidời 344, 577. tròksztu 223. vidurys 334, 577 . trýs 225. vidùs 334, 577. trupù 223. vikìs 575. trupùs 223. vilkas 160 . tù 218. vilna 347. tūkstantis 366. vilnis 360. tunkù 225. vilnonis 347. výras 576. údra 248. virbas 353. udroju 261 . ( wirde 345.) úgis 186. vìrpiu 352. ugnìs 107. vìrti 574. ungurys 193 . vìrtis 574. ùpė 462. výti 392. vytis 392. üdimas 243. výzdis 241 . udžu, üsti 48, 243. vólioti 360. iga 186, 187. i'gis 186. žalies 202, 545. vadinù 247. žandas 308 . vadóju 249. žàrdis 200. (waidimai 241.) žarnà 203. (wais- pattin 162. ) žąsis 200. vakaras 380. želiù 202. valiè 539. žëmà 201 . válnas 488, 539. žemaí 197 . vandü 248. žémas 197. vapsà 385. žémė 197. vàrdas 345. žemyna 197 . varsa 366. žëmìnis 201 . vasarà 44 , 391 . žengiù 466. vasarinis 391. žerėti 486 . veidas 241 . žerpleti 486. veizdmi 241 . žinaú 178 , 434 . vējas 390. žinomas 178. velyju 488, 539. žióju 196. vélyjus 539. žiótis 196 . vélti 360. žmů, plur. žmonės 197. vemalaí 325. žolė 202, 545. vemjù , vemti 325, 596. žvėris 256. B. Slavonic. ( Church - Slavonic undistinguished . ) agnýcỉ 578 . agorištì 193. aje 394. bajati 297. achati 306. basnì 297 . berą 300 , 544. azūkŭ 190. běgati 188. azŭ 514. ąza 190. LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. 525 i , ja, je 398, 399. ida, iti 67, 403. igo 181 . ima 598. imenovati 321 . imę 321 . iskati 404. is-tūknati 219. iz - uti 621 . izŭ 387 . iz - virati 574. i- že 399. beglicỸ 188. byti 305. bląditi 302. blekati 292. blekotati 292 . blějati 292. bledą 302. bledi 302 . blúcha 377. bobr (Bohem .) 305. bobů 299 . bodą 467. bojati se, 299. brakŭ 300. bráti (Bohem .) 300. bratrŭ 304 . bratŭ 304. breme 300. brégŭ 531 . brězgŭ 187 . brūvỉ 296. brūzēja 292. brůzŭ 292. buditi 262. buk ( Bohem .) 187. buky 187. būděti 262. bzdíti ( Bohem. ) 229. dětę 252. děva 252 . děverí 230. dychati 259. dymŭ 259. divadlo (Bohem .) 253. divesa 253. diviti se 253. dibrì 502. dînî 235. dînısı 235. dlūgŭ 191 . do 233. doilica 252 . doja 252 . domŭ 233. drěmati 232. dreva, drevo 238. drúzati 256. drůznati 256 . drūzŭ 256. drūžati 191 , 257 . duchủ 114, 259. dunati 259. duša 259. dūštų 258. dúva, dva 238 . dvîrî 258. dvorů 258. jadì 239. jahen (Bohem .) 647 . jaje 394. jamį, ěmï 239. jaro. (Bohem . ) 357. jelej 361 . jelenỉ 362. jes ( esse) 38, 378. ježì 193. jętry 308. jętro 309. jucha 611 . junŭ 575. juž ( Bohem .) 620. cělŭ 544. cěna 481 . cěniti 481 . četyrije 27, 480. četvrătyj 480. činŭ 481 . čislo 481 . čistŭ 138, 432. čitą 481. črėsinja 147. črūvì 542, 578. g from j 598. gagnanije 179. gagnivú 179. gąsī 200. glagolati 177 glasŭ 177. gnėtiti 43. gmězdo (gnězno) 43. gora 350. gorěti 485. gostự 486. govedo 90 , 471 . govoriti 470. govorŭ 470. grabiti 481 . graditi 200. gradŭ 196, 200. grěti 485. grimati 203. grobů 179. gromŭ 203. grūměti 203 . kadì 137 . kalŭ 145. kamenỉ 29, 131 . kyj 460, 648. klètì 139. ključati se 149 . ključi 149. kloniti 29, 150. kolo 157 . konopě ( Bohem .) 140. kopati 166 . kopet (Bohem .) 141. kopije 152, 166. koprŭ 141. kora 147 . korūda 153. kosty 209. kotoryj 460. koza 171 . kratŭkŭ 147 . krёрй 143. krēpŭkŭ 63, 143. křepký (Bohem .) 143. krivŭ 157. kruk (Pol.) 153 . krūvì 154. kuja 648. kukaviea 152. damì 236 . danî 236. darŭ 76, 236. dayati 236 . daviti 159, 231 . dabū 233. derą , drati 234. deseti 89, 133, 434. desinŭ 234. devętì 311, 479. devętyj 311 . dědů 255. děja , dežda 254 dělo 254. hnida ( Bohem .) 242. choditi 113, 240. 526 LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. pa 291 . kupa 158 . měna 324. obŭ 294. kupiti 141 . měra 328. oči 457. kupicї 141 . měsęcỉ 334. okno 115, 456. kūto 460. měsiti 336. oko 99, 115, 456, 457 . kvičeti (Bohem .) 560. milo 330. olěj 361 . milosti 330. olovo 373. lajati 642. milovati 330. onŭ 307 . lakūtĭ 377 . milŭ 330, 331 . opona 276. laska 363. myšica 340. oralo 344. laskati 363. myšỉ 340. orati 344. laskavŭ 363 . míčí 328. orilŭ 350. laka 159 , 368. mỉgla 194 . osa 385. la kŭ 367. mîna, meti 336. osì 386. legą, ležati 194 . mìněti 312. osilŭ 404. leka 367. mînij 336. osmì 163 . lēpiti 266 . mízda 260. ostrovů 354. lepů (viscum) 266. mladů 113, 229 , 327 . ostrŭ 131 , 452 . lěpă (decorus) 266. mléko 172. otici 207. léto 357. mlūza 183 . ovica 393 . lěvů 364. močiti 161 . lijati 368. močı 161 . lizati 194 . mogą, mošti 335. pada 245. ligūkŭ 191 . moknąti 161 . paliti 284 . linŭ 369. morje 333, 463. pmet1 312. livů 369. morú 333. pán (Bohem .) 283. ljuby 370 . moštı 335 . рарй 502. ljubiti 370. mraků 194, 554. pati 270. ljubimi 370 . mravij 339. pato 272 . ljubŭ 370 . mreti 333. peką 459. ljudŭ 364. mrúknati 554. pepelŭ 284. loj 368 . mrútvŭ 333. pero 210. loviti 365. mucha 339. peštỉ 459, 699. lovŭ 365. mušica 339. pęstự 287. lože 194 . petừ 458, 479. luča (radius) 160. na ( prepos.) 307. luča (Croat. umbra) 160. na (pronom . stem ) 320. pěsúků 277 . luči 160. na -poiti 281 . pýr ( Bohem . glowing luna 160. nay1 162 . ashes) 287. ne 317. pýr ( Bohem . conch makŭ 161 . nebo 295. grass) 288. mati 335. nesa , nesti 309. matka (Bohem. ) 623. neti (Bohem .) 267. pitati 270. mado 645. netij 267. piti 281 . madrŭ 312, 313. neže 317 . pitomŭ 270. maka 326. nětiti 43. pivo 281, 639. mažì 101 . nyně 318. piklŭ 163. medŭ 260. nogūtỉ 322. pina, peti 272. melja, mlěti 339. nošti 162. přsati 164. meta, mesti 323. novŭ 315. přstrŭ 164. mežda 334. píšenica 277. meždu 89, 334. 0 294. pršeno 277 . oba 294. plamy 281 . meknati 326. o - bavati 297 . playi 280. mekŭkŭ 326. o -baviti 297 . plavŭ 271. meta, 337, 497. 0 - brūvì 296 . pleme 76, 277. meteží 337. ob- uti 621. plesna 489. petyj 458 Pyro 288 . me 328. LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. 527

pleta 165. rygati 181 . snúcha, snocha, synocha plita (Bohem .) 279. ryknati 351. 320. pliują 286. rysy 371 . sočiti 461 . plova, plovją , pluja , robiti ( Bohem .) 293 . soků (natriyopos) 461 . pluti 280, 563. robů 293. sokú (sucus) 457 . plūkŭ 76 , 277 . roditi 354. soli 138 . plună 277 , 544 . rogŭ 147. spěchŭ 694. plušta 280. rosa 347. spěti 694. pluštự 277. roztok (Bohem .) 498. spina (0.-Bohem .) 277, pnu , pronti ( Bohem .) rūděti se 252. 683. 272. rūdrŭ 252 . srebro 354. po 291. růžda 252 . srūdice 29, 142. počiti 145. srūpînî 264. podŭ 291 . se 396. srūpŭ 264 . po - greba 179. s for orig . k 434, 452. staja 211 . po- jasati 611. saditi 239. stamenŭ 211 . pojasŭ 611. samŭ 323. stati 211 . poja, poiti 281 . sa 394. stenati 213. pokoj 29, 145. sbor ( Bohem .) 36. stěna 214. po - lačiti 495. sebě 396 , 572 . stěnì 167. polje 272. sedlo 239 . stignati 195. po-lučiti 495. sedmyj 265 . stīza 195. polŭ 273 . sedmï 265, 525. stolů 211 . po -menati 312. strachŭ 224. po -mosti 335. se da , sėsti 239. strěti 215. ponjava 276. sējati 382 . stroiti 215 . postelja 215. set{ 396. strugati 384. po- stlati 215. silo 356, 396. struja 354. poševi ( Slov. ) 165. synй 397. strugati 384. syrú 350. stříbro (Bohem .) 354. prase 165 . sitije 396 . 80- 394. prati 114, 263, 273, 278. sytů 674. suchŭ 396. prdím ( Bohem .) 245. sicati 137 . sŭ- 36 , 394. prě- 285. skaredovati se 107. sū -berą 300. prijatelĩ 284 . skapů 693 . súlati 538 . prijati 284 . sknipa 638. súlŭ 538. pri-tuliti 220. skoblĩ 688. să -mrūtĭ 333. pro 285. skopiti 152 . supati 290. proti 285. skopicỉ 152. sú - peti 272. protivą 285 . skorec ( Bohem .) 357. sūto 135. pršeti ( Bohem .) 275. skyrūna 167. svatība 675. průch- 275. sladiti 228. svatŭ 675. prūvyj 285. sladúkŭ 228. svekry 135. průvŭ 578. slama 138. svekrŭ 29, 135 . pūta 210. slanŭ 538. svekrivi 135. pūtica 210. slatina 538. svinija 385. slava 150. svirati 357. rabota 293. slezena 290. svirěti 357. rabů 293. slina 375 . sviriti 357. rak (Bohem .) 143 . sloniti 29. SVO- 396. ralo 344. slovo 150. svoj 396 . rame. 342. slnti 150, 544. šestự 387 , 479. raka 485 . slūnice 541 . šestyj 387 . reka 159 , 544 . směchů 330. ševi (Slov . ) 165 . reva, rjuti 358. smijati se 330. šija 385. répa 352 . sněgŭ 318. šilo 385. pra- 285. 528 LETTO - SLAVONIAN INDEX. vosa 385 . vozů 192. vragŭ 180. vrěnije 574. vreti 539, 574. vrúba 353. vrůzą 180. vŭ 309. va 309. vezą 192. šidů 240. v from orig. m 578. škrábati ( Bohem. ) 693. vaditi 247. špína (Bohem .) 277. valiti 360. štitŭ 168. Vary (Bohem .) 574. šuj 165. variti 574 . varŭ 574. taja 63, 218. táta (Bohem .) 224. večeriny 380. tapă 226 . večerů 380. tebe 572 . velij 581 . tekŭ 498. velikŭ 581 . telę 208 . veprì 142. teneto 217 . verēja 539. tesař (Bohem .) 219. vesna 44, 391. tesati 219 . vetůchú 208. tesla 219. teta 224. vědeti 99, 241 . teti 226 . vějati 390. tetrevī 224. věniti 322. tetiva 217 . věno 322. ty 218. vėra 574. tyti 225 . věriti 574. tíma 533. viděti 241 . tînîkŭ 67, 217 . vidokŭ (Ch. - Slav . Russ.) tỉnu, teti 221. 241 . tokŭ 498. vydra 248 . tonoto 217. vika (Bohem .) 575. toplŭ 493 . vykanije 452. túpătă 226. vikati ( Serv. ) 452. tretii 225. vikev ( Bohem .) 575. tresa (se ) 224. viti 392. treti, trýti 222. vity 392. tri , trije 225. vydova 38. trůnŭ 492. vîsî 162 . tukŭ 225. vlaga 190. tulŭ 114 , 220. vlajati 360. turŭ 218. vlasů 366. W. tūk 219. vlažiti 190. tūkati, tūknati 219. Vltava (Bohem .) 578. tvoj 218. vlūkŭ 160, 554, 726. vlúna ( lana ) 347. u (jam ) 620. vlúna (unda) 360. ncho 404, 405. voda 248. nsta 247 . voliti 539. uti 621 . volja 539. utro 402. vonja 306 . nže 620. vora 539 . z , ž in Letto - Slav. orig. g 434 . zabŭ 173. zelenŭ 202. zelije 202, 545. zelva ( O.-Bohem .) 173. země (Bohem .) 197 . zemlja 197. ze từ 536. zějati 196. zijati 196. zima 201 . zinati 196. zlato 204. znamenije 178. znati 90, 178, 434. zreti 204. zrúno 176. zvěry 256. že 399, 515. želati 198 . želądì 467 . želěti 198. železo 197. želŭvì, želvị 199. žena 174. ZeravY 175. žedati 196. živa 469. životŭ 469 . živŭ 469. žlučí, žlūtī 203. žlūtů 202. žrébe, 471 . žrěbîcî 471 . žrěti 470. VIII. Keltic Index. ad- 207 . -ad - badar 297 . ad - con - darc 133 . ad - fiadat 241.. ad -gén 178. aed 250. aer- 274. áes 388. afu ( Cymr.) 454. agaid 457. águr 190. aichthi 190. aid- 207 . aidhe 250. -aig 170. ail 358. aile 359. ailigim 359. ainm 321 . ainmnid 321 . air 274, 285. air- dircc 133 . airim 344, 544. air - lam 363. air- le 363. áirmim 342. áis 388, 389. aite 207. aith- 207. -aith -minedar 312. alaile 359. -all 277 . -alnid 277 . alt 342. altram 368. am 378. an- 307 . -anac 309 . anadyl ( Cymr.) 306 . anál 306 . (Irish undistinguished .) an- cretem 307 . ande, ( 0.-Gall .) 205. an- fiss 307 . ar 344. araile 359. áram 342. ar- a -ossa 206. arathar 344. arbe 296. arget 171 . arr 362. art 132 . as -biur 300 . asen (Corn .) 404. (asik ]*) ass 387 . assal 404. assen ( Cymr.) 404. ath- 207 . ath 270. athir 270. ato- m-aig 170. au 404 . auel ( Arem .) 390. ani (Corn .) 454. awel (Cymr. ) 390 . bás 300. bath 300 . bath 467 . bathach 300 . béarn 299. béarnaim 299 . bearraim 299 . beba 300. -beden 261. bedyd (Cymr.) 467 . ben 472 . Benén 193 . benim 300 . béo 469. beothu 469. berim 300 . berraid 299. -berrthe 299. bert 301. bethu 469. biad 469. biou (Arem .) 471 . Bituriges 152. biu (Cymr.) 471. bín ( vivus) 469. biu (Corn .) 469. bíu ( fio ) 305 . -biur 300, 544. bláth 302. blegar 183. blicht 172 , 183. bloden ( Cymr.) 302. blog 531. bó 471 . bodi (Cymr.) 302. -boing 531 . bo -mlacht 183 . bond, bonn 263. borg 303. bram 519. -bá 30%. -badar 297 . badez ( Arem .) 467. bádud 467. -baig 531 . bairgen 301. -bairt 300. baithis 467. baithiu 467. baitsim 467. bán 297. ban -chu 472 . bar 301.

• ) The words enclosed in square brackets are discussed in the addenda.

CURTIUS, Etymology. II. 34 530 KELTIC INDEX. bráthir 304, 330. com- srithi 355 . dét 243. brawt ( Cymr. ) 330 . con- bodlas 261 . día 235. brissim 531 . con -ro - taig 185. día 235. brith 300. corn 146. -dia 134. brosnacha 531 . co - scéra 147 . dían 234. buachail 471 . co smail 323. din 235. buith 305. co-te 460. dinestar 252. bunad 263. [ crenas 274. ] dínu 252. byw. ( Cymr.) 469. cretim 254. dith 252. criathar 155 . di-sruthigur 354. cacc 138 . cride 142, 544. do (pron. ) 217. cach 460. cródatu 155 . do ( prep. ) 233. caemais 335, 336. crúaid 155 . -do (Cymr. verb. ) 236. ( caithim 271. ) cruim 542. do- 239. canaid 140. crúu 154. dó 231. cani 317 . cú 158. do-ad- badar 297. cant (Cymr. ) 135. cuairt 157 . do -aith -minedar 312. karu ( Cymr. ) 146. cuddio (Cymr.) 260. do - berrthe 299 . ca - te 460. cudhe (Corn. ) 260. do -biur 544. canr 158. cuirre 157 . dód 231. caur-march (Corn. ) 158. cumachtaigim 335 . do - for-magar 329 . cechnatar 336. cumachte 335. do- fuibnim 300. cechtar 460. cumaing 335. do- n- ad- bat 297. céir 149 . cumang 335 . do -om -malgs 183 . celt 152. cumcat 335. dorus 258. Celtae 152 . cum- masc 336. dóthim 230 . cert 155. cur 158. druim 234 . cét 135 . curu 157. du- 239. cethir 480 . cuthe 260 . duad 231 . cethramad 480. kuyr (Cymr.) 149. dún 231 . -chiuir 274. dyw ( Cymr.) 235 . chuechet (Cymr.) 387. dá 238. chwech ( Cymr.) 387 . dacr (Cymr.) 133 , ebawl (Cymr. ) 455. 329. ech 455. chwys (Cymr.) 241 . dair 238. echaire 455. cia 481 . dam 231 . echtar 387 . cloathar 150. damair 231 . eguin (Cymr. ) 322. cloor 150. dán 236. én 210. clú 150, 151 . dant (Cymr. ) 243. ep Cymr.) 455 . cluas 150, 151 . -darc 133. ér- 274. clúi 149 . dau 231 . erbad 296. clun (Corn .) 150. daur 238. ereu (Corn . ) 344. co- beden 261 . dave, daved (Arem .) 233. ermitiu 312. coibdelach 261 . decha 134. cóic 458. deich 133. érpimm 296 . cóiced 458. erv ( Corn .) 344. -deis (Cymr.) 236. [ esel (Arem .)] coimdiu 242 . del 252. estarn (Cymr.) 215. coimnacaid 309. delb 334. ess 387. coimsam 335, 336. delech 252. etar- ceirt 155 . coir ( Corn .) 149. delu (Cymr. ) 334. eter 309. colinn 154. déne 234. eter - scértar 155. com- all 277. dénim 254. ete 210. com -alnid 277. dér 133, 329. etechail 210. com -arpi 296. derc 133. com - baig 531. der -met 312. etn (Cymr.) 210. com - bairt 300, 301. derucc 238. -fac - sa 453. com-mescatar 336. dess 234. faig 453 . KELTIC INDEX. 531 gur 469. -gur 177. fecht 137. fechta 137 . fedb 334. fén 192, 193. fescor 380. fessur 241 . feth 390. fi 391. -fiadat 241 . fích 162 . fiche 134. fín 393. findad 241 . fínemain 393. -fiss 307. fo 291 . fo - línfea 277 . fo -nenaig 318. for 291 . for- chanim 140, for - chun 140 . for - cital 140 . for -met 312. foss 206 . fual 351 , 352. fuislim 538 . fulumain 360. frass 347. for- con - gur 177. frisgair 177. [guerg ( Cymr.) intsamail 323. guin (Cymr.) 393, 584. in - sce 461. guisc ( Corn .) 379. in -uraid 275. gulan (Cymr.) 347. iou (Cymr.) 181 . guo (Cymr.) 291 . ir- dircc 133. guor ( Cymr. ) 291 . ire 273. ireiu 273. ir -ladigur 363. gúre 469 . ir -lithe 363. gurth -nher ( Cymr.) 380. ir -madadar 242. gute 470. ithim 239. guth 470. gwedw ( Cymr. ) 334. gwelaf (Cymr.) 349. lagait 191 . gwespar (Cymr.) 380. laigiu 191 . gwic (Corn.) 162. lam 363. gwiscoed ( Cymr.) 379. lám 269. gwr (Cymr.) 584. lán 277. gwreiddyn ( Cymr. ) 353, legais 367. 354. léic 455. léiced 455 . halan (Cymr.) 538. léine 369. haloin ( Corn. ) 538. leo 369. heb (Cymr.) 461 . lesa 367. heligen (Corn .) 136. lesugud 367. hen (Cymr.) 311 . leth 279. heul (Cymr.) 541 . lethan 279. huis ( Corn. ) 388. lethit 279. hveger ( Corn. ) 136. leu ( Corn .) 369. hvigeren (Corn .) 136. lí 271 . lia 282. iar - fac - sa 453. lige 194. iar-faigid 453 . lígim 194. ibim 281 . lil 368. ieu ( Corn. ) 181 . lín 277. il 282. lín 369. ilar 282. linim 368. imb- 294. linmaire 277 . imbliu 295 . litimaur ( Cymr.) 365. im -luad 280. liu (Corn .) 271 . imm- 294. llew (Cymr. ) 369. imme 294. llwyth (Cymr. ) 365 . im- rad 345. loch 159. im - thirid 221 , 222. lócharnn 160. im- tiagam 195. lóche 160. in 309. lóg 365 . in- agid 457. lóthor 371 . inathar 309. lounennan ( Corn. ) 365. ind- 205. louuern ( Corn .) 365 . in -dia 134. Inach 365. in- diu 235, 275. luach -té 160 . inga 322. luacharnn 160. inn- 205. -luad 280. in -nocht 275. luam 280. in- noct 162. luath 280. intamail 323. lub-gort 200. gaim 201 . gair 177 . gáith 201 . garan (Corn .) 175 . géd 200. gein 175 . geiss 200. gel 202. gelid 470. gelt 470. -gén 178. génair 175. genemain 175. gilither 202. gin 196 . gith 466 . gluan ( Corn. ) 366. goire 469. gorith 485. gort 200. gosper ( Cymr. ) 380. goss 200. grén 175 . grueiten (Corn. ) 353. gu 176. 34 * 532 KELTIC INDEX. ohan (Corn .) 186. oi 393. ois (Cymr. ) 388. bis 388. óm 341 . onn -uraid 275. ore 165. orpe 296. ós 386. oss 186. oys (Corn .) 388, 389. pa (Cymr.) 461 . paup (Cymr.) 460. peber (Corn .) 459. pedwar ( Cymr. ) 480 ( pernas ( Corn .) 274. ] petguar ( Cymr.) 480. pimp ( Cymr.) 458. pimphet (Cymr.) 458. pop ( Cymr. ) 461 . popei (Cymr. ) 459 . popuryes (Cymr.) 459. Īprenet ( Arem .) 274. pui (Cymr.) 481 . lacht 365. moghya (Corn. ) 329. lugem 191 . móin 325. moirbh 340. máa 329. mór 329. maam 330. moy (Corn .) 340. -madadar 242. muin ( Corn .) 329. -mag 329. mnin- torc 462. maile 372. muinur 312 . máin 325. muir 333. mair 331 . muit 338. mairfid 333. murrian (Corn .) 340. -mallg 183. mwy ( Cymr.) 329. malan 372. mwyaf ( Cymr.) 330 . -malt 339. mwyn (Cymr.) 337 . mám 330. mani 317. na 317. máio 329. nac (Cymr.) 479. már 329. nach 317, 479. marbaim 333. naicc 317. marait 331 . naich 479. marb 333, 334. nama 314, 315. maru (Cymr.) 333. nat 317. máthir 335 . nau 313 . maur (Corn .) 329. nau (Cymr.) 311 . mawr (Cymr. ) 329. necht 267, 268. me 328. nei ( Cymr.) 267, 268. med 260. nél 295. medón 334. nert 307. medw (Cymr. ) 260. • rtit 307. méit 330. ney (Cymr. ) 267. meithel 323 . ni 317 . meithleoir 323. niae 267, 268. melen (Arem. ) 372. niges 318. melg 183. nigther 318. melin 339. nimb 295. melyn (Cymr.) 372 . no 318. ménar 312. nói 311 . menne 312. nói 313. méraid 331 . nómad 311 . merien ( Arem. ) 339, 340. noit (Corn .) 267, 268. mescc 260. mn 318. -mescatar 336. nú 316. mesce 249, 260. núe 316. mess 242. mesganar 243, ó (ab ) 227. mí 334. ó (auris) 404. míastar 243. ba 454. mídar 243. oar (Corn. ) 291 . midil (Corn .) 323. ochr (Cymr.) 131 . mil 331 . ocht 190. milin ( Corn. ) 372 . ochtar 386. milis 331 . oct 163. mín 337. oet (Cymr.) 388, 389. -minedar 312. -mlacht 183. og 186. mo 328. óge 186. raissid 345. ramhaim 345. ra -mídar 243. r -anac 309. rem 285. ren 285 . reraig 184 rí 184. ríge 184. rímu 342. ro- 285. ro -deis (Cymr.) 236. roichan 336. ruad 252 . ru- 285. 7 saiges 461 . saigid 461 . sail 136. saileach 136 . saile 375. saillim 538. salann 538. sale 375. sallaim 538. samail 323. samaltir 323 . samlid 323. scailset 155. scáth 168. og 394. KELTIC INDEX. 533 -scéra 147 . -scértar 155. sciath 167 , 168. sé 387. sechem 453. sechethar 453 . secht 265, 268. sedait 239. -seich 453. selg 290 . sen 311 . senaig 318 . senchas 311 . sescaind 166. sessed (sextus) 387. sessed ( standing) 211 . sessam 211 . seyth (Corn .) 268. siniu 311 : slán 374. slucit 372. slogeth 372. snaidet 320 . snadius 320. snáthaim 316. snáthat 316. snáthe 316, snaus - sa 320. snechta 318. snige 318. snigis 318 . snó 320. SO- 378. sochuide 453. so -nirt 307 . sreth 355. -srithi 355 . sruaim 354 . sruth 354. ster ( Arem .) 206. steyr (Corn. ) 206 . stirenn (Cymr. ) 206. strat (Cymr. ) 215. stret ( Corn .) 215 . su- 378. suan 290. súg 458. súgad 458. suide 239. suidigim 239 . súil 541. sult 375. suth 397. topor 304. torc 462. torch (Cymr. ) 462. tór-mag 329. traig 195. tre 221. trén 257 . tressa 257. tri 221 . trí 225. tris 225. tú 217. tuath 225. tuicse 176. tus ( Corn. ) 225. tús 225. tut (Cymr.) 225 . ta -bairt 300. -taig 185 . tair 221 . tairm 221 . tairsech 221 . tant ( Cymr.) 217. i tar 221 . tarathar 222. tarb 334. tarrach 224. tart 223. taru (Cymr.) 334. teg 185. tech 185 . teime 533. temel 533 . tét 217 . -tiagam 195 . tiasu 195. tin- feth 390. tipra 304 . tír 223, 234. -thirid 221 , 222 . tírim 223, 234. tirme 223. to - garthith 177 . to - gu 176. toisech 225. to -malt 339. to- mus 328. ua 227 . uad 227. uas 386. nasal 386. uceint (Cymr.) 134. uch ( Cymr. ) 386. uchel (Cymr. ) 386. ucher (Cymr. ) 386. ughaim 181 . uile 377. uisce 248. uraid 275 . usce 248, 249, 260. uth 261 . uwd ( Cymr. ) 261. uy ( Cymr. ) 393. war (Corn.) 291 . [wreg (Corn .)] ych, ychen (Cymr.) 186. ystarn (Cymr. ) 215. ystrat (Cymr.) 215. Errata. Vol. I. - » 162, 17 77 Page 26, line 18 , for rost read root. 80, 7, in the margin add 65. 126, 26, for 486 read 466. 155 , second column for ei read âi . 159, line 3 , for German read Teutonic. 37 , for αλ - αλκ- ειν read αλ - αλκ-είν. 206, 18 , for for read st. 207, 20 , for from read ( from. 223 , 8 , for 143 read 144. , 237, 28, in the margin for 192 read 193. 249, 14 , for 186 read 196. 279, 31 , for Rt. read 248 ) Rt. 285, 39, for 259) read 258 ) . 337 , 1 , for 354) read 353 ) . 337 , 25, after spanna add span. 2 , in margin for 211 read 28 3. 377, 16, for 514 read 414. 1 , for ne- ap- ov read re - ap - 0 - v . 449, 6, from bottom for 541 read 531 . > 351 , 424 , - > Vol. II. 77 49, 99 27 Page 40, line 13 , for aud read and. 49, 6, for an relation read a relation . 29, for continous read continuous. 53, 12 , for und read and. 54, 11 , for must read we must. 55, 37, for venture some read venturesome. 65, 25, for can not read cannot. 96, 31, for occuring read occurring. 104, 6, for head read the head. 119, 16 , omit comma after seize. 32, insert f before changing. 202, 16, insert a full stop after this. 228, 1 , for confind read confined . 351 , 13, for not the slightest read but small. 372, 3, for hwith te y read with the y. » 198, و 3 77 1 ( ( . 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